This article presents a cultural analysis of the Chilean TV series El reemplazante (The substitute). The series ran on TVN (National Television of Chile) from 2012 to 2013, and it is currently available on Netflix. The show broke televisual consensus in Chile that made the production of TV series invested in promoting dissenting political viewpoints virtually impossible. As such, El reemplazante can be conceived as an antecedent of the 2019 social uprising and as an alternative model of critical TV in Chile and Latin America. The article first examines the mediation between the patriarchal and racist model of the superhero teacher and the construction of a popular subjectivity that disrupts said model. It then deals with the hyperrealist aesthetic of the show as a privileged mode of enacting a social critique on TV, and it addresses the representation of the city and its geographies of segregation as a gateway to unpacking the problematic of education in neoliberal Chile. The conclusion reflects on the abrupt cancellation of the show and the limits that the Chilean production model places on TV series with transformative intentions.

Patent ductus arteriosus is the most common cardiac anomaly in our country. In the last few decades, there has been a lot of interest in developing less invasive techniques like video-assisted thoracoscopic clipping; nevertheless, this also has some complications. We present an 8-year-old female, which had been treated with video-assisted thoracoscopic clipping of patent ductus arteriosus. Five years later, she presented with a large aneurysm of the ductus arteriosus extending to the pulmonary trunk and a residual patent ductus arteriosus. A Cardia ASD occluder of 24 mm was placed in the aneurysm, and the residual ductus arteriosus was then closed with an Amplatzer Plug vascular II device of 10 mm, with a good outcome. The development of an aneurysm after video-assisted patent ductus arteriosus closure is apparently a non-reported complication; therefore, there are also no reports for its treatment. That is why we present this case as an option for its resolution.

We evaluated the relationship between plasma levels of anti-Müllerian hormone (AMH) and the number of antral follicles at the restart of the follicular wave in crossbred Holstein cows reared under extensive grazing systems over 2500 m above sea level. The study included 140 cows from 15 farms that were in average at the 75.3 ± 2.10 d post partum. Animals were synchronized according to the following regime: day 0 = intravaginal progesterone releasing device (IPD) + estradiol benzoate (EB); day 7: withdrawal of IPD + prostaglandin; and day 8: EB, for restart of the follicular wave on day 11. On this day 11, antral follicle counts (AFCs) were made by transrectal ultrasound, and a plasma sample was taken for the determination of AMH. The mean AMH plasma level was 0.06 ± 0.03 ng/ml and the mean AFC was 17.26 ± 0.38 follicles. A strong positive linear correlation was found between these two variables (r = 0.783, r = 0.613, P < 0.0001). Cows were categorized according to AMH concentration as high (>0.09 ng/ml), intermediate (0.09–0.05 ng/ml) or low (<0.05 ng/ml). Cows with high AMH presented a higher AFC (25.0 ± 2.21 follicles) than those with low AMH (14.08 ± 2.68 follicles; P < 0.001. Our results suggest that the cut-off value of AMH = 0.09 ng/ml may be useful for selecting donors in multiple ovulation embryo transfer programs involving cows with these characteristics. Our data further suggest that AMH plasma concentration correlates with AFC and can be used as an endocrine biomarker of the number of antral follicles present at a given moment of the estrous cycle in crossbred Holstein cows raised at altitudes above 2500 m.

The purpose of this research was to determine biosecurity measures at the dental office after the appearance of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). A search was conducted in the main databases of the scientific literature using the words “COVID-19, coronavirus, SARS-Cov2, biosecurity, disinfection and dentistry.” We analyzed biosecurity and disinfection standards at the dental office and dental health personnel to date, and their adaptation to the needs and way of working of each. As a result, according to the information collected the following procedure was identified: a telephone appointment must be made and a questionnaire should be given before dental care; at arrival to the appointment, the temperature of the patient should be taken and proper cleaning and disinfection of the waiting room should be maintained. Panoramic radiography and CBCT are the auxiliary methods of choice. Absolute isolation and atraumatic restorative therapy techniques are a good alternative to decrease fluid exposure. The removal of protective clothing and accessories must follow a specific order and washing hands before and after is essential. In conclusion, the efficient biosecurity for dentists and patients in all dental care processes before, during, and immediately after the appointment reduces the risk of COVID-19 infection and allows healthy dental care environments.

Can a concept such as dignity, with roots in hierarchy and exclusion, serve as the constitutional basis for advancing egalitarian justice within a democratic political community? This article highlights some concerns, via engagement with the work of Indian constitutional architect and anti-caste champion B.R. Ambedkar. Ambedkar strongly associates dignity with upper-caste status in Hinduism, and with dispositions to haughtiness or arrogance toward lower-status persons. His analysis has implications for recent treatments which frame dignity as a property which is possessed equally by all persons and is suitable for grounding egalitarian justice within political communities. In such accounts, dignity is shown to entail a defensive disposition and indignation against others as potential rights violators. This introduces tensions between the dignitarian foundation and in some cases very expansive social justice aims. Ambedkar offers an alternative conception of innate worth or worthiness, entailing dispositions to openness and inclusiveness, rendered as fraternity, Deweyan social endosmosis, and ultimately the Buddhist maitri. Such an approach avoids some tensions between dignity/indignation and egalitarian aims, while also offering a way to conceptualize human and non-human animal relations that avoids simply reinscribing status hierarchies.

Besides stating that global or cosmopolitan citizenship is an incoherent concept in the absence of a global state, some critics assert that it represents a form of Western-centric moral neoimperialism. This article develops some responses to such objections through examining the efforts of Indian activists who have undertaken intensive international engagement in their struggles against caste discrimination. The National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights has sought to close domestic rights-implementation gaps for Dalits (formerly called untouchables) in part through vertical outreach to United Nations human rights bodies. This mode of outreach is shown to represent an important practice of global citizenship, and to challenge a view of South agent as primarily passive recipients of moral goods within a global citizenship frame. Further, the Dalit activists’ global citizenship practice is shown to be significantly ‘institutionally developmental’, in that it highlights implementation gaps in the global human rights regime and can contribute to pressures for suprastate institutional transformation and development to address them. NCDHR actions are, for example, highly salient to the recently renewed dialogue on creating a World Court of Human Rights.

Many recent arguments for trans-state and global democracy would offer broad leeway on constitutionalized right standards to states, and few formal mechanisms for individuals to challenge domestic rights rejections beyond the state. Such a stance, it is shown here, tends to be rooted in implicit presumptions of domestic consensus. Challenges are offered to this and related presumptions in accounts of cosmopolitan democracy, as well as global variants of liberal nationalism and political liberalism. An alternative, primarily instrumental approach to trans-state and global democracy is detailed. It would give emphasis to ways in which formal suprastate participation, complemented by challenge mechanisms for individuals, could play a crucial role in helping to strengthen individual rights protections within states. The case for adopting such an approach is reinforced through attention to the efforts of a persistent domestic democratic minority – Dalits in India – to reach out to the global human rights regime for help in pressuring their own state to better protect rights against exclusion and subjugation.

How should the geographic boundaries of democratic participation be set? This has been a notoriously difficult theoretical question, beset by paradoxes around determining democratic participants democratically. It also is seen as increasingly important in practical terms, amid deepening interdependence between states, immigration tensions, and suprastate regional integration. Numerous recent accounts have called for extending participation beyond the state. The case is generally made on intrinsic grounds: democracy demands it. Respect for individual autonomy is said to be violated when outsiders are deeply affected by decision processes, or subject to coercion from them, without being able to participate in them. Yet, familiar problems around restrictions on the autonomy of persistent democratic minorities remain in such accounts, and they could be magnified with expanded boundaries. An alternative approach is offered here, grounded in a rights-based instrumental justification for democracy. It sees participation as foundationally – though not solely – valuable as a means of promoting and protecting fundamental rights. It recommends extending participation boundaries to reinforce protections within regional and ultimately global institutions. Democratic participation would remain crucial at all levels, not principally as an expression of autonomy but to provide checks on power and promote accountability to individuals in multilevel polities.

This article offer reasons why academics should feel compelled to play a more direct role in the alleviation of global poverty, specifically through participation in a new international network, Academics Stand Against Poverty (ASAP). Academics have the specialized training and knowledge, and the societal role, that make them particularly well equipped to make a significant contribution. They also have responsibilities to answer sometimes spurious or misleading claims made about aspects of global poverty by others in the profession, and to highlight ways in which their own governments are implicated in the perpetuation of severe global poverty. By joining forces with like-minded others in a group such as ASAP, they can enhance their own impact on poverty dialogue and policy outcomes. Those academics already playing prominent direct roles—for example, as government consultants, in public discourse, or through leadership in professional associations—can deepen their influence through sharing their insights and expertise with other ASAP members