We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Online ordering will be unavailable from 17:00 GMT on Friday, April 25 until 17:00 GMT on Sunday, April 27 due to maintenance. We apologise for the inconvenience.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The discovery that blazars dominate the extra-galactic $\gamma$-ray sky is a triumph in the Fermi era. However, the exact location of $\gamma$-ray emission region still remains in debate. Low-synchrotron-peaked blazars (LSPs) are estimated to produce high-energy radiation through the external Compton process, thus their emission regions are closely related to the external photon fields. We employed the seed factor approach proposed by Georganopoulos et al. It directly matches the observed seed factor of each LSP with the characteristic seed factors of external photon fields to locate the $\gamma$-ray emission region. A sample of 1 138 LSPs with peak frequencies and peak luminosities was adopted to plot a histogram distribution of observed seed factors. We also collected some spectral energy distributions (SEDs) of historical flare states to investigate the variation of $\gamma$-ray emission region. Those SEDs were fitted by both quadratic and cubic functions using the Markov-chain Monte Carlo method. Furthermore, we derived some physical parameters of blazars and compared them with the constraint of internal $\gamma\gamma$-absorption. We find that dusty torus dominates the soft photon fields of LSPs and most $\gamma$-ray emission regions of LSPs are located at 1–10 pc. The soft photon fields could also transition from dusty torus to broad line region and cosmic microwave background in different flare states. Our results suggest that the cubic function is better than the quadratic function to fit the SEDs.
The assessment of seed quality and physiological potential is essential in seed production and crop breeding. In the process of rapid detection of seed viability using tetrazolium (TZ) staining, it is necessary to spend a lot of labour and material resources to explore the pretreatment and staining methods of hard and solid seeds with physical barriers. This study explores the TZ staining methods of six hard seeds (Tilia miqueliana, Tilia henryana, Sassafras tzumu, Prunus subhirtella, Prunus sibirica, and Juglans mandshurica) and summarizes the TZ staining conditions required for hard seeds by combining the difference in fat content between seeds and the kinship between species, thus providing a rapid viability test method for the protection of germplasm resources of endangered plants and the optimization of seed bank construction. The TZ staining of six species of hard seeds requires a staining temperature above 35 °C and a TZ solution concentration higher than 1%. Endospermic seeds require shorter staining times than exalbuminous seeds. The higher the fat content of the seeds, the lower the required incubation temperature and TZ concentration for staining, and the longer the staining time. And the closer the relationship between the two species, the more similar their staining conditions become. The TZ staining method of similar species can be predicted according to the genetic distance between the phylogenetic trees, and the viability of new species can be detected quickly.
The laboratory generation and diagnosis of uniform near-critical-density (NCD) plasmas play critical roles in various studies and applications, such as fusion science, high energy density physics, astrophysics as well as relativistic electron beam generation. Here we successfully generated the quasistatic NCD plasma sample by heating a low-density tri-cellulose acetate (TCA) foam with the high-power-laser-driven hohlraum radiation. The temperature of the hohlraum is determined to be 20 eV by analyzing the spectra obtained with the transmission grating spectrometer. The single-order diffraction grating was employed to eliminate the high-order disturbance. The temperature of the heated foam is determined to be T = 16.8 ± 1.1 eV by analyzing the high-resolution spectra obtained with a flat-field grating spectrometer. The electron density of the heated foam is about under the reasonable assumption of constant mass density.
Measures of uncertainty are a topic of considerable and growing interest. Recently, the introduction of extropy as a measure of uncertainty, dual to Shannon entropy, has opened up interest in new aspects of the subject. Since there are many versions of entropy, a unified formulation has been introduced to work with all of them in an easy way. Here we consider the possibility of defining a unified formulation for extropy by introducing a measure depending on two parameters. For particular choices of parameters, this measure provides the well-known formulations of extropy. Moreover, the unified formulation of extropy is also analyzed in the context of the Dempster–Shafer theory of evidence, and an application to classification problems is given.
Previous studies have confirmed that miR-146a-5p overexpression suppresses neurogenesis, thereby enhancing depression-like behaviors. However, it remains unclear how miR-146a-5p dysregulation produces in vivo brain structural abnormalities in patients with major depressive disorder (MDD).
Methods
In this case–control study, we combined cortical morphology analysis of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and miR-146a-5p quantification to investigate the neuropathological effect of miR-146a-5p on cortical thickness in MDD patients. Serum-derived exosomes that were considered to readily cross the blood-brain barrier and contain miR-146a-5p were isolated for miRNA quantification. Moreover, follow-up MRI scans were performed in the MDD patients after 6 weeks of antidepressant treatment to further validate the clinical relevance of the relationship between miR-146a-5p and brain structural abnormalities.
Results
In total, 113 medication-free MDD patients and 107 matched healthy controls were included. Vertex-vise general linear model revealed miR-146a-5p-dependent cortical thinning in MDD patients compared with healthy individuals, i.e., overexpression of miR-146a-5p was associated with reduced cortical thickness in the left orbitofrontal cortex (OFC), anterior cingulate cortex, bilateral lateral occipital cortices (LOCs), etc. Moreover, this relationship between baseline miR-146a-5p and cortical thinning was nonsignificant for all regions in the patients who had received antidepressant treatment, and higher baseline miR-146a-5p expression was found to be related to greater longitudinal cortical thickening in the left OFC and right LOC.
Conclusions
The findings of this study reveal a relationship between miR-146a-5p overexpression and cortical atrophy and thus may help specify the in vivo mediating effect of miR-146a-5p dysregulation on brain structural abnormalities in patients with MDD.
The chapter focuses on how the European Union (EU) and European powers have struggled to navigate between transatlantic alliance and growing Eurasian connectivity, which is energized recently by China’s rise. When first proposed by the EU in 2016, “strategic autonomy” was about the European search for independent capacity to militarily balance against the Russian power. When applied to Asia, the concept is mainly about Europe’s choice in a region, which is fast becoming the center of the global political economy but is increasingly dominated by US-China competition. With the EU labeling China “a systemic rival,” the multipolarization behind European strategic autonomy has hardly unfolded as envisioned by Beijing. The chapter first examines Europe’s limited presence in Asian security and addresses the unfulfilled transatlantic potential under the US rebalance towards Asia during the Obama administration. Next it analyzes the European search for strategic autonomy amid the emerging great-power competition in the Indo-Pacific. Finally it examines the geoeconomics associated with the Belt and Road Initiative and Europe’s broad relationship with China.
The chapter looks at China’s approach to regional and global institutions. It starts with a quick review of Asian regionalism first led by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Japan, focusing on how Asian regionalism facilitated China’s socialization in the 1980s–1990s. The chapter then explores China’s multipronged strategy in dealing with its evolving institutional environment. First, China has pursued a latent regionalism, which is centered on East Asia, relies on the BRI, and takes advantage of ASEAN-led mechanisms to mitigate geopolitical trends harmful to its interests. Second, China has undertaken limited institutional innovation, opting instead to promote its targeted reformist agenda towards the Bretton Woods economic order. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the only institution China created and has led, demonstrates its preference of reform over innovation concerning the global economic order. Finally, to project influence, China has relied on its leadership positions in regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the United Nations system, including the World Health Organization. Taken together, China’s institutional tactics show that instead of offering an alternative Chinese order, China has been mainly interested in reshaping the institutional settings of its international environment.
The chapter first identifies the puzzle of how China’s illiberal polity could convince many quarters of the world to support the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Chinese-led transformative, global infrastructural program. The next section investigates how China’s all-in commitment quickly launched the program but doing so at the expense of its sustainability. The following section discusses why credibility matters for the BRI and China’s broad foreign policy agenda. The last section considers how mounting sustainability challenges are transforming the dynamics of the BRI, forcing China to scale back its investment and ambitions. The conclusion highlights how China’s priority has changed from projecting Beijing’s commitment to securing the BRI’s long-term viability and what the policy shift means for the initiative’s future evolution.
The chapter introduces strategic opportunity as the analytical approach guiding the book. China’s strategic opportunity is defined by the national goals and ambitions as set by the Chinese leadership, the opportunities and risks presented in the international environment, and the policy instruments and resources at the nation’s disposal. The chapter first shows how the concept is anchored in the reformist Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping’s assessment that peace and development were the predominant trends in the world. It then explains why the concept provides an appropriate and innovative approach to the study of Chinese foreign policy. Finally, the chapter investigates how Chinese leadership under Xi Jinping has launched a major-power diplomacy seeking to effectively deploy its newfound resources to reshape its international environment. It also lays out the salient causal beliefs and policy patterns behind the assertive Chinese foreign policy and concludes with a summary of the contents of the book.
The chapter examines the onset of great-power competition between the rising power, China and the dominant power, the United States. It first discusses how Xi Jinping consolidated central control of foreign policy, the economy, and the military. The next section sketches out the main ideas and initiatives in Xi’s major-power diplomacy. The following section discusses how the long standing US engagement policy came to an abrupt end, ushering in a new phase of US-China peer competition. A further section teases out the key beliefs held by the Chinese leadership and policy elites on the emerging great-power struggle. The conclusion highlights how China mobilized and adjusted its diplomacy amid the Sino-US rivalry to secure its long-term strategic opportunity.
The chapter summarizes the salient patterns of China’s major-power diplomacy under President Xi Jinping and highlights how it differs from the development-driven, low-profile strategy of the previous era under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. It then discusses how Chinese diplomacy struggles to balance a policy of seeking change within the global order and a revionisim risking a cold or a hot war. The next section addresses how the COVID-19 pandemic tested China’s strategic opportunity. The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of the theoretical and policy implications of the study.
Building on the discussion of the Belt and Road Initiative, the chapter offers a comprehensive inquiry into China’s economic statecraft. It first argues that the analogy often drawn between the BRI and the Marshall Plan misconstrues contemporary China’s economic statecraft. It then examines how the interest communities and partnership diplomacy serve as mechanisms for China’s economic influence. The next section considers how, with Chinese economic ascendancy in Asia, a semblance of Chinese centrality in Asia is emerging. The following section looks at China’s global influence effect in terms of the international discourse on its great-power standing as well as its drive for technical standard-setting in key industries. Lastly, the chapter discusses the built-in limits of the BRI and broad limitations of the Chinese economic statecraft in the twenty-first century.
This book offers a systematic study of China's great-power diplomacy under President Xi Jinping. It critically applies the Chinese concept of 'strategic opportunity', which is defined by the national ambitions as set by the ruling communist party leadership, the opportunities and risks presented in the international environment, and the policy instruments at the nation's disposal. Applying the dynamic concept, the book identifies key Chinese beliefs that seek to best match its resources with its policy ends and investigates policy patterns in China's management of competition with the United States, the Belt and Road Initiative, economic statecraft, regional and global institutional orders, and its multipolar diplomacy. Taking seriously China's choice, Yong Deng challenges the mainstream structural analysis in International Relations that focuses merely on rising powers' insecurity and discontent in the international system. His study shows how the world's leading contender to, and major stakeholder in, the world order actually evaluates, and actively seeks to control, its international environment.
The ongoing pandemic of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) has led to an unprecedented global public health crisis. The objectives of this study were to analyse the dynamic trend in specific antibodies in the serum of patients infected with SARS-CoV-2 within 12 months after recovery and to make a preliminary assessment of the protective effect of vaccination. Eighty-seven patients with confirmed COVID-19 who were admitted to our hospital from January to February 2020 were followed after recovery. Three-millilitre blood samples were collected for specific antibody detection at four time points: 1, 6 and 12 months after recovery and 1 month after vaccination. The changes in specific immunoglobulin G (IgG) antibody and total antibody levels over 12 months were analysed. Moreover, an independent comparison of the neutralising antibody levels of patients after vaccination with those of healthy medical staff after vaccination was performed to compare the inhibition rates of the neutralising antibody to the virus. No statistically significant difference in the sex distribution between groups was observed (P > 0.05). Older patients had a greater risk of developing severe and critical COVID-19 (P < 0.05). The percentages of subjects positive for IgG antibodies at 1, 6 and 12 months after recovery were 88.5%, 75.9% and 50.6%, respectively. The rate of IgG antibody conversion from positive to negative was not uniform across time points: the change was slow in the first 6 months but increased significantly in the last 6 months (P < 0.05). The positive rate of critically ill patients in the first 6 months was 100.0%. The trend over time in total antibody levels was similar to that of IgG antibody levels. Over 12 months, the sample/cut off value of total antibodies continued to decrease, while that of different disease severities was significantly different (P < 0.05). After vaccine administration, the total antibody level exceeded the detection level in the first month, which was independent of disease severity (P > 0.05). Significant differences were observed in the inhibition rate of the neutralising antibody against the virus in the disease group and the control group (P < 0.05). IgG antibody produced by patients naturally infected with SARS-CoV-2 has a duration of no less than 1 year, and the change trend graph of total antibody levels was the same as that of IgG antibody levels. Under vaccine stimulation, the positive rate of IgG antibody was as high as 100%, and the total antibody concentration reached the highest level, which was independent of disease severity. Neutralising antibodies following vaccination in patients who recovered from COVID-19 had a higher inhibition rate against SARS-CoV-2 than those of vaccinated healthy controls, indicating that these COVID-19 patients had a lower risk of reinfection and were better protected.