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The description and delineation of trematode species is a major ongoing task. Across the field there has been, and currently still is, great variation in the standard of this work and in the sophistication of the proposal of taxonomic hypotheses. Although most species are relatively unambiguously distinct from their congeners, many are either morphologically very similar, including the major and rapidly growing component of cryptic species, or are highly variable morphologically despite little to no molecular variation for standard DNA markers. Here we review challenges in species delineation in the context provided to us by the historical literature, and the use of morphological, geographical, host, and molecular data. We observe that there are potential challenges associated with all these information sources. As a result, we encourage careful proposal of taxonomic hypotheses with consideration for underlying species concepts and frank acknowledgement of weaknesses or conflict in the data. It seems clear that there is no single source of data that provides a wholly reliable answer to our taxonomic challenges but that nuanced consideration of information from multiple sources (the ‘integrated approach’) provides the best possibility of developing hypotheses that will stand the test of time.
This chapter studies the voting behavior of members of the House of Representatives. If the presence of Fox News in a district shapes potential candidates’ perceptions about district party composition and the constituency’s electoral preferences, there are good chances that the same can be said of sitting House members. Here, of course, the expectation is not about how these perceptions affect the decision to run for office; instead, they affect decisions about how to perform so as to stay in office. Much like potential candidates, sitting members of Congress have to make inferences about what their constituents want. Typically, they make these inferences based on their perceptions of the partisan composition of their district, among other considerations. If sitting members are influenced like potential candidates, Fox News might shift their perceptions in the direction of thinking their district is more right-leaning. Alternatively, based on our evidence from Chapter 3, they might feel more vulnerable to challenges from potential candidates to their (ideological) right. In either case, a reasonable expectation, which we find evidence for, is that member roll call votes will move in a rightward direction, especially among Democrats representing more competitive districts.
In this chapter, we investigate whether Fox News’ presence in districts shaped the competitive electoral landscape by influencing potential candidates’ perceptions about the partisan make-up of the constituency in the district and shaping their perceived chances of winning or losing. Specifically, in this chapter, we test whether the entry of Fox News created the perception of a rightward shift in district party composition among potential Republican candidates considering a run in the district. We find that in districts with more Fox News availability, high-quality potential Republican candidates were more likely to challenge Democratic incumbents, especially if the districts were closely competitive.
In this concluding chapter, we review our findings in the context of our initial pre-analysis plan and discuss the limitations of our studies. We then analyze the implications of our study and findings for their scholarly contributions and discuss next steps for future research. We conclude with a discussion of the normative implications of our findings. Despite the hubbub about Fox News being a bull-in-the-china shop, its effects on politicians were contingent on the context of the district they represented. Even if its effects were circumscribed, our evidence shows that the consequences were real. The implications of our findings are twofold. On the one hand, it throws some cold water on the popular notion that Fox News was a right-wing bulldozer that pulled American politics uniformly in a conservative direction. On the other hand, it makes clear that standard theoretical models of congressional behavior are founded on an assumption that, while useful, is most certainly flawed. Namely, politicians are not fully informed rational calculators. Politicians are people.
This chapter focuses on collective representation, examining whether Fox News affects how the American public is represented. Chapter 5 revealed Fox News effects on dyadic representation; we cannot assume similar effects on collective representation. Yet, in some ways, the path by which Fox News would affect collective representation is clearer than at the district-level. Because Fox News is a national outlet with a wide following, it could affect collective representation through agenda-setting. If many people across many districts regularly watch Fox News, it may draw the attention of both legislators and constituents to the same set of issues. To test for Fox News effects on collective representation, we examine whether the presence of Fox produced different policy outcomes than would have occurred in its absence. We simulate a world where Fox News does not exist in any member’s district and then compare it to the actual behavior of members of Congress given the observed levels of Fox News. The results suggest a boost for Republican policies in four of the six Congresses we examined. However, the effects are only statistically significant for one Congress, the 108th (2003–2004).
This chapter begins with a description of the arrival and proliferation of Fox News across the United States during its early years and concludes with a description and some analyses of Fox News’ content. Both demonstrations are critical to our case. The former is required because our identification strategy requires that we satisfy the assumption that the Fox News rollout was as-if random – or haphazard – in the sense that it is not related to political factors capable of shaping House members’ behavior. The latter is important for both our empirical evidence and theoretical arguments. First, if we expect the arrival and presence of Fox News to have a unique influence on elite political behavior, it is important to demonstrate whether and to what degree Fox News’ content is different from other networks. Second, examining Fox News’ content can tell us something about the mechanisms for its effects or the process by which it shapes the attitudes and behaviors of political elites.
This chapter sets up our main research question, which is what effect, if any, did the arrival and proliferation of Fox News have on US politicians? It summarizes the history of Fox News and describes the natural experiment created by the haphazard rollout of Fox News. It goes on to summarize the scholarly literature on media effects and, specifically, how little of it focuses on the behavior of politicians. In turn, it summarizes the scholarly literature on members of Congress and how little of it focuses on the media. It then explains our open science approach.
This chapter highlights the role media play in political accountability. If Fox News’ entry and presence can shape candidate and member perceptions about what districts want (as we saw in Chapters 3 and 4), can Fox News also shape how responsive representatives are to constituents’ policy preferences? This responsiveness to the district – also known as dyadic representation – is the subject of our examinations in Chapter 5. To test this question, we quantify the degree to which representatives’ voting behavior diverges from what it should be (if they were faithfully following district public opinion). Here we find, once again, that Fox News increases the tendency for Democratic members in marginal districts to “move rightward” in response to rising Fox News availability in the district. In this analysis, our measures reflect the tendency for Democrats in right leaning districts to err on the conservative side of the median voter in their district, and that tendency gets worse as district-level availability of Fox News increases.
The influence of partisan news is presumed to be powerful, but evidence for its effects on political elites is limited, often based more on anecdotes than science. Using a rigorous quasi-experimental research design, observational data, and open science practices, this book carefully demonstrates how the re-emergence and rise of partisan cable news in the US affected the behavior of political elites during the rise and proliferation of Fox News across media markets between 1996 and 2010. Despite widespread concerns over the ills of partisan news, evidence provides a nuanced, albeit cautionary tale. On one hand, findings suggest that the rise of Fox indeed changed elite political behavior in recent decades. At the same time, the limited conditions under which Fox News' influence occurred suggests that concerns about the network's power may be overstated.
Foliar-applied postemergence applications of glufosinate are often applied to glufosinate-resistant crops to provide nonselective weed control without significant crop injury. Rainfall, air temperature, solar radiation, and relative humidity near the time of application have been reported to affect glufosinate efficacy. However, previous research may have not captured the full range of weather variability to which glufosinate may be exposed before or following application. Additionally, climate models suggest more extreme weather will become the norm, further expanding the weather range to which glufosinate can be exposed. The objective of this research was to quantify the probability of successful weed control (efficacy ≥85%) with glufosinate applied to some key weed species across a broad range of weather conditions. A database of >10,000 North American herbicide evaluation trials was used in this study. The database was filtered to include treatments with a single postemergence application of glufosinate applied to waterhemp [Amaranthus tuberculatus (Moq.) Sauer], morningglory species (Ipomoea spp.), and/or giant foxtail (Setaria faberi Herrm.) <15 cm in height. These species were chosen because they are well represented in the database and listed as common and troublesome weed species in both corn (Zea mays L.) and soybean [Glycine max (L.) Merr.] (Van Wychen 2020, 2022). Individual random forest models were created. Low rainfall (≤20 mm) over the 5 d before glufosinate application was detrimental to the probability of successful control of A. tuberculatus and S. faberi. Lower relative humidity (≤70%) and solar radiation (≤23 MJ m−1 d−1) on the day of application reduced the probability of successful weed control in most cases. Additionally, the probability of successful control decreased for all species when average air temperature over the first 5 d after application was ≤25 C. As climate continues to change and become more variable, the risk of unacceptable control of several common species with glufosinate is likely to increase.
The incidence of facial palsy has been rising worldwide, with recent evidence emerging of links to COVID-19 infection. To date, guidance on cost-effective treatments is limited to medication (prednisolone). In terms of physical therapy, neuromuscular retraining (NMR) to restore balanced facial function has been most widely evaluated, but not in terms of cost effectiveness. The added value of telerehabilitation is unknown.
Methods
A multistage technology assessment was conducted, which included the following:
• a national survey of current therapy pathways in the UK and patients’ and clinicians’ views on the benefits and challenges of telerehabilitation;
• a systematic review of clinical effectiveness trials evaluating facial NMR therapy;
• calculation of long-term morbidity costs (national economic burden) based on incidence, patient recovery profiles, health-related quality of life, and national facial palsy treatment costs (valuation of clinical improvements in monetary terms was provided by a national Delphi panel); and
• evaluation of the cost effectiveness of telerehabilitation (remote monitoring wearables) added to current face-to-face NMR delivery.
Results
Nationally, approximately five percent of patients with facial palsy (17% of unresolved cases) are referred for facial NMR. The long-term economic burden associated with unresolved cases is estimated to range from GBP351 (EUR417) to GBP584 (EUR692) million, indicating substantial savings if long-term recovery can be improved. Medical treatment costs are GBP86.34 (EUR102) million per annual cohort, and physical and psychological therapy costs are GBP643,292 (EUR762,561). Economic modeling showed that telerehabilitation was cost effective, producing a health gain and a cost-saving of GBP468 (EUR555) per patient. If scaled to the national level for all patients who do not recover fully, an annual saving of GBP3.075 (EUR3.65) million is possible.
Conclusions
Economic modeling indicates that NMR could improve patient outcomes and reduce costs. The national survey demonstrated that access to NMR therapy services is limited, so introduction of telerehabilitation could improve access for currently underserved populations. Future clinical trials need to incorporate economic evaluations to help inform decision-making.