Scholars have found that citizens’ willingness to fight for their country has decreased globally since the 1980s. Some posit this as the underpinning of the ‘long peace’, contending that rising economic prosperity decreases the tolerance for sacrificing one’s life. For governments trying to recruit military personnel, this trend is viewed as detrimental to one’s country’s defence capability. However, we show that this diminishing willingness to fight has not only decelerated in the past decade but has even reversed in some countries. Contrary to the notion of a continuous decline, we maintain that alongside previously identified factors, proximate conflicts affect citizens’ willingness to fight. First, they challenge the view of international relations as cooperative, instead reinforcing a perception of global politics as inherently conflictual. Second, witnessing armed conflicts nearby heightens citizens’ sense of threat, leading them to take the possibility of aggression more seriously and to feel increasingly vulnerable to future conflict. Consequently, they show an increased willingness to fight. In our empirical analysis, we find strong support for the notion that proximate conflict increases citizens’ willingness to fight.

Extreme weather events caused by climate change, such as drought and heavy rainfall, will further increase in Central Europe in the near future. Resilient crop production requires in-depth knowledge of soil moisture (SM), its spatial and temporal variability and the dynamics of agriculturally used land. In the current study, different SM estimation methods, including measurement and simulation-based methods, were evaluated over a 17-ha experimental arable crop field with respect to their abilities to capture the spatial and temporal SM dynamics of within-field areas and their related uncertainty and spatial representativeness. The high-spatial resolution in-situ topsoil moisture measurements (50 m grid) were compared with the estimated SM from satellite-based remote sensing (S1ASCAT) and the simulated SM from three different crop water balance models (Agricultural Risk Information System [ARIS], AquaCrop and DSSAT). The evaluation revealed that the spatial variability in the experimental field obtained from the reference could not be captured by the alternative methods investigated because of the limitations of the grid size-related soil map information. Nevertheless, the analysis revealed a very good temporal correlation of SM dynamics with the field area average across all approaches, with AquaCrop and ARIS at a soil depth of 0–10 cm and S1ASCAT soil–water index 05 achieving a R2 and a Kling–Gupta efficiency >0.80. These results indicate the added value of complementary methods for estimating SM to reduce spatial and temporal uncertainties in the estimated topsoil water content.

There is growing interest in lifestyle interventions as stand-alone and add-on therapies in mental health care due to their potential benefits for both physical and mental health outcomes. We evaluated lifestyle interventions focusing on physical activity, diet, and sleep in adults with severe mental illness (SMI) and the evidence for their effectiveness. To this end, we conducted a meta-review and searched major electronic databases for articles published prior to 09/2022 and updated our search in 03/2024. We identified 89 relevant systematic reviews and assessed their quality using the SIGN checklist. Based on the findings of our meta-review and on clinical expertise of the authors, we formulated seven recommendations. In brief, evidence supports the application of lifestyle interventions that combine behavioural change techniques, dietary modification, and physical activity to reduce weight and improve cardiovascular health parameters in adults with SMI. Furthermore, physical activity should be used as an adjunct treatment to improve mental health in adults with SMI, including psychotic symptoms and cognition in adults with schizophrenia or depressive symptoms in adults with major depression. To ameliorate sleep quality, cognitive behavioural informed interventions can be considered. Additionally, we provide an overview of key gaps in the current literature. Future studies should integrate both mental and physical health outcomes to reflect the multi-faceted benefits of lifestyle interventions. Moreover, our meta-review highlighted a relative dearth of evidence relating to interventions in adults with bipolar disorder and to nutritional and sleep interventions. Future research could help establish lifestyle interventions as a core component of mental health care.

The individualisation of punishment is a key element in liberal narratives about international law and international relations. This narrative has become an integral part of positive international law, especially the regimes governing the use of force and the prosecution of an international crimes. Rather than punishing states or entire societies, liberals claim, punishment has become restricted to those who incurred individual guilt. To liberals, the individualisation of punishment is part of a larger process of enlightenment and civilisation that has helped to fence atavisms like revenge. We do not question the emergence of an ever more sophisticated system of individual punishment in international law. However, we argue that punitivity has been more difficult to fully channel towards individuals and away from collectives than claimed. To be sure, punitive language has by and large been banned from the laws of armed conflict. We argue, however, that the absence of a punitive vocabulary does not equal the absence of punitivity. In contrast, current state practices of using armed force are still imbued with punitivity, however silenced in the current legal framework and thus pushed underground. Realising the presence of a punitive undercurrent, we argue, adds to a more comprehensive understanding of contemporary state practices.

This paper contributes to current debates on the politicization of international politics by examining party-political contestation of peace and security missions. It is guided by two inter-related questions, (a) to what extent deployment decisions are contested amongst political parties and (b) what drives such contestation. We examine data from a new data set on parliamentary votes on deployment decisions in France, Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom and from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey. Against conventional wisdom and in an effort to address the often-overlooked role of political parties, we find that military deployments have been systematically contested amongst political parties across Europe. Further, we find that contestation is driven by the left/right axis, as opposed to newer cleavages captured here by the so-called gal/tan axis. We also find evidence that patterns of contestation depend on parties’ positions in government or opposition, a factor we relate to bureaucratic and international pressures on the parties in office, and to political opportunities for opposition parties.

The notion that states’ foreign and security policies are not exclusively driven by material interests is now firmly established. Whose ideas matter and in what way, however, has remained subject to debate. We advance this debate by studying the crisis diplomacy of liberal democracies towards North Korea during four crises around the country’s violation of international norms between 1993 and 2009. Although liberal democracies share a common perception of North Korea’s nuclear programme as a threat to international peace and security, they differ widely in either confronting or accommodating North Korea. We examine the explanatory power of two ideational driving forces behind the foreign policy of liberal democracies: the ideological orientation of the government, on the one hand, and a country’s political culture, on the other. Our analysis of 22 liberal democracies demonstrates that different domestic cultures of dealing with norm violations have a significant impact on crisis diplomacy: countries with punitive domestic cultures tend to adopt confrontational policies towards international norm violators; while left governments are not more accommodationist than right governments. Ideational differences across states are thus more pronounced than those within states.

Neuropeptide S (NPS) is a novel central acting neuropeptide that modulates several brain functions. NPS has shown strong anxiolytic-like effects and interactions with other central transmitter systems, including serotonin and glutamate. A coding variation (Asn107Ile) of the NPS receptor gene (NPSR1) was associated with panic disorder and schizophrenia. Based on these encouraging findings, the present study aimed at exploring a potential role of NPSR1 in obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD). A sample of 232 OCD patients was successfully genotyped for the NPSR1 Asn107Ile variant (rs324981). Age at onset was taken into account to address the heterogeneity of the OCD phenotype. The NPSR1 genotype significantly affected age at onset of the OCD patients, with a mean age at onset approximately 4 yr earlier in homozygous carriers of the low-functioning Asn107 variant compared to patients with at least one Ile107 variant (p = 0.032). Case–control analyses with 308 healthy control subjects reveal a highly significant association of the Asn107 variant with early onset OCD (odds ratio = 2.36, p = 0.0004) while late onset OCD or the OCD group as a whole were unrelated to the NPSR1 genotype. Based on our association finding relating NPSR1 genotype to early onset OCD, we suggest a differential role of the NPS system in OCD. In particular, the early onset OCD subtype seems to be characterized by a genetically driven low NPS tone, which might affect other OCD-related transmitter systems, including the serotonin and glutamate systems. In agreement with preclinical research, we suggest that NPS may be a promising pharmacological candidate with anti-obsessional properties.

Dixon et al. have highlighted the importance of a political conceptualisation of intergroup relations that challenges individualising models of social change. As important as this paper is for the development of critical debates in psychology, we can detect at least three issues that warrant further discussion: (a) the cultural and historical conditions of structural inequality and its perception, (b) the marginalisation of post-colonial works on collective mobilisation, and (c) acknowledging the complex perspectives and politics of those targeted by prejudice.

Major depressive disorder (MDD) is accompanied by both cognitive impairments and a hyperactivity of the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenocortical (HPA) system, resulting in an enhanced glucocorticoid secretion. Cortisol acts via mineralocorticoid and glucocorticoid receptors densely located in the hippocampus, a brain area that is important regarding cognitive functions and especially memory functions. Recently, a variant (rs1545843) affecting transcription of the human SLC6A15 gene has been associated with depression in a genome-wide association study. In an animal model, the neuronal amino acid transporter SLC6A15 was found to be decreased in stress-susceptible mice. Against the background of stress impacting on the activity of the HPA axis, we have investigated alterations of adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH) and cortisol secretion in the combined dexamethasone/corticotrophin-releasing hormone (Dex/CRH) test as well as memory and attention performance in a sample of 248 patients with unipolar depression and 172 healthy control subjects genotyped for rs1545843. MDD patients carrying the depression-associated AA genotype showed enhanced maximum and area under the curve ACTH and cortisol answers (p = 0.03) as well as an impaired memory and impaired sustained attention performance (p = 0.04) compared to carriers of at least one G allele. No effects of the SLC6A15 variant were found in the healthy control group. Our findings argue for a role of the SLC6A15 gene in ACTH and cortisol secretion during the Dex/CRH test and furthermore in the occurrence of cognitive impairments in unipolar depression.

The mixed-conducting perovskite oxide Ba0.5Sr0.5Co0.8Fe0.2O3-δ (BSCF), given its outstanding oxygen ionic and electronic transport properties, is considered a promising material composition for oxygen transport membranes (OTM) operated at high temperatures.

Its long-term stability under operating conditions is, however, still an important issue. Although the incompatibility of BSCF with CO2-containing atmospheres can be avoided by appropriate means (oxyfuel processes in the absence of carbon dioxide), the thermal as well as the chemical stability of BSCF itself are still under thorough investigation.

This work is focused on the stability of BSCF in the targeted temperature range for OTM applications (700…900 °C) and in atmospheres with low oxygen contents. Previous studies in literature suggest limited chemical stability below oxygen partial pressures pO2 of around 10-6 bar.

By using a coulometric titration method based on a zirconia “oxygen pump” setup, precise control of the oxygen partial pressure pO2 between 1 bar and 10-18 bar was facilitated. Combining electrical measurements on dense ceramic bulk samples performed as a function of pO2 with an XRD phase composition study of single phase BSCF powders subjected to various pO2 treatments, an assessment of the chemical stability of BSCF is facilitated as a function of oxygen partial pressure. It could thus be shown that the pO2 stability limit is considerably lower than previously assumed in literature.