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This study documents an important role for Social Security income in workers’ retirement timing. About 40% of public school teachers are not covered by Social Security. This provides an opportunity to analyze the causal impact of Social Security on retirement timing by comparing covered and non-covered teachers. Using individual-level data from the American Community Survey, we find robust evidence of higher rates of retirement among covered teachers at Social Security eligibility ages. This pattern is confirmed using an alternative regression model of participation in the teacher labor force. These estimates suggest that, should the federal government mandate full inclusion in Social Security for all public sector workers, the retirement timing patterns of newly covered teachers and other public sector workers would likely change.
This decisive contribution to the long-running debate about the dynamics of state formation and elite transformation in early modern Europe examines the new monarchies that emerged during the course of the 'long seventeenth century'. It argues that the players surviving the power struggles of this period were not 'states' in any modern sense, but primarily princely dynasties pursuing not only dynastic ambitions and princely prestige but the consequences of dynastic chance. At the same time, elites, far from insisting on confrontation with the government of princes for principled ideological reasons, had every reason to seek compromise and even advancement through new channels that the governing dynasty offered, if only they could profit from them. Monarchy Transformed ultimately challenges the inevitability of modern maps of Europe and shows how, instead of promoting state formation, the wars of the period witnessed the creation of several dynastic agglomerates and new kinds of aristocracy.
One of the most notable currents in social, cultural and political historiography is the interrogation of the categories of 'elite' and 'popular' politics and their relationship to each other, as wellas the exploration of why and how different sorts of people engaged with politics and behaved politically. While such issues are timeless, they hold a special importance for a society experiencing rapid political and social change, like early modern England. No one has done more to define these agendas for early modern historians than John Walter. His work has been hugely influential, and at itsheart has been the analysis of the political agency of ordinary people. The essays in this volume engage with the central issues of Walter's work, ranging across the politics of poverty, dearth and household, popular political consciousness and practice more broadly, and religion and politics during the English revolution. This outstanding collection, bringing together some of the leading historians of this period with some of the field's rising stars, will appeal to anyone interested in the social, cultural and political history of early modern England or issues of popular political consciousness and behaviour more generally.
MICHAEL J. BRADDICK is professor of history at the University of Sheffield. PHIL WITHINGTON is professor of history at the University of Sheffield.
CONTRIBUTORS: Michael J. Braddick, J. C. Davis, Amanda Flather, Steve Hindle, Mark Knights, John Morrill, Alexandra Shepard, Paul Slack, Richard M. Smith, Clodagh Tait, Keith Thomas, Phil Withington, Andy Wood, Keith Wrightson.
John Walter's book, Covenanting Citizens: The Protestation Oath and the Making of a Popular Parliamentarian Culture in the English Revolution, transforms our view of the popular background to the civil wars that broke out in England in 1642. It also offers a gripping account of the high political struggle to divide the nation along religious lines and to consolidate a very broad Protestant coalition against the catholicising actions of Charles I (at the very least his indifference to the threat of popery) and to put Ministers of the Word in charge of a mass mobilisation of hearts and minds. It is a story of progressive radicalisation. It began in early May 1641, at a moment of supreme stress that coincided with separate failed and foiled coups by the King and by the queen and that were intended both to save the Earl of Strafford from the axe, and also in the long run to shake the king free from a new dependence on a Parliament that he could not legally dissolve. Amid much acrimony and mutual suspicion, the Protestation was passed by the Commons on 3 May and was printed in slightly different versions two days later. Then, in the late winter of 1641/2 it was reissued and was made a campaign of mass subscription, with full sets of subscribers (and lists of non-subscriber) returned to Parliament. The taking of the Protestation was to be a bond that inspired and shaped the political choices of many people of all social groups throughout the 1640s.
This chapter is intended as an adornment to John's great book. It examines the Oath (or, as it turns out, oaths) taken by the ‘rebels’ in Ireland in the years 1641–7. It shows how, from March 1642 onwards, the English Protestation was (at least as a mirror image) an inspiration to Irish Catholics, who intended their fierce loyalty to the House of Stuart and modest claims to religious liberty, as a rebuke to Puritan-parliamentarianism. The chapter explores why the Confederate Catholics were unable to agree on a single form of the Oath and it explores the ethnic and social tensions revealed by that failure. The Irish Protestation was, in many respects, more radical than the English Protestation, but – partly as a result – it was far less effective in meeting its immediate and longer-term purposes.