Help-seeking for mental health problems is facilitated and hindered by several factors at the individual, interpersonal and community level. The most frequently researched factors contributing to differences in help-seeking behaviour are based on classical socio-demographic variables, such as age, gender and education, but explanations for the observed differences are often absent or remain vague. The present study complements traditional approaches in help-seeking research by introducing a milieu approach, focusing on values and political attitudes as a possible explanation for differences in help-seeking for emotional mental health problems.

A representative cross-sectional survey of N = 3,042 respondents in Germany was conducted through face-to-face interviews about past help-seeking for mental health problems, socio-demographic characteristics and values and political attitudes

Multivariate logistic regression analyses indicated that belonging to a cosmopolitan intellectual milieu group was significantly associated with an increased likelihood of past help-seeking for mental health issues (psychotherapeutic/psychological help-seeking [OR = 2.09, 95% CI: 1.11–3.93, p < 0.05) and primary care (OR = 2.21, 95% CI: 1.15–4.24, p < 0.05]), whereas members of individualist and conservative milieu groups were less likely to report having sought help from a psychotherapist, but not from a general practitioner. Increased odds ratios were also found for a number of socio-demographic variables, such as being aged 26 years and over, a female gender and more than 12 years of formal education. Associations between socio-demographic variables remained significant, and the explained variance of the used models improved considerably when milieu variables were added.

We discuss how milieu-specific patterns were relevant for explaining differences in mental health service use in addition to socio-demographic factors. It seems promising to consider help-seeking from a milieu perspective to improve disparities in access to and the use of psychotherapy as well as to resource allocation.

We will first examine whether seeking help for depression and schizophrenia from mental health professionals is nowadays more accepted among the German public than it used to be 30 years ago. Next, we will explore whether changes in help-seeking preferences between 1990 and 2020 are specific to mental health professions or are part of changes in attitudes to professional help-seeking in general. Finally, we will study whether a temporal relationship does exist between the advent of awareness-raising and anti-stigma campaigns after the turn of the millennium and changes in the acceptance of mental health care.

In 1990 (n = 2044), 2001 (n = 4005), 2011 (n = 1984) and 2020 (n = 2449) methodologically identical population-based surveys were conducted in Germany. After presentation of an unlabelled case vignette depicting someone with either schizophrenia or depression, we asked about help-seeking recommendations for the person described.

The German public's readiness to recommend seeking help from mental health professionals has markedly grown over the past 30 years. In contrast, in the eyes of the public, turning to a general practitioner has become only slightly more, consulting a priest even less advisable than it used to be three decades ago. Seeing a naturopath is seen with markedly less disapproval today compared to 1990, but explicit recommendation of this helping source has not increased correspondingly in. The most pronounced increase in the German public's propensity to recommend seeking help from mental health professionals occurred already in the 1990s, i.e. before efforts to heighten public awareness had started.

Today, the German public is more in favour of mental health professionals than it used to be three decades ago. This seems to be a specific trend, and not to reflecting an increasing propensity towards professional help-seeking in general. Our findings counter the narrative that mental health communication efforts and initiatives have created more favourable attitudes towards mental health care among the public, since the observed changes in attitudes have preceded any campaigns. Instead, we tend to interpret the rise of the popularity of mental health professionals as a reflection of general cultural changes that have taken place over the past decades in Germany, as in other western countries.

The theory of ‘what matters most’ (WMM) has been developed to understand differences in mental illness stigma between cultures, postulating that stigma becomes most pervasive in situations that matter most in a specific cultural context. The rise of populism in Western societies demonstrates that also within one cultural context, different values ‘matter most’ to different groups. We expand the WMM framework to explore the spectrum of stigma manifestations within Western societies, relating it to both conservative/authoritarian and liberal/modern values. From our findings, we will develop hypotheses on how further research into value orientations and stigma might address potential blind spots in stigma research.

Based on a narrative review of the literature on mental illness stigma and value orientations, we apply the WMM framework to cultural mechanisms of stigma within modern Western societies.

There are several studies showing an association between traditional, authoritarian, conservative values with stronger mental illness stigma, while studies examining the stigma within liberal, modern value orientations are scarce. We hypothesise on situations where encountering a person with mental illness could threaten liberal values and thus might provoke stigma among persons with such value orientations. For example, living with a person with mental illness could be seen as consuming energy and time, thereby jeopardising ‘self-actualisation’, the modern value of realising one's own full potential. As a result, a person highly valuing self-actualisation might try to avoid contact with persons with mental illness. Instances of potential ‘liberal stigma’ also include structural stigma or self-stigma, when, e.g. changing assumptions of what is considered ‘normal’ increase perceptions of being fundamentally different when experiencing mental illness.

‘WMM’ appears to be a useful framework to direct research to potential blind spots within the field of stigma research. Looking at instances where liberal values conflict with dealing with a person with mental illness could provide a more comprehensive understanding of stigma experiences among persons with mental illness. However, for measuring stigma, tapping into liberal variations of mental illness stigma is methodologically challenging. Qualitative work could be the first step to elicit potential stigma experiences based on conflicts with liberal values.

Population surveys have become a frequently used method to explore stigma, help-seeking and illness beliefs related to mental illness. Methodological quality however differs greatly between studies, and our current knowledge seems heavily biased towards high-income countries. A critical appraisal of advances and shortcomings of psychiatric attitude research is missing. This review summarises and appraises the state of the art in population-based attitude research on mental health.

Systematic review of all peer-reviewed papers reporting representative population studies on beliefs and attitudes about mental disorders published between January 2005 and December 2014 (n = 478).

Over the decade covered by this review considerably more papers on psychiatric attitude research have been published than over the whole time period before. Most papers originated in Europe (36.3%), North America (23.2%) and Australia (22.6%), only 14.6% of all papers included data from low- or middle income countries. The vast majority of papers (80.1%) used correlational cross-sectional analyses, only 4% used experimental or quasi-experimental designs. Data in 45.9% of all papers were obtained with face-to-face interviews, followed by telephone (34.5%), mail (7.3%) and online surveys (4.0%). In almost half of papers (44.6%) case-vignettes served as stimulus for eliciting responses from interviewees. In 20.7% instruments meeting established psychometric criteria were used. The most frequently studied disorder was depression (44.6% of all paper), followed by schizophrenia (33%). 11.7% of papers reported time trend analyses of attitudes and beliefs, 7.5% cross-cultural comparisons. The most common focus of research was on mental health literacy (in total 63.4% of all papers, followed by various forms of stigma (48.3%).There was a scarcity of papers (12.1%) based on established theoretical frameworks.

In the current boom of attitude research, an avant-garde of studies uses profound and innovative methodology, but there are still blind spots and a large proportion of conventional studies. We discuss current and future methodological challenges that psychiatric attitude research needs to embrace. More innovative and methodologically sound studies are needed to provide an empirical basis for evidence-based interventions aimed at reducing misconceptions about mental disorders and improve attitudes towards those afflicted.

Previous population-based studies did not support the view that biological and genetic causal models help increase social acceptance of people with mental illness. However, practically all these studies used un-labelled vignettes depicting symptoms of the disorders of interest. Thus, in these studies the public's reactions to pathological behaviour had been assessed rather than reactions to psychiatric disorders that had explicitly been labelled as such. The question arises as to whether results would have been similar if respondents had been confronted with vignettes with explicit mention of the respective diagnosis.

Analyses are based on data of a telephone survey in two German metropolises conducted in 2011. Case-vignettes with typical symptoms suggestive of depression or schizophrenia were presented to the respondents. After presentation of the vignette respondents were informed about the diagnosis.

We found a statistically significant association of the endorsement of brain disease as a cause with greater desire for social distance from persons with schizophrenia. In major depression, this relation was absent. With both disorders, there was no statistically significant association between the endorsement of hereditary factors as a cause and social distance.

Irrespective of whether unlabelled or labelled vignettes are employed, the ascription to biological or genetic causes seems not to be associated with a reduction of the public's desire for social distance from people with schizophrenia or depression. Our results corroborate the notion that promulgating biological and genetic causal models may not help decrease the stigma surrounding these illnesses.

In recent years, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the Mental Health Declaration for Europe and other initiatives laid the ground for improving the rights of persons with mental illness. This study aims to explore to what extent these achievements are reflected in changes of public attitudes towards restrictions on mentally ill people.

Data from two population surveys that have been conducted in the ‘new’ States of Germany in 1993 and 2011 are compared with each other.

The proportion of respondents accepting compulsory admission of mentally ill persons to a psychiatric hospital remained unchanged in general, but the proportion opposing compulsory admission on grounds not sanctioned by law declined. In contrast, more respondents were opposed to permanently revoking the driver's license and fewer supported abortion and (voluntary) sterilisation in 2011. Concerning the right to vote and compulsory sterilisation, the proportion of those who did not give their views increased most.

Two divergent trends in public attitudes towards restrictions on people with mental disorders emerge: While, in general, people's views on patients' rights have become more liberal, the public is also more inclined to restricting patients’ freedom in case of deviant behaviour.

There is substantial diversity in national suicide rates, which has mainly been related to socio-economic factors, as well as cultural factors. Stigma is a cultural phenomenon, determining the level of social acceptance or rejection of persons with mental illness in a society. In this study, we explore whether national suicide rates are related to the degree of mental illness stigma in that country.

We combine the data on country-level social acceptance (Eurobarometer) with the data on suicide rates and socio-economic indicators (Eurostat) for 25 European countries.

In a linear regression model controlling for socio-economic indicators, the social acceptance of someone with a significant mental health problem in 2010 was negatively correlated with age standardised national suicide rates in the same year (β −0.46, p = 0.014). This association also held true when combining national suicide rates with death rates due to events of undetermined intent.

Stigma towards persons with mental health problems may contribute to differences in suicide rates in a country. We hypothesise possible mechanisms explaining this link, including stigma as a stressor and social isolation as a consequence of stigma.

There is an ongoing debate whether biological illness explanations improve tolerance towards persons with mental illness or not. Several theoretical models have been proposed to predict the relationship between causal beliefs and social acceptance. This study uses path models to compare different theoretical predictions regarding attitudes towards persons with schizophrenia, depression and alcohol dependence.

In a representative population survey in Germany (n = 3642), we elicited agreement with belief in biogenetic causes, current stress and childhood adversities as causes of either disorder as described in an unlabelled case vignette. We further elicited potentially mediating attitudes related to different theories about the consequences of biogenetic causal beliefs (attribution theory: onset responsibility, offset responsibility; genetic essentialism: differentness, dangerousness; genetic optimism: treatability) and social acceptance. For each vignette condition, we calculated a multiple mediator path model containing all variables.

Biogenetic beliefs were associated with lower social acceptance in schizophrenia and depression, and with higher acceptance in alcohol dependence. In schizophrenia and depression, perceived differentness and dangerousness mediated the largest indirect effects, the consequences of biogenetic causal explanations thus being in accordance with the predictions of genetic essentialism. Psychosocial causal beliefs had differential effects: belief in current stress as a cause was associated with higher acceptance in schizophrenia, while belief in childhood adversities resulted in lower acceptance of a person with depression.

Biological causal explanations seem beneficial in alcohol dependence, but harmful in schizophrenia and depression. The negative correlates of believing in childhood adversities as a cause of depression merit further exploration.

In this global study we sought to estimate the degree to which a family member might feel embarrassed when a close relative is suffering from an alcohol, drug, or mental health condition (ADMC) versus a general medical condition (GMC). To date, most studies have considered embarrassment and stigma in society and internalized by the afflicted individual but have not assessed family embarrassment in a large-scale study.

In 16 sites of the World Mental Health Surveys (WMHS), standardized assessments were completed including items on family embarrassment. Site matching was used to constrain local socially shared determinants of stigma-related feelings, enabling a conditional logistic regression model that estimates the embarrassment close relatives may hold in relation to family members affected by an ADMC, a GMC, or both conditions.

There was a statistically robust association such that subgroups with an ADMC-affected relative were more likely to feel embarrassed compared to subgroups with a relative affected by a GMC (p < 0.001), even with covariate adjustments for age and sex.

The pattern of evidence from this research is consistent with conceptual models for interventions that target individual- and family-level stigma-related feelings of embarrassment as possible obstacles to effective early intervention and treatment for an ADMC. Macro-level interventions are under way but micro-level interventions may also be required among family members, along with care for each person with an ADMC.

During the last two decades, the change from custodial care provided by large institutions to community-focused services made considerable progress in Germany. However, nothing is known about how this is reflected in the public's acceptance of community psychiatry services.

The study is based on data from two population surveys among German citizens aged 18 years and over, living in the ‘old’ German States. The first was conducted in 1990 (n = 3067), the second in 2011 (n = 2416). With the help of identical questions, respondents’ attitudes towards psychiatric units at general hospitals and group homes for mentally ill people were assessed.

While the proportion of the public that explicitly welcomed establishing psychiatric units at general hospitals and opening group homes for mentally ill people decreased, the proportion of those who reacted with indifference increased. The proportion of the German population that explicitly rejected the implementation of these services remained unchanged.

While community psychiatry services expanded considerably over the last few years, the public's attitude towards them has not changed substantially.

Current trends in population aging affect both recipients and providers of informal family caregiving, as the pool of family caregivers is shrinking while demand is increasing. Epidemiological research has not yet examined the implications of these trends for burdens experienced by aging family caregivers.

Cross-sectional community surveys in 20 countries asked 13 892 respondents aged 50+ years about the objective (time, financial) and subjective (distress, embarrassment) burdens they experience in providing care to first-degree relatives with 12 broadly defined serious physical and mental conditions. Differential burden was examined by country income category, kinship status and type of condition.

Among the 26.9–42.5% respondents in high-, upper-middle-, and low-/lower-middle-income countries reporting serious relative health conditions, 35.7–42.5% reported burden. Of those, 25.2–29.0% spent time and 13.5–19.4% money, while 24.4–30.6% felt distress and 6.4–21.7% embarrassment. Mean caregiving hours per week in those giving any time were 16.6–23.6 (169.9–205.8 h/week per 100 people aged 50+ years). Burden in low-/lower-middle-income countries was 2- to 3-fold higher than in higher-income countries, with any financial burden averaging 14.3% of median family income in high-, 17.7% in upper-middle-, and 39.8% in low-/lower-middle-income countries. Higher burden was reported by women than men and for conditions of spouses and children than parents or siblings.

Uncompensated family caregiving is an important societal asset that offsets rising formal healthcare costs. However, the substantial burdens experienced by aging caregivers across multiple family health conditions and geographic regions threaten the continued integrity of their caregiving capacity. Initiatives supporting older family caregivers are consequently needed, especially in low-/lower-middle-income countries.

Associations between specific parent and offspring mental disorders are likely to have been overestimated in studies that have failed to control for parent comorbidity.

To examine the associations of parent with respondent disorders.

Data come from the World Health Organization (WHO) World Mental Health Surveys (n = 51 507). Respondent disorders were assessed with the Composite International Diagnostic Interview and parent disorders with informant-based Family History Research Diagnostic Criteria interviews.

Although virtually all parent disorders examined (major depressive, generalised anxiety, panic, substance and antisocial behaviour disorders and suicidality) were significantly associated with offspring disorders in multivariate analyses, little specificity was found. Comorbid parent disorders had significant sub-additive associations with offspring disorders. Population-attributable risk proportions for parent disorders were 12.4% across all offspring disorders, generally higher in high- and upper-middle- than low-/lower-middle-income countries, and consistently higher for behaviour (11.0–19.9%) than other (7.1–14.0%) disorders.

Parent psychopathology is a robust non-specific predictor associated with a substantial proportion of offspring disorders.

While quite a number of theories and hypotheses about gender differences in public beliefs and attitudes about mental illness have been proposed, the empirical evidence, particularly evidence based on population studies, is rather scarce.

A systematic review of population-based studies providing information on gender differences in beliefs about mental disorders and attitudes towards the mentally ill was carried out.

While both genders are no different in their willingness to seek informal help for mental illness, women seem more ready to recommend professional help than men. They also evaluate treatment outcomes more favourably. Women are more likely to endorse psychosocial conceptualizations of mental illness than men, and, in consequence, are more in favour of psychotherapy. With a few exceptions, women do not seem to display more favourable attitudes than men towards people with mental disorder. Female patients seem to be rejected by the public less than male patients.

Our review suggests that gender matters in public beliefs and attitudes about mental illness. Some theoretical assumptions are supported by empirical findings, others not. However, as evidence is rather scarce, further studies testing theory-driven hypotheses are needed.

Although significant associations of childhood adversities with adult mental disorders are widely documented, most studies focus on single childhood adversities predicting single disorders.

To examine joint associations of 12 childhood adversities with first onset of 20 DSM–IV disorders in World Mental Health (WMH) Surveys in 21 countries.

Nationally or regionally representative surveys of 51 945 adults assessed childhood adversities and lifetime DSM–IV disorders with the WHO Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI).

Childhood adversities were highly prevalent and interrelated. Childhood adversities associated with maladaptive family functioning (e.g. parental mental illness, child abuse, neglect) were the strongest predictors of disorders. Co-occurring childhood adversities associated with maladaptive family functioning had significant subadditive predictive associations and little specificity across disorders. Childhood adversities account for 29.8% of all disorders across countries.

Childhood adversities have strong associations with all classes of disorders at all life-course stages in all groups of WMH countries. Long-term associations imply the existence of as-yet undetermined mediators.

Burden-of-illness data, which are often used in setting healthcare policy-spending priorities, are unavailable for mental disorders in most countries.

To examine one central aspect of illness burden, the association of serious mental illness with earnings, in the World Health Organization (WHO) World Mental Health (WMH) Surveys.

The WMH Surveys were carried out in 10 high-income and 9 low- and middle-income countries. The associations of personal earnings with serious mental illness were estimated.

Respondents with serious mental illness earned on average a third less than median earnings, with no significant between-country differences (χ2(9) = 5.5–8.1, P = 0.52–0.79). These losses are equivalent to 0.3–0.8% of total national earnings. Reduced earnings among those with earnings and the increased probability of not earning are both important components of these associations.

These results add to a growing body of evidence that mental disorders have high societal costs. Decisions about healthcare resource allocation should take these costs into consideration.

Early diagnosis of dementia requires knowledge about associated predictors. The aim of this study was to determine the impact of mild cognitive impairment (MCI) and impairment in instrumental activities of daily living (IADL) on the time to an incident dementia diagnosis.

Data were derived from the Leipzig Longitudinal Study of the Aged (LEILA75+), a population-based study of individuals aged ⩾75 years. Kaplan-Meier survival analysis was used to determine time to incident dementia. Cox proportional hazards models were applied to determine the impact of MCI and IADL impairment on the time to incident dementia.

In total, 180 (22.0%) of 819 initially dementia-free subjects developed dementia by the end of the study. Mean time to incident dementia was 6.7 years [95% confidence interval (CI) 6.5–6.9]. MCI combined with IADL impairment was associated with a higher conversion rate to dementia, a shorter time to clinically manifest diagnosis and a lower chance of reversibility to cognitive normal. The highest risk for a shorter time to incident dementia was found for amnestic MCI combined with IADL impairment. The mean time to incident dementia was 3.7 years (95% CI 2.9–4.4) and thus half as long as in subjects without MCI and IADL impairment.

Subjects with MCI and IADL impairment constitute a high-risk population for future dementia. The consideration of both – MCI and IADL impairment – might help to improve the prediction of dementia.

Suicide is a leading cause of death worldwide, but the precise effect of childhood adversities as risk factors for the onset and persistence of suicidal behaviour (suicide ideation, plans and attempts) are not well understood.

To examine the associations between childhood adversities as risk factors for the onset and persistence of suicidal behaviour across 21 countries worldwide.

Respondents from nationally representative samples (η = 55 299) were interviewed regarding childhood adversities that occurred before the age of 18 years and lifetime suicidal behaviour.

Childhood adversities were associated with an increased risk of suicide attempt and ideation in both bivariate and multivariate models (odds ratio range 1.2–5.7). The risk increased with the number of adversities experienced, but at a decreasing rate. Sexual and physical abuse were consistently the strongest risk factors for both the onset and persistence of suicidal behaviour, especially during adolescence. Associations remained similar after additional adjustment for respondents' lifetime mental disorder status.

Childhood adversities (especially intrusive or aggressive adversities) are powerful predictors of the onset and persistence of suicidal behaviours.

The methodology commonly used to estimate disease burden, featuring ratings of severity of individual conditions, has been criticized for ignoring co-morbidity. A methodology that addresses this problem is proposed and illustrated here with data from the World Health Organization World Mental Health Surveys. Although the analysis is based on self-reports about one's own conditions in a community survey, the logic applies equally well to analysis of hypothetical vignettes describing co-morbid condition profiles.

Face-to-face interviews in 13 countries (six developing, nine developed; n=31 067; response rate=69.6%) assessed 10 classes of chronic physical and nine of mental conditions. A visual analog scale (VAS) was used to assess overall perceived health. Multiple regression analysis with interactions for co-morbidity was used to estimate associations of conditions with VAS. Simulation was used to estimate condition-specific effects.

The best-fitting model included condition main effects and interactions of types by numbers of conditions. Neurological conditions, insomnia and major depression were rated most severe. Adjustment for co-morbidity reduced condition-specific estimates with substantial between-condition variation (0.24–0.70 ratios of condition-specific estimates with and without adjustment for co-morbidity). The societal-level burden rankings were quite different from the individual-level rankings, with the highest societal-level rankings associated with conditions having high prevalence rather than high individual-level severity.

Plausible estimates of disorder-specific effects on VAS can be obtained using methods that adjust for co-morbidity. These adjustments substantially influence condition-specific ratings.

Prior research on whether marriage is equally beneficial to the mental health of men and women is inconsistent due to methodological variation. This study addresses some prior methodological limitations and investigates gender differences in the association of first marriage and being previously married, with subsequent first onset of a range of mental disorders.

Cross-sectional household surveys in 15 countries from the WHO World Mental Health survey initiative (n=34493), with structured diagnostic assessment of mental disorders using the Composite International Diagnostic Interview 3.0. Discrete-time survival analyses assessed the interaction of gender and marital status in the association with first onset of mood, anxiety and substance use disorders.

Marriage (versus never married) was associated with reduced risk of first onset of most mental disorders in both genders; but for substance use disorders this reduced risk was stronger among women, and for depression and panic disorder it was confined to men. Being previously married (versus stably married) was associated with increased risk of all disorders in both genders; but for substance use disorders, this increased risk was stronger among women and for depression it was stronger among men.

Marriage was associated with reduced risk of the first onset of most mental disorders in both men and women but there were gender differences in the associations between marital status and onset of depressive and substance use disorders. These differences may be related to gender differences in the experience of multiple role demands within marriage, especially those concerning parenting.