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Introduction
The Hajong group is one of the scheduled tribes of North East India. They live mainly in Assam and Meghalaya in India and in the Mymensingh District of Bangladesh. Hajong is classified in the Ethnologue as Indo-European > Indo-Iranian > Indo-Aryan > Eastern zone > Bengali- Assamese (Gordon 2005). Although Hajong is classified as Indo-Aryan (IA), several Hajong case markers are not cognate with those of the large neighbouring IA languages, Bangla and Asamiya. This raises the question of the origin of these case markers. Some authors have speculated that the Hajong language has a Tibeto-Burman (TB) sub-stratum. The Hajong people are ethnically and culturally closer to the surrounding Tibeto-Burman people groups such as Garo and Koch than to the Bengali population. The cultural and linguistic similarities could be due either to a common origin or to a mutual influence between the groups who have been living in proximity for generations.
In this paper, I will describe the system of case marking in Hajong – that is, the morphemes which specify the syntactic function of the noun phrase. I will describe the syntactic functions associated with each case form and I will compare the Hajong case forms to their equivalents in four geographically proximate languages. From the IA family, Hajong will be compared to Standard Colloquial Bangla (Dasgupta 2003) and Standard Colloquial Asamiya (Goswami and Tamuli 2003) (both classified as Indo-European > Indo-Iranian > Indo-Aryan > Eastern zone > Bengali-Assamese).
The Supernova Working Group was re-established at the IAU XXV General Assembly in Sydney, 21 July 2003, sponsored by Commissions 28 (Galaxies) and 47 (Cosmology). Here we report on some of its activities since 2005.
To determine the source of an outbreak of Salmonella javiana infection.
Case-control study.
A total of 101 culture-confirmed cases and 540 epidemiologically linked cases were detected between May 26, 2003, and June 16, 2003, in hospital employees, patients, and visitors. Asymptomatic employees who had eaten in the hospital cafeteria between May 30 and June 4, 2003, and had had no gastroenteritis symptoms after May 1, 2003, were chosen as control subjects.
A 235-bed academic tertiary care children's hospital.
Isolates from 100 of 101 culture-confirmed cases had identical pulsed-field gel electrophoresis patterns. A foodhandler with symptoms of gastroenteritis was the presumed index subject. In multivariate analysis, case subjects were more likely than control subjects to have consumed items from the salad bar (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 5.3; 95% confidence interval [CI], 2.3-12.1) and to have eaten in the cafeteria on May 28 (aOR, 9.4; 95% CI, 1.8-49.5), May 30 (aOR, 3.6; 95% CI, 1.0-12.7), and/or June 3 (aOR, 4.0; 95% CI, 1.4-11.3).
Foodhandlers who worked while they had symptoms of gastroenteritis likely contributed to the propagation of the outbreak. This large outbreak was rapidly controlled through the use of an incident command center.
Lack of a common means of verbal or written communication always creates problems of interpersonal communication and gives rise to misunderstandings and (possibly) prejudice against one or other party. On the surface, there would seem to be a good deal of merit in the suggestion that “if everyone spoke the same language, all these problems would disappear”. However, the matter is not as simple as it seems, for questions must be asked as to what language should be chosen, the dialect of it, and to what extent cultural factors, deeply related to the true understanding of how thought is expressed within a language, need to be addressed. In Australia, most reasonably well education Anglo-Celtic Australians asked these questions would immediately think of Standard Australian English (SAE), though working-class and indigenous Australians may consider it too “posh” and out of touch with their lifestyles. Few from the dominant group, however, would be even remotely aware of the degree to which cultural factors influence how thought is expressed in a language (as already mentioned), and how this influences the spoken language and, more particularly, the written language in a literate society.
Most secondary teachers in Queensland will encounter Aboriginal and Islander students in the classroom at some time or other, and most teachers will have no experience or training to prepare them to meet the special needs of the indigenous students. Aboriginal and Islander students are, indeed, different from mainstream (or Anglo-Celtic) Australian students in their learning characteristics, their social or cultural backgrounds, existing educational disadvantagement and experience of prejudice, and their use of forms of English other than Standard Australian English (SAE). To say that all students are equal and should be treated the same way is to deny these important differences and impede the learning of Aboriginal and Islander students in the mainstream classroom.
Two features of Aboriginal and Islander learning styles about which classroom teachers need to be aware are field sensitivity and external locus of control. Students described as “field sensitive” (or field dependent) are influenced by context and develop cognitive styles related to a global, or whole, approach to thinking. The introduction to learning new material, therefore, needs to take this learning style into account, if Aboriginal and Islander students are to cope with learning in a culture which is not their own. The introduction needs to be global in its approach, to enable these students to apply it to their existing knowledge. (Tutor leaflet, n.d.) Field dependent behaviours exhibited by indigenous students, according to a leaflet issued to tutors working with Aboriginal and Islander students in Townsville, include a preference for group type, co-operative learning tasks and a sensitivity to the feelings and opinions of peers, rather than an individual, competitive learning style. There is also a tendency to relate to the teacher/tutor at a highly personal level.
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