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Contains 'Stagsden and Its Manors', by J. Steele Elliott. 'Three Records of the Alien Priory of Grove and the Manor of Leighton Buzzard', by Robert Richmond. 'Ancient Bedfordshire Deeds, no 3: Northill, Southill, Old Warden, etc', by F. A. Page-Turner. 'Harlington Churchwardens' Accounts', by Joseph Hight Blundell. 'Some Bedfordshire Assessments for the Taxation of a Ninth, 1297, by Mrs. Hilary Jenkinson. 'Institutions to Ecclesiastical Benefices in the County of Bedford, 1535-1660', by The Rev. Canon C. W. Foster.
Notes: I 'Declaration of Common Rights, Eaton Bray and Totternhoe, 1475', by Fred. Puttnam; II 'Catsbrook at Biscot near Luton', by William Austin; III 'Wingate of Streatley and Harlington', by Joseph Hight Blundell; IV 'Variant spelling of Thurleigh'; V 'The Meeting Place of Manshead Hundred', by G. Herbert Fowler.
Previously the role of social capital - defined as the institutions and networks of relationships between people, and the associated norms and values - in programs of poverty alleviation and development has risen to considerable prominence. Although development practitioners have long suspected that social capital does affect the efficiency and quality of most development processes, this book provides the rigorous empirical results needed to confirm that impression and translate it into effective and informed policymaking. It is based on a large volume of collected data, relying equally on quantitative and qualitative research methodologies to establish approaches for measuring social capital and its impact. The book documents the pervasive role of social capital in accelerating poverty alleviation and rural development, facilitating the provision of goods and services, and easing political transition and recovery from civil conflicts.
During 1993 several workshops on social capital and economic development were held in Cambridge, Massachusetts, at the American Academy of Art and Sciences with support from the Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations and at Harvard's Center for International Affairs with support from the World Bank. Many of the definitional and conceptual issues that have subsequently preoccupied this rapidly growing field of study were at the center of the agenda of those initial conferences:
What does “social capital” mean, and is the analogy to other forms of capital useful?
How can we distinguish between the “good” and “bad” effects of social capital?
Through what mechanisms might social capital affect development?
How might social capital be influenced by, or interact with, public policy?
The pioneering workshops revealed little consensus on any of these issues. In the ensuing decade “social capital” has become one of the hottest concepts in social science globally. Although conceptual battles continue, much progress has been made. Some of the progress has reflected theoretical refinements. For example, experts in the field are now converging toward a “lean and mean” definition of social capital, focused on social networks and the associated norms of reciprocity and trust. All sides now understand that (like other forms of capital) social capital can be put to both good and bad purposes.