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This chapter explores the importance of ‘image’ in African-donor relations. Focusing on East Africa, it compares the cases of Uganda and Rwanda – long viewed positively and supported by donor officials in spite of their semi-authoritarian tendencies – with that of Kenya, a country which has constantly battled with aid cuts resulting from a poor international image associated with corruption and ethnic strife. In attempting to explain why the three countries (or, at least, their governments) have been viewed so differently by their development partners, the chapter looks particularly at how the administrations of Yoweri Museveni, Paul Kagame, Daniel arap Moi and Mwai Kibaki have themselves attempted to manage their international image. Examining these governments’ ‘image management’ strategies involves a threefold investigation: first, into the personal relationships between African and donor officials, second, African uses of US/UK lobbying firms, and third, high-level African engagement with western media houses, think tanks, universities and other ‘knowledge producers’. The chapter ultimately argues that, if suitably skilled, African governments can use these strategies to manage and augment their ‘images’ in donor capitals, resulting in increased international assistance, but that, if implemented poorly, such strategies can have a deleterious effect on regime maintenance.
Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century provides the first analysis of the state of UK Africa policy in the era of austerity, Conservative government and Brexit. It explores how Britain’s relationship with Africa has evolved since the days of Blair, Brown and Make Poverty History and examines how a changing UK political environment, and international context, has impacted upon this long-standing – and deeply complex – relationship. This edited collection provides an indispensable reference point for researchers and practitioners interested in contemporary UK–Africa relations and the broader place of Africa in British politics and foreign policy. Across twelve chapters, the book’s contributors examine how far UK Africa policy has been transformed since the fall of the 1997–2010 Labour Government and how far Conservative, or Conservative-led, Governments have reshaped and re-cast links with the continent. The book includes analyses of UK approaches to diplomacy, security, peacekeeping, trade and international development in, or with, Africa. The contributions, offered by UK- and Africa-based scholars and practitioners, nonetheless take a broader perspective on UK–Africa relations, examining the changing perspectives, policies and actions of political parties, advocacy groups and the UK population itself. The authors argue that the Afro-optimism of the Blair years no longer provides the guiding framework for UK engagement with Africa. It has not, however, been replaced by an alternative paradigm, leaving significant space for different forms of relationship to be built, or reconstructed. The book includes a foreword by Chi Onwurah MP, Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Africa.
This chapter introduces, and sets out the rationale for, the edited collection, which examines the extent to which UKAfrica policy has taken on a distinctive character since the end of the New Labour era (1997–2010). The central argument advanced is that there is a need for scholars to explore the connections between different domestic and international drivers of UK Africa policy if they are to better understand the relationships between Britain and Africa, as well as the successes and failures of efforts to influence policy in this area. The chapter outlines the main areas of focus for the collection, and reviews and synthesises existing literature on the UK–Africa relationship. The authors situate the collection within three areas of inquiry: change and continuity in UK interests in Africa (instrumentalisation), power dynamics within UK–Africa relationships (agency) and the place of Africa in domestic UK politics (identity).
This chapter reviews and summarises the main findings of the collection and their implications for scholarship and policy. The chapter highlights some critical changes in emphasis in UK Africa policy since 2010, including divergences in emphasis and policy around trade across the three main UK political parties and a growing fracture in the 1997–2010 political consensus around UK development policy. In these cases, as with wider UK Africa policy, Brexit has represented a critical point of reference. The chapter also explores continuities in UK Africa policy since 1997 (and before), particularly in the realm of security and wider UK–Africa diplomacy. The chapter concludes by exploring the implications of the collection’s findings for understanding broader power dynamics in the UK–Africa relationship and for future policy itself.
Social media platforms have an increasingly central influence on global politics. Media of unprecedented reach, they have the power to sway elections, exacerbate societal polarization, promote or provoke conflict at all levels, and jeopardize relations between states. But what of the people who govern and oversee these platforms? For although algorithms and automation may underpin how social media content influences politics, the policies, approaches, and international relations of social media companies are directed or conducted by corporate executives and their representatives, actors who receive limited critical attention in International Relations (IR) scholarship. Combining multiple data sources, including field interviews with Meta and Twitter staff on three continents, this reflection suggests an approach to studying social media companies and their relationships to global politics that moves beyond abstraction and aggregation. Examining these actors and their internal dynamics through an organizational lens can shed fresh light on the contingent spatial, temporal, and normative drivers and enactments of their influence across the international system.
Significant heterogeneity in network structures reflecting individuals’ dynamic processes can exist within subgroups of people (e.g., diagnostic category, gender). This makes it difficult to make inferences regarding these predefined subgroups. For this reason, researchers sometimes wish to identify subsets of individuals who have similarities in their dynamic processes regardless of any predefined category. This requires unsupervised classification of individuals based on similarities in their dynamic processes, or equivalently, in this case, similarities in their network structures of edges. The present paper tests a recently developed algorithm, S-GIMME, that takes into account heterogeneity across individuals with the aim of providing subgroup membership and precise information about the specific network structures that differentiate subgroups. The algorithm has previously provided robust and accurate classification when evaluated with large-scale simulation studies but has not yet been validated on empirical data. Here, we investigate S-GIMME’s ability to differentiate, in a purely data-driven manner, between brain states explicitly induced through different tasks in a new fMRI dataset. The results provide new evidence that the algorithm was able to resolve, in an unsupervised data-driven manner, the differences between different active brain states in empirical fMRI data to segregate individuals and arrive at subgroup-specific network structures of edges. The ability to arrive at subgroups that correspond to empirically designed fMRI task conditions, with no biasing or priors, suggests this data-driven approach can be a powerful addition to existing methods for unsupervised classification of individuals based on their dynamic processes.