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² See Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, “Notes on Circulation and Asymmetry in Two Mediterraneans, c. 1400–1800,” in Guillot, Claude, Lombard, Denys, and Ptak, Roderich, eds., From the Mediterranean to the China Sea (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998), 21–43Google Scholar.

³ See Bose, Sugata, A Hundred Horizons: The Indian Ocean in the Age of Global Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), 4–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bowen, H. V., Mancke, Elizabeth, and Reid, John G., eds., Britain's Oceanic Empire: Atlantic and Indian Ocean Worlds, c. 1550–1850 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷ On Africa-India relations, see papers in these collections: Hawley, John C., ed., India in Africa, Africa in India: Indian Ocean Cosmopolitanisms (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Jayasuriya, Shihan de Silva and Pankhurst, Richard, ed., The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean (Trenton: Africa World Press, 2003)Google Scholar; and Robbins, Kenneth X. and McLeod, John, eds., African Elites in India: Habshi Amarat (Ahmedabad: Mapin, 2006)Google Scholar. Other recent contributions include Alpers, Edward A., “Africa and Africans in the Making of Early Modern India,” in Malekandathil, Pius, ed., The Indian Ocean in the Making of Early Modern India (New Delhi: Manohar, 2015), 61–74Google Scholar; and Bhatt, Purnima Mehta, The African Diaspora in India: Assimilation, Change, and Cultural Survivals (Abingdon: Routledge, 2018)Google Scholar. The narrative history of Ali, Shanti Sadiq, The African Dispersal in the Deccan: From Medieval to Modern Times (Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 1996)Google Scholar, though often cited, is problematic in various respects. A significant recent work, based largely on the Portuguese-language archives, is Machado, Pedro, Ocean of Trade: South Asian Merchants, Africa and the Indian Ocean, c. 1750–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹³ Newitt, Malyn, A History of Portuguese Overseas Expansion, 1400–1668 (London: Routledge, 2005), 111Google Scholar.

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¹⁵ Chittick, Neville, “The ‘Shirazi’ Colonization of East Africa,” Journal of African History 6, 3 (1965): 275–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar (discussion on 289–90); and Pouwels, Randall L., “A Reply to Spear on Early Swahili History,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, 3 (2001): 639–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁸ Letter from Diogo Lopes de Sequeira at Cochin to the King, 23 Dec. 1518, in Documentos sobre os Portugueses, vol. 5, 596–97. The pardau was a gold coin worth 360 reis. The metical (Arabic mithqāl) was usually around 4.5 grams.

¹⁹ “Traslado da carta de Ali, Rei de Melinde, para D. Manuel,” in Documentos sobre os Portugueses, vol. 6, 44–47.

²⁰ Anonymous, “Livro das Cidades, e Fortalezas, que a Coroa de Portugal tem nas Partes da Índia, e das capitanias, e mais cargos que nellas há, e da importância delles,” F. P. Mendes da Luz, ed., Studia 6 (1960): fls. 39v–40r.

²¹ Allen, Richard B., “Satisfying the ‘Want for Labouring People’: European Slave Trading in the Indian Ocean, 1500–1850,” Journal of World History 21, 1 (2010): 45–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see the essay by Hassell, Stephanie, “Inquisition Records from Goa as Sources for the Study of Slavery in the Eastern Domains of the Portuguese Empire,” History in Africa 42 (2015): 397–418CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The work of Pinto, Jeanette, Slavery in Portuguese India (1510–1842) (Bombay: Himalaya Publishing House, 1992)Google Scholar, is largely impressionistic.

²² See Marcocci, Giuseppe, “Tra cristianesimo e Islam: Le vite parallele degli schiavi abissini in India (secolo XVI),” Società e storia 138 (2012): 807–22Google Scholar.

²³ Machado, Ocean of Trade, 124–26.

²⁴ Machado, Pedro, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean, 1300–1800,” in Riello, Giorgio and Parthasarathi, Prasannan, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 161–79Google Scholar, (discussion on 165–66).

²⁵ Dias Antunes, Luís Frederico, “A actividade da companhia do comércio dos baneanes de Diu em Moçambique: A dinâmica privada indiana no quadro da economia estatal portuguesa (1686–1777),” Mare Liberum 4 (1992): 143–64Google Scholar.

²⁶ See the detailed discussion in Aubin, Jean, Le Latin et l'Astrolabe, 1: Recherches sur le Portugal de la Renaissance, son expansion en Asie et les relations internationales (Paris: Centre Culturel Calouste Gulbenkian, 1996), 133–210Google Scholar.

²⁷ See Chekroun, Amélie, “Dakar, capitale du sultanat éthiopien du Barr Sa‘d ad-dīn (1415–1520),” Cahiers d’Études Africaines 55 (2015): 569–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁸ For a contemporary account, see Castanhoso, Miguel de, Dos feitos de D. Christovam da Gama em Ethiopia, Pereira, Francisco Maria Esteves, ed. (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1898)Google Scholar. For a recent summary narrative, with some context, see d'Alòs-Moner, Andreu Martínez, “Conquistadores, Mercenaries, and Missionaries: The Failed Portuguese Dominion of the Red Sea,” Northeast African Studies 12, 1 (2012): 1–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ The use of African slaves (often as infantry but sometimes as cavalry) was certainly known in the ‘Abbasid and Fatimid Caliphates. See Bacharach, Jere L., “African Military Slaves in the Medieval Middle East: The Cases of Iraq (869–955) and Egypt (868–1171),” International Journal of Middle East Studies 13, 4 (1981): 471–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Lovejoy, Paul E., Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa, 3d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 46–47, 61–62Google Scholar.

³¹ Vernet, Thomas, “Slave Trade and Slavery on the Swahili Coast (1500–1750),” in Mirzai, Behnaz A., Montana, Ismael M., and Lovejoy, Paul, eds., Slavery, Islam and Diaspora (Trenton: Africa World Press, 2009), 37–76Google Scholar (discussion on 59–60).

³² See Derat, Marie-Laure, “Chrétiens et musulmans d’Éthiopie face à la traite et à l'esclavage aux XV^e et XVI^e siècles,” in Médard, Henri, Derat, Marie-Laure, Vernet, Thomas, and Ballarin, Marie-Pierre, eds., Traites et esclavages en Afrique orientale et dans l'océan Indien (Paris: Karthala, 2013), 119–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³³ Kumar, Sunil, “When Slaves Were Nobles: The Shamsî Bandagân in the Early Delhi Sultanate,” Studies in History 10, 1 (1994): 23–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jackson, Peter, “The Mamluk Institution in Early Muslim India,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2 (1990): 340–58Google Scholar. More generally, see Chatterjee, Indrani and Eaton, Richard M., eds., Slavery and South Asian History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Cortesão, Armando, ed., The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires and the Book of Francisco Rodrigues, 2 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1944), 88Google Scholar (translation), 377 (text).

³⁵ See King, J. S., The History of the Bahmani Dynasty: Founded on the Burhan-i Ma'asir (London: Luzac, 1900), 119Google Scholar.

³⁶ Pires, Suma Oriental, 50–51.

³⁷ An important literary source on his career remains to be adequately explored: this is Anna Centenary Library, Chennai, Government Oriental Manuscripts Collection, Persian Ms. D. 92, fls. 108–37, Ni‘matullah ‘Iyani, Fath Nama-i Mahmud Shahi.

³⁸ ‘Abdullah Hajji-ud-Dabir Ulughkhani, Zafar al-Walih bi-Muzaffar wa Alihi: An Arabic History of Gujarat, Ross, E. Denison, ed., 3 vols. (London: John Murray, 1910–29), vol. 2, xii–xviii, xxxiii–xxxivGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ On Ahmedabad, see Chaghatai, M. Abdulla, Muslim Monuments of Ahmadabad through Their Inscriptions (Poona: Deccan College Research Institute, 1942)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Sidi Bilal Jhujhar Khan was killed during the 1546 siege of the Portuguese fortress of Diu. For several references to him (as “Jusarcão”), see Baião, António, ed., História quinhentista (inédita) do segundo cêrco de Dio (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1927), 27, 45–47, 92Google Scholar. His body was buried at the celebrated Sarkhej Rauza.

⁴¹ To these we can add the devoutly Hanafite figure of Sidi Sa‘id Sultani (d. 1576), builder of a major mosque in Ahmedabad; see Chaghatai, Muslim Monuments of Ahmadabad, 95–96.

⁴² For a survey of these sources, see Gina Maria Cordeiro Antunes, “Os Abexins no Decão e no Guzarate no século XVI: Escravos e senhores,” Mestrado thesis in History, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1997.

⁴³ We may note that the absence of notarial archives of the type used by historians of the Spanish Atlantic empire thus hinders the construction of a more nuanced and gendered history of the African presence in early modern India. See, by way of comparison, Williams, Danielle Terrazas, “‘My Conscience Is Free and Clear’: African-Descended Women, Status, and Slave Owning in Mid-Colonial Mexico,” The Americas 75, 3 (2018): 525–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁴ See the discussion in Cruz, Maria Augusta Lima, “A ‘Crónica da Índia’ de Diogo do Couto,” Mare Liberum 9 (1995): 383–91Google Scholar; and Martins, António Coimbra, Em Torno de Diogo do Couto (Coimbra: Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ do Couto, Diogo, Da Ásia, Década Sexta (Lisbon: Régia Officina Typografica, 1781), pt. 2, 515–17, 529–36Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ do Couto, Diogo, Da Ásia, Década Sétima (Lisbon: Régia Officina Typografica, 1782), pt. 1, 83–88Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ For details of the dealings in 1556–1557, see Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, Corpo Cronológico, I-100–31, letter from Dom João da Costa in Daman to the King, 20 Dec. 1556; CC, I-102-47, letter from Dom Diogo de Noronha at Goa to Pero de Alcáçova Carneiro, 17 Dec. 1557.

⁴⁸ See the letter from Dom Constantino de Bragança to the Queen, Jan. 1561, in Pereira, António dos Santos, “A Índia a preto e branco: Uma carta oportuna, escrita de Cochim, por D. Constantino de Bragança, à Rainha Dona Catarina,” Anais de História de Além-Mar, vol. 4 (2003), 449–86Google Scholar (discussion on 474–75).

⁴⁹ Couto, Da Ásia, Década Sétima, pt. 2, 502–12.

⁵⁰ For further details on Távora, see Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, Miscelâneas Manuscritas do Convento da Graça, Tomo 280, fls. 72–77, four letters from Garcia Rodrigues de Távora, respectively from Cochin, Chaul, and Daman (1558–1561).

⁵¹ Ulughkhani, Arabic History, vol. 2, 580–81; Commissariat, M. S., A History of Gujarat: Including a Survey of Its Chief Architectural Monuments and Inscriptions, vol. 1 (Bombay: Longmans, Green, & Co., 1938), 471–72Google Scholar.

⁵² Couto, Da Ásia, Década Sétima, pt. 2, 43.

⁵³ See de Matos, Artur Teodoro, et al. ., O Tombo de Damão, 1592 (Lisbon: CNCDP, 2001)Google Scholar. For a statistical analysis of this text, see Ferrão, Livia Baptista de Souza, “Tenants, Rents and Revenues from Daman in the late 16th Century,” Mare Liberum 9 (1995), 136–49Google Scholar. For a slightly later description of Daman and its territories, from the 1630s, see Bocarro, António, O Livro das Plantas de todas as fortalezas, cidades e povoações do Estado da Índia Oriental, Cid, Isabel, ed., 3 vols. (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1992), vol. 2, 84–101Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ See Faruqui, Munis D., The Princes of the Mughal Empire, 1504–1719 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 172CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ See Shyam, Radhey, The Kingdom of Ahmadnagar (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1966), 155–56Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Farhad Khan was obviously already prominent in Ahmadnagar by the late 1550s. See the inscription in the mosque, shrine, and rest-house built by him in that city in 967 H/1559-60, in Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1933–34, 6.

⁵⁷ Pereira, António Pinto, História da Índia no tempo em que a governou o visorei Dom Luís de Ataíde, Duarte, Manuel Marques, ed. (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1987), 368–69Google Scholar, passim.

⁵⁸ do Couto, Diogo, Da Ásia, Década XI (Lisbon: Régia Officina Typográfica, 1788), 171–72Google Scholar; also Vignato, Antonella, ed., “Vida e Acções de Mathias de Albuquerque, Capitão e Viso-Rei do Estado da Índia,” pt. 2, Mare Liberum 17 (1999): 267–360Google Scholar. It is of interest to read Farhad Khan's career together with the case of another Ethiopian (apparently of “falaxa” or Beta Israel origin) named Gabriel or Sidi Rahim (“Side Reme”), who was tried by the Inquisition at Chaul and Goa in 1595, after spending a part of his career in Ahmadnagar service; for a careful analysis of his Inquisition file, see Marcocci, “Tra cristianesimo e Islam,” 807–22.

⁵⁹ King to viceroy Rui Lourenço de Távora, 29 Oct. 1609, in de Bulhão Pato, R. A., ed., Documentos Remettidos da Índia, ou Livros das Monções, vol. 1 (Lisbon: Academia Real das Ciências, 1880), 253Google Scholar. For Portuguese dealings with Malik ‘Ambar more generally, see Flores, Jorge, Nas Margens do Hindustão: O Estado da Índia e a expansão mogol, ca. 1570–1640 (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, 2015), 235–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁰ Thus, see the popular account by Ali, Omar H., Malik Ambar: Power and Slavery across the Indian Ocean (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016)Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Eaton, Richard M., A Social History of the Deccan, 1300–1761: Eight Indian Lives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 105–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶² The most useful account is in the mid-seventeenth-century text of Fuzuni Astarabadi, Futuhat-i ‘Adil Shahi (British Library, Persian Ms., Addn. 27,251). For a translation of relevant passages, see Sarkar, Jadunath, “Malik Ambar: A New Life,” in Sarkar, J., House of Shivaji: Studies and Documents on Maratha History, 3d ed. (Calcutta: M. C. Sarkar and Sons, 1955), 5–25Google Scholar. On Chingiz Khan, and the end of his career, see Haig, Wolseley, The History of the Nizam Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar (Bombay: British India Press, 1923), 131–32Google Scholar, passim.

⁶³ See Ghulam Yazdani, “Inscriptions at the Fort of Qandhar, Nanded District, H.E.H. the Nizam's Dominions,” Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1919–20, 20–26. For a discussion of Kandhar and other sites, see Rötzer, Klaus, “The Architectural Legacy of Malik Ambar, Malik Sandal, and Yaqut Kabuli Habshi,” in Robbins, Kenneth X. and McLeod, John, eds., African Elites in India: Habshi Amarat (Ahmedabad: Mapin, 2006), 70–84Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ See Ghulam Yazdani, “Inscriptions of Nizam Shahi Kings from Antur Fort, Aurangabad District,” Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica, 1919–20, 12–15. For the inscription from Shivneri, see Gadre, Pramod B., Cultural Archaeology of Ahmadnagar during Nizam Shahi Period, 1494–1632 (Delhi: B. R. Publishing, 1986), 125–25Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Nauruzi, Jamshid, ed., Risala-i Tarikh-i Asad Beg Qazwini (Tehran: Pizhushishgah-i ʻUlum-i Insani wa Mutalaʻat-i Farhangi, 2014), 29, 31–34Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Firishta, Muhammad Qasim, Tarikh-i Firishta, Nasiri, Mohammad Reza, ed., 4 vols. (Teheran: Anjuman-i Asar wa Mafakhir-i Farhangi, 2009–11), vol. 3, 508Google Scholar; History of the Rise of Mahomedan Power in India till the Year A.D. 1612, John Briggs, trans. (with Mir Khairat ‘Ali Khan Akbarabadi “Mushtaq”), 4 vols. (London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green, 1829), vol. 3, 314–15 (revised). The farsakh was around 6 kilometers, and the karoh roughly 3 kilometers.

⁶⁷ See Foster, William, ed., The English Factories in India, 1618–69, 13 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1906–27)Google Scholar (henceforth EFI): EFI, 1618–21, 272–73.

⁶⁸ See the letters from Jeffries dated October and November 1621, in EFI, 1618–21, 287–90, 296–97, 315–18. There are further references to the episode and its aftermath in EFI, 1622–23, 12–13, 18, 200–4. For a full discussion, see Gupta, Ashin Das, “Indian Merchants and the Western Indian Ocean: The Early Seventeenth Century,” Modern Asian Studies 19, 3 (1985): 481–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷⁰ For an account of his career, see Sharif, Muhammad Jamal, Dakan mein Urdu sha‘iri Wali se pehle, Asar, Muhammad ‘Ali, ed. (Hyderabad: Idara-i Adabiyat-i Urdu, 2004), 416–32Google Scholar. For an edition of his most important work, see Khushnud, Malik, Jannat Singar (1056 H./1645), Ja‘far, Sayyida, ed. (New Delhi: Qaumi Council bara'i Urdu Zaban, 1997)Google Scholar.

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⁷² For details, see Sarkar, Jadunath, Shivaji and His Times, 3d ed. (Calcutta: M. C. Sarkar and Sons, 1929), 254–78Google Scholar. On Janjira, also see the recent essay by Jasdanwalla, Faeeza, “The Invincible Fort of the Nawabs of Janjira,” Journal of African Diaspora Archaeology & Heritage 4, 1 (2015): 72–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷⁷ See Vaughan, Megan, Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁸ An interesting case that tests the limits is that studied in Furtado, Júnia Ferreira, Chica da Silva: A Brazilian Slave of the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009)Google Scholar. Also see Candido, Mariana P., An African Slaving Port and the Atlantic World: Benguela and Its Hinterland (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a comparison of mobility on the two sides of the Atlantic.

⁷⁹ Reis, João José, Slave Rebellion in Brazil: The Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Bahia, Brakel, Arthur, trans. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Diouf, Sylviane A., Servants of Allah: African Muslims Enslaved in the Americas (New York: New York University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

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