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The ‘Landscapes of Production and Punishment’ project aims to examine how convict labour from 1830–1877 affected the built and natural landscapes of the Tasman Peninsula, as well as the lives of the convicts themselves.
Helas, madame! Sans reigle et sans mesure chacun forge besans a lui plaisans et moins pesans, et des vostres n'ont cure. Et vrayment, madame, se ne fust le bourdon du noble moisne de Chaslis, au quel souvent je me appuye, de desesperacion je fusse cheue en abisme et ne fusse pas en vie. Mais la presence de la grant clarte de vostre reginale majeste, et les admirables vertuz de mes troys reverentes dames, qui avec vous confortent les predestinez en adroissant les corps et les ames, me presentent un grant confort pour parvenir a bon port de la gloire de voz besans et de vostre tressainte monnoye, la par laquelle on vient a pardurable joye.
Philippe de Nlézières, Le Songe du Vieil Pelerin [my italics]
[Alas, madam! Without rule and without measure each mints the bezants of less weight which suit him, and do not value yours. Truly, madam, were it not for the staff of the noble monk of Chaalis, on which i frequently lean, I would have fallen into the abyss of despair and would no longer be alive. But the presence of the great light of your royal majesty, [and] the admirable virtues of my three venerable ladies who, along with you, comfort the predestined, appealing to their bodies and their souls, represent for me a great support in arriving at the good port of the glory of your bezants and your most holy currency, through which one achieves eternal joy.]
The Castillian prose translation of PVH1, El pelegrino de la vida humana, underwent a number of transformations before even appearing in the workshop of Henrico Mayer Aleman in Toulouse, where it was eventually printed in 1490. The Spanish version is based on a French printed prose adaptation of PVH1, produced in Lyon by Mathis Husz in 1485 and reprinted in 1486, itself based on an anonymous prose adaptation of PVH1 produced for Jeanne de Laval in Angers in 1465. The translator is identified in Mayer's print as Vinçente de Maçuelo, who appears to have had close connections with the Dominican order and the university of Toulouse on the one hand, and with the Royal family of Castile and Aragon on the other. Indeed, a copy of Mayer's print was acquired by the Royal Family in 1492, presumably for the spiritual education of the young Prince John, whose training was entrusted to a fellow Dominican, Diego de Deza. The connections between Mayer, Maçuelo, the Dominican order and the Royal Family thus provide the main context for the reception of this work in Spain. Mayer's print also lends the text a more militant, combative tone, notably with the addition of a full-page frontispiece woodcut showing a hybrid figure of a pilgrim-knight. This addition may have heightened the book's appeal for an aristocratic readership, allowing the volume to serve as a ‘mirror for princes’ within the court.
The Cistercian monk Guillaume de Deguileville, also known as Guillaume de Digulleville and Guillermus de Deguilevilla, produced what could be termed both the best-known and the least known literary corpus of the fourteenth century: Deguileville's collection of compositions found a remarkable popularity in the centuries immediately following its production yet suffered almost equally striking critical neglect in modern scholarship before a rise in interest from the mid-twentieth century onwards. The corpus as it survives today consists of the allegorical French pilgrimage narratives PVH (existing in two versions, c. 1331 and c. 1355 respectively), PA (c. 1355) and PJC (c. 1358), as well as the shorter narrative Roman de la fleur de lys [Romance of the Lily] (c. 1338) and varied Latin pieces. All of Deguileville's narratives are composed for the most part in the octosyllabic couplets characteristic of late medieval French verse, yet each of the pilgrimage narratives also features accompanying or embedded French, Latin, or macaronic texts in a variety of forms, and Deguileville's period of composition interestingly coincides with the linguistic transition now described as the movement from ancien français to moyen français. Most of what we know regarding the dating of the corpus and the life of Deguileville depends upon the interpretation of passages from his allegories that appear to be autobiographical in nature. Although spellings of his name vary, the poet's name suggests an origin in the town now known as Digulleville, near Cherbourg in present day France.
For a well-read medieval monk, as Guillaume de Deguileville must have been, remembering what he read involved memory techniques centered on the visualization of unusual, if not bizarre and startling, scenes and figures. Thus, as a writer who wanted his writing to be remembered, Deguileville conveyed the content of his three Pèlerinages through vivid and detailed descriptions of unusual figures and scenes, including interactions between personifications and biblical characters, which beg for visualization. Apparently unwilling to rely entirely on the reader's ability to create these memory-images in the imagination, the author himself planned for some illustrations, though we cannot know whether he devised complete programs of miniatures or supervised the production of any illustrated manuscripts. Each of his three French pilgrimage poems appeared individually with illustrations, but manuscripts that collect all three Pèlerinages include some of the most ambitious programs of illustration. It is as if the desire for uniformity stimulated designers and artists to continue the dense level of visualization frequently found in manuscripts of the PVH into the other two poems. Images, in fact, provide the most striking evidence for the high level of familiarity with Deguileville's three Pèlerinages from the late fourteenth to mid-fifteenth centuries: in the book of hours known as the Hours of Isabella Stuart (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 62), picture cycles for each of the poems – in the unusual sequence PJC, PVH, PA – accompany not Deguileville's poems but the familiar cycle of texts found in this personal book of hours, an indication that the images alone enabled readers to recall the poems.
The success encountered by Deguileville's Pèlerinages in the Middle Ages is undeniable, as attested by the numbers of surviving manuscripts. Yet manuscript numbers alone reveal very little about the nature of these texts' reception. Were these manuscripts read in extenso, or more discontinuously and selectively, or were they admired as a vehicle for lavish illumination? Who read the texts, in what manner and to what end? Although many manuscripts are indeed abundantly illustrated, more than fifty copies of PVH carry marginal annotations dating from the Middle Ages: the first of the Pèlerinages was thus not only the most widely circulated but also seems to have attracted the greatest amount of marginalia. Surveying the ‘tradition’ of annotation offers us a more informed understanding of the successful circulation of Deguileville's corpus.
PVH manuscripts display a wide variety of different types of annotation, both in Latin and in the vernacular, ranging from scribal annotations or rubrication to more discreet marks and comments supplied by later readers. The general tenor of annotations confirms that PVH was held in high regard during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Indeed, annotations are invariably non-polemical, and often highlight text extracts that readers seem to have found particularly edifying; exempla, proverbs, the author's elucidations of his own allegorical vocabulary and didactic narrative passages tend to attract more annotations than abstract and speculative episodes and, interestingly, annotations are found in relatively uniform density across the whole of PVH1.
As Fabienne Pomel's contribution to this volume demonstrates vividly, Deguileville's corpus reads like nothing so much as a collection of legal documents. The saga of Deguileville's poetic persona. Here distinguished by the Latinized name Guillermus de Deguilevilla, resembles a case file; both narrator and author are put on trial repeatedly, and poetic and juridical authority are closely related. Two instances of judgment stand out in particular, found respectively in PVH2 and in PA. First, in PVH2. Guillermus loses a judgment aboard the Ship of Religion, from which he is exiled as a result and deprived of his good name. Because of the poet's insistence on the (pseudo-) autobiographical nature of the episode, modern scholars have usually seen in it a reflection of Deguileville's own legal troubles, presumably at the hands of fellow monks at Chaalis. And because Deguileville linked this affair to the high-profile literary scandals of other authors – namely, Abelard and Ovid – it is plausible that he suffered for something he wrote. If so, this would doubtless have been the earlier PVH1, which the 1355 version (PVH2) was destined to correct and supplement.
Readers of the Pèlerinages encounter multiple embedded texts, presented as autonomous lyrics, letters, documents and prayers; such text disrupts the flow of the allegorical narrative on both a formal and a conceptual level, inviting readers to reflect on the authority of the allegorical narrative itself. These disruptions are marked in varied ways: shifts in metre, rhyme, or language; narrative presentation emphasising the material forms or extraneous uses of lyrics or prayers; even the use of acrostics that literally disrupt the linearity of the reading experience.
All these embedded texts identify specific speakers and/or addressees in a manner that suggests analogies with both medieval epistolary convention and judicial practice. Such formalised textual exchanges are characterised by an asymmetrical communication between different levels of authority, participating in a vertical system of exchange. In the case of the Pèlerinages, these texts also reciprocally connect different levels of reality, enabling a two-way system of communication between ordinary human agents and representatives of divine authority, absent or present. This creative emulation of epistolary and judicial models invites readers to explore the performative value of authorised speech and authorised text. Embedded text functions at once as language, as event and as object: it can be manifested as verbal performance and can also take on the material form of scrolls and letters, handled and exchanged within the narrative, thus intervening in the action of the poem.
Guillaume de Deguileville's four French Pèlerinage allegories – PVHl, PVH2, PA and PJC – are the starting point for various forms of literary rewriting and reconfiguration, transmitted in manuscript and print between the late fourteenth and the early seventeenth centuries. The resulting Pèlerinage corpus transcends linguistic boundaries, evolves in highly different social and literary contexts and encompasses a wide array of very diverse literary adaptations. Its complex history thus offers us a unique perspective on late medieval processes of textual transformation and adaptation across Europe. In what follows, we propose to explore the parameters of this European history of textual transformation in two main stages. First, we discuss the wide range of authorial signatures that appear both within the texts of the Pèlerinage corpus and in the paratextual matter of manuscripts and early printed editions. Second, we address a limitation in the circulation of this corpus; examining the absence of Pèlerinage translations in Italy as a special case, we suggest a way in which our study of authorial signatures could provide a rationale for this limitation.