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In an on-demand media environment, the 2016 presidential primary debates provided a ratings and economic boost to host networks surpassing all prior primary debates and even major sporting events in viewership. In turn, millions of viewers were exposed to and subtly influenced by the ways in which these candidates were visually presented. We analyze how the Republican and Democratic presidential candidates were presented in their initial two debates (Fox News and CNN; CNN and CBS, respectively). Candidates are considered in terms of visual priming through aggregate camera time and average camera fixation time and how contenders were visually framed through the proportion of different camera shot types used (solo, split screen, side by side, multiple candidate, and audience reaction). Findings suggest that while the front-runners from both political parties benefited from preferential visual coverage, Donald Trump stood out in terms of the visual priming and framing that presented him as a serious contender.
Introduction: Emergency Department (ED) health care professionals are responsible for providing team-based care to critically ill patients. Given this complex responsibility, simulation training is paramount. In situ simulation (ISS) has many cited benefits as a training strategy that targets on-duty staff and occurs in the actual patient environment. Several evidence-based frameworks identify staff buy-in as essential for successful ISS implementation, however, the attitudes of interdisciplinary front-line ED staff in this regard are unknown. The purpose of this study is to identify contextual trends in interdisciplinary opinions on routine ISS in the ED. Methods: Qualitative and quantitative review, exploring the self-reported attitudes of interdisciplinary ED staff: before, during and after the implementation of a routine ISS pilot program (5 sessions in 5 months) at the Charles V Keating Emergency and Trauma Center in Halifax from Feb-Nov, 2018. Results: 149 surveys were received. Baseline support for ISS was high; 83% of respondents believed that the advantages of ISS outweigh the challenges and 47% favoured simulation in the ED, relative the sim bay (26%) and 28% were indifferent. The attitudes of direct participants in ISS were very positive, with 88% believing that the benefits outweighed the challenges after participation and 91% believing that they personally benefited from participating. A department wide post-ISS pilot survey suggested a slight decrease in support. Support for ISS dropped from 83% to 67%, a statistically insignificant reduction (p = 0.098) but a sizeable change that warrants further investigation. Most notably respondents reported increased support for simulation training in a simulation bay relative to ISS in the ED. Respondents still regarded simulation highly overall. Interestingly, when the results were stratified by position, staff physicians were the least positive. Conclusion: Pre-pilot or baseline opinions of ISS were very positive, and participants all responded positively to the simulations. This study generates valuable insight into the perceptions of interdisciplinary ED staff regarding the implementation and perceived impact of routine ISS. This evidence can be used to inform future programming, though further investigation is warranted into why opinions post-intervention may have changed at the department level.
The 2016 Republican Party presidential primary debates were unprecedented in the amount of media and public interest they generated. Substantially driven by curiosity about reality television celebrity Donald Trump, the initial debates hosted by FOX News and CNN both reflected and validated interest in his candidacy while proffering attention to a full slate of more traditional presidential contenders in front of boisterous audiences. This study considers these audiences’ response. Whether applause, laughter, booing, or combinations thereof, these group utterances provide a reliable metric by which insights may be derived concerning partisan attitudes towards Trump and the other candidates, as well as the unity of the Republican Party. Findings suggest that the debate setting in concert with the demographics of the in-person audience may well have influenced initial response to the candidates and as a result have subtle yet lingering consequences for the 2016 presidential election.
Last fall, the Association for Politics and the Life Sciences (APLS) celebrated its 30th anniversary by holding the annual meeting on the picturesque campus of Indiana University in Bloomington, Indiana. The event was highlighted not only by a keynote address from Nobel Prize Laureate Elinor Ostrom but also featured several roundtables comprised of those most responsible for the establishment and growth of APLS over the past three decades. This Founders' Forum likewise celebrates 30 years of the journal's publication and provides the opportunity to reflect on where the field and the association have been, and where they are headed.
Reliability is set to become a major concern on emergent large-scale architectures. While there are many parallel languages, and indeed many parallel functional languages, very few address reliability. The notable exception is the widely emulated Erlang distributed actor model that provides explicit supervision and recovery of actors with isolated state. We investigate scalable transparent fault tolerant functional computation with automatic supervision and recovery of tasks. We do so by developing HdpH-RS, a variant of the Haskell distributed parallel Haskell (HdpH) DSL with Reliable Scheduling. Extending the distributed work stealing protocol of HdpH for task supervision and recovery is challenging. To eliminate elusive concurrency bugs, we validate the HdpH-RS work stealing protocol using the SPIN model checker. HdpH-RS differs from the actor model in that its principal entities are tasks, i.e. independent stateless computations, rather than isolated stateful actors. Thanks to statelessness, fault recovery can be performed automatically and entirely hidden in the HdpH-RS runtime system. Statelessness is also key for proving a crucial property of the semantics of HdpH-RS: fault recovery does not change the result of the program, akin to deterministic parallelism. HdpH-RS provides a simple distributed fork/join-style programming model, with minimal exposure of fault tolerance at the language level, and a library of higher level abstractions such as algorithmic skeletons. In fact, the HdpH-RS DSL is exactly the same as the HdpH DSL, hence users can opt in or out of fault tolerant execution without any refactoring. Computations in HdpH-RS are always as reliable as the root node, no matter how many nodes and cores are actually used. We benchmark HdpH-RS on conventional clusters and an High Performance Computing platform: all benchmarks survive Chaos Monkey random fault injection; the system scales well e.g. up to 1,400 cores on the High Performance Computing; reliability and recovery overheads are consistently low even at scale.
The smiles and affiliative expressions of presidential candidates are important for political success, allowing contenders to nonverbally connect with potential supporters and bond with followers. Smiles, however, are not unitary displays; they are multifaceted in composition and signaling intent due to variations in performance. With this in mind, we examine the composition and perception of smiling behavior by Republican presidential candidates during the 2012 preprimary period. In this paper we review literature concerning different smile types and the muscular movements that compose them from a biobehavioral perspective. We then analyze smiles expressed by Republican presidential candidates early in the 2012 primary season by coding facial muscle activity at the microlevel using the Facial Action Coding System (FACS) to produce an inventory of politically relevant smile types. To validate the subtle observed differences between smile types, we show viewers a series of short video clips to differentiate displays on the basis of their perceived reassurance, or social signaling. The discussion considers the implications of our findings in relation to political evaluation and communication efficacy.
In fundraising, potential candidates who do not collect sizable amounts of “early money” may be effectively eliminated even before the start of the Iowa Caucus. This winnowing raises concern about the impact money has on narrowing the field of candidates from whom voters can choose. To better grasp patterns of successful fundraising, we explore where candidates obtain funds during the preprimary and primary periods. We use individual contributions data from the Federal Election Commission during the preprimary and primary periods of the 2008 Republican presidential nomination contest. Findings suggest that although California, New York, and Texas provide disproportionate amounts of early financing, the ability of presidential aspirants to broaden their support is indicative of campaign success.
Political humor has long been used by candidates to mobilize supporters by enhancing status or denigrating the opposition. Research concerning laughter provides insight into the building of social bonds; however, little research has focused on the nonverbal cues displayed by the individual making humorous comments. This study first investigates whether there is a relationship between facial display behavior and the presence and strength of laughter. Next, the analysis explores whether specific candidate displays during a humorous comment depend on the target of the comment. This paper analyzes the use of humor by Republican and Democratic candidates during ten 2008 presidential primary debates. Data analyzed here employs laughter as an indicator of a successful humorous comment and documents candidate display behavior in the seconds immediately preceding and during each laughter event. Findings suggest specific facial displays play an important communication role. Different types of smiles, whether felt, false, or fear-based, are related to who laughs as well as how intensely the audience is judged to laugh.
Objective/Introduction: We sought to characterize the impact of the 90-item Symptom Checklist (SCL-90) subscales for paranoid ideation (PI) and psychoticism (P) in patients with major depressive disorder (MDD), on acute anti-depressant response and on relapse prevention.
Methods: Subjects with Structured Clinical Interview for DSM Disorders-diagnosed non-psychotic MDD were recruited into a clinical trial of open-label fluoxetine 10–60 mg/day for 12 weeks, followed by double-blind randomization of responders (n=262) to fluoxetine continuation or placebo for 12 months. PI and P were assessed with the patient-rated SCL-90. The association of these symptoms with response to treatment was assessed by logistic regression.
Results: We found significant decreases in PI and P during acute treatment phase for fluoxetine responders and nonresponders, although only 10.3% and 7.5% of patients experienced a ≥50% reduction in PI and P scores, respectively. Neither PI nor P scores significantly predicted time to relapse. P scores predicted a lower response rate to treatment with fluoxetine.
Discussion: The results of the present study suggest that there is a significant relationship between the presence of psychoticism in patients with nonpsychotic MDD, and the likelihood of overall depressive symptom improvement following a trial of monotherapy with fluoxetine.
Conclusion: An increased burden of psychoticism in depressed subjects may confer poorer response to fluoxetine, but not increased risk of relapse among fluoxetine responders.
A distinctive attribute of U.S. global engagement under President George W. Bush was skepticism of the capacity of standing international institutions and alliances to confront the main threats to national and global security, particularly terrorism, rogue states, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). This attitude, apparent from the first days of the Bush administration, was accentuated by the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001.
Although this sentiment was sometimes expressed through unilateral action, including decisions to act alone in pursuit of national objectives or to opt out of international agreements endorsed by the vast majority of other states, the more typical pattern was for the United States to turn to a more flexible form of multilateralism, by championing ad hoc and in some cases temporary coalitions of the willing that coalesced to address new issues. Such informal groupings of like-minded countries under American leadership – beyond avoiding the pathologies of formal multilateral organizations like the United Nations (UN) – promised to expand U.S. policy autonomy and freedom of action and provide greater control over the goals of collective action. The potential costs of this approach, in terms of squandered international legitimacy for U.S. actions and lost opportunities for sharing burdens – to say nothing of the eroded institutional foundations of world order – were only dimly appreciated, particularly during the first term of the Bush administration.
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