We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 March 2014
This article discusses Martin Luther's appropriation of the tradition of bridal-mysticism, and contrasts it with that of Bernard of Clairvaux. According to Bernard, through the power of divine grace, the human person and God both come to find each other objects of mutual desire. By contrast, Luther, in Freedom of a Christian (1520), uses the bridal motif to describe the divine-human relationship as one of promise and trust. In this, the Reformer both appropriates and significantly reinterprets the bridal-mystical motif in accordance with the claims of his newly-minted Reformation theology of justification through faith.
1 See, for example, Oberman, Heiko, The dawn of the Reformation: essays in late medieval and early reformation thought, Grand Rapids, Mi 1992Google Scholar; Ozment, Steven, The age of reform, 1250–1550: an intellectual and religious history of late medieval and Reformation Europe, New Haven, 1981Google Scholar; and Steinmetz, David, Luther in context, Grand Rapids, Mi 2002Google Scholar, and Luther and Staupitz: an essay in the intellectual origins of the Protestant Reformation, Durham, NC 1980.
2 Historically, Lutherans have defined the catholicity of the Church in terms of time (the endurance of the true Church in all ages) and agreement of doctrine: Augsburg Confession. art. vii; Gerhard, Johann, Exegesis XXV: on the Church, trans. Richard Dinda, St Louis 2010, 279–80Google Scholar.
3 The most significant examples of this within the Lutheran Reformation are Chemnitz, Martin, Examination of the Council of Trent, trans. Fred Kramer, St Louis1971–86Google Scholar, and Johann Gerhard, Confessio catholica, Jena 1634–6
4 See Heiko Oberman, ‘Quo vadis Petre? Tradition from Irenaeus to Humani generis’, in his Dawn of the Reformation, 269–98.
5 Two major examples of Luther's attempts at maintaining continuity with the earlier tradition come in ‘Concerning rebaptism’, LW xl. 225–62; WA xxvi. 144–74. See also his ‘On the councils and the Church’, LW xli. 3–178; WA i. 509–653.
6 See the following sources on the first two chapters of Hosea: Davies, Graham, Hosea, Sheffield 1993, 79–92Google Scholar; Hubbard, David, Hosea: an introduction and commentary, Downers Grove, Il 1989, 51–89Google Scholar; and Sherwood, Yvonne, The prostitute and the prophet: Hosea's marriage in literary-theoretical perspective, Sheffield 1996Google Scholar.
7 Regarding the use of this image in Ezekiel see Block, Daniel, The book of Ezekiel: chapters 1–24, Grand Rapids, Mi 1997, 459–67, 729–65Google Scholar; Eichrodt, Walther, Ezekiel: a commentary, Philadelphia, 1970, 196–219, 317–33Google Scholar; and Hummel, Horace, Ezekiel, St Louis 2005–7, i. 418–96Google Scholar; ii. 695–735.
8 See the discussion of the passage in Eadie, John, Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians, Grand Rapids, Mi 1977, 404–36Google Scholar, and Hendriksen, William, Exposition of Ephesians, Grand Rapids, Mi 1967, 247–58Google Scholar.
9 Norris, Richard, The Song of Songs: interpreted by early Christian and medieval commentators, Grand Rapids, Mi 2003Google Scholar.
10 See the summary of early commentaries in Elliot, Mark, The Song of Songs and Christology in the early Church, 381–451, Tübingen 2000, 15–50Google Scholar, and Norris, Richard, The Song of SongsGoogle Scholar.
11 See Yancy Smith, ‘Hippolytus' commentary on the Song of Songs in social and critical context’, unpubl. PhD diss. Fort Worth 2008.
12 Elliot, Song of Songs and Christology, 51–158. See also Elizabeth Clark, ‘Origen, the Jews, and the Song of Songs: allegory and polemic in Christian antiquity’, in Anselm Hagedorn (ed.), Perspectives on Song of Songs, Tübingen 2005, 274–90, and Ledegang, F., Mysterium ecclesiae: images of the Church and its members in Origen, Leuven 2001, 146–9Google Scholar.
13 See the description in Laird, Martin, ‘The education of desire in the homilies on Song of Songs’, in Coakley, Sarah (ed.), Re-thinking Gregory of Nyssa, Oxford 2003, 77–96Google Scholar, and Hagedorn, Perspectives, 275. See also Gregory of Nyssa: homilies on the Song of Songs, trans. Richard Norris, New York, 2010.
14 See Gregory of Nyssa, The life of Moses, trans. Abraham Malherbe and Everett Ferguson, New York, 1978.
15 See Bede, , On the Song of Songs and selected writings, trans. Arthur Holder, New York 2011, 37–249Google Scholar.
16 See the description in Karlfried Froehlich, ‘The Old Testament in the monasteries: Bernard of Clairvaux on the Song of Songs’, in Magne Saebo (ed.), Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, I: From the beginning to the Middle Ages (until 1300), ii: The Middle Ages, Göttingen 2000, 499.
17 Astell, Ann, The Song of Songs in the Middle Ages, Ithaca 1995, 44–5Google Scholar; Gambero, Luigi, Mary in the Middle Ages: the blessed virgin Mary in the thought of medieval Latin theologians, San Francisco 2005, 124–30Google Scholar; Pranger, M. B., Bernard of Clairvaux and the shape of monastic thought: broken dreams, Leiden 1994, 194Google Scholar; Rubin, Miri, Mother of God: a history of the Virgin Mary, New Haven 2009, 159–61Google Scholar.
18 Astell, Song of Songs, 42–72; Froehlich, ‘Bernard of Clairvaux on the Song of Songs’, 499.
19 On Bernard see Bredero, Ariaan, Bernard of Clairvaux: between cult and history, New York 2004Google Scholar; Léon Cristiani, St Bernard of Clairvaux, 1090–1153, trans. M. Angeline Bouchard, Boston 1977; G. R. Evans, The mind of St Bernard of Clairvaux, New York 1983, and Bernard of Clairvaux, New York 2000; Etienne Gilson, The mystical theology of Saint Bernard, trans. A. H. C. Downes, New York, 1940; Jean Leclercq, St Bernard de Clairvaux, Lausanne 1994; Bernard McGinn, The presence of God: a history of western Christian mysticism: the growth of mysticism, ii, New York, 1994, 158–224; and John Sommerfeldt, The spiritual teachings of Bernard of Clairvaux: an intellectual history of the early Cistercian order, Kalamazoo, Mi 1991.
20 For Bernard's Song of Songs sermons and his interpretive techniques see Loyd Allen, William, ‘Bernard of Clairvaux's sermons on the Song of Songs: why they matter’, Review and Exposition cv (2008), 403–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Astell, Song of Songs in the Middle Ages, 119–35; William Kling, David, The Bible in history: how the texts have changed the times, Oxford 2004, 83–119CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Krahmer, Shawn, ‘The virile bride of Bernard of Clairvaux’, Church History lxix (2000), 304–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McDonnell, Killian, ‘Spirit and experience in Bernard of Clairvaux’, Theological Studies lviii (1997), 3–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pranger, M. B., ‘Mystical tropology of Bernard of Clairvaux’, Bijdragen lii (1991), 428–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Tamburella, Dennis, ‘Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153)’, in McKim, Donald (ed.), Historical handbook of major biblical interpreters, Downer's Grove, Il 1998, 91–5Google Scholar;
21 McGinn, The presence of God, 164.
22 Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, 55–6; McGinn, The presence of God, 165. See also Hamm, Berndt, ‘A contribution to the history of penitence’, in Bast, Robert (ed.), The reformation of faith in the context of late medieval theology and piety, Leiden 2004, 130–2Google Scholar, and Gilson, Mystical theology, 170–97.
23 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica Canticum xiv.3–8, in On the Song of Songs, trans. Killian Walsh, Kalamazoo, Mi 2005, i. 101–4; Opera omnia, ed. Jean Mabillon and J. P. Migne, Paris 1862–3, PL ii. 840–3. Bernard here describes the Church as the bride of Christ and contrasts it to what he considers to be the apostasy of the Jews.
24 Allen, ‘Bernard of Clairvaux's sermons’, 408–9; Kling, , The Bible in history, 106–7Google Scholar; Tamburella, ‘Bernard of Clairvaux’, 94.
25 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica Canticum xxxiv.1, On the Song of Songs, ii.160–1; Opera omnia, ii. 959–60.
26 Cristiani, St Bernard of Clairvaux, 150–2; Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, 37–41; Gilson, Mystical theology, 70–2; McGinn, The presence of God, 191; Sommerfeldt, Spiritual teachings, 64–6; Tamburella, ‘Bernard of Clairvaux’, 94.
27 Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, 89–94; Gilson, Mystical theology, 78–84; Kling, The Bible in history, 108–9; McGinn, The presence of God, 193–4; Sommerfeldt, Spiritual teachings, 27–30, 103–14.
28 Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux, 89. This leads to a discussion of the topic of grace and free will. Bernard's ideas on this subject may be found in Tractatus de gratia et libero arbitrio, ad Guillelmum sancti theoderici abbatem, Opera omnia, i.1001–30.
29 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica Canticum, lxxxii.6, On the Song of Songs, iv. 186; Opera omnia, ii. 1184.
30 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica Canticum ii.3, On the Song of Songs, i. 10–11; Opera omnia, ii. 789.
31 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica Canticum viii, On the Song of Songs, i. 45–52; Opera omnia, ii. 810–14; McDonnell, ‘Spirit and experience’, 11–12.
32 Cristiani, St Bernard of Clairvaux, 157–60; Gilson, Mystical theology, 127–52; McGinn, The presence of God, 204–7.
33 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica Canticum x, On the Song of Songs, i. 61–8; Opera omnia, ii. 819–24.
34 Kling, The Bible in history, 110.
35 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica Canticum x.4, On the Song of Songs, i.63; Opera omnia, ii. 820–1.
36 Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica Canticum xii.1, On the Song of Songs, i. 77–8 (emphasis added); Opera omnia, ii. 828.
37 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo iii.8, in On loving God: an analytical commentary with an analytical commentary by Emero Stiegman, Kalamazoo, Mi 1995, 10; Opera omnia, i. 979 (emphasis added).
38 See summary in Cristiani, St Bernard of Clairvaux, 152–5; Evans, Mind of St Bernard, 118–20.
39 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo vii.18, On loving God, 21; Opera omnia, i. 985 (emphasis added).
40 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo, vii.21, On loving God, 24; Opera omnia, i. 987 (emphasis added).
41 McGinn, The presence of God, 194–8.
42 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo viii, On loving God, 25–7; Opera omnia, i. 987–9.
43 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo ix.26, On loving God, 27–8; Opera omnia, i. 989–90.
44 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo ix.26, On loving God, 28; Opera omnia, i. 990.
45 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo x.27, On loving God, 29; Opera omnia, i. 990.
46 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo x.27, On loving God, 29; Opera omnia, i. 990.
47 LW xxxi. 327–78; WA vii. 12–38. For discussions of the treatise see Hamm, Berndt, ‘Luther's Freedom of a Christian and the pope’, Lutheran Quarterly xxi (2007), 249–67Google Scholar, and ‘Martin Luthers entdeckung der evangelischen freiheit’, Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche lxxx (1983), 50–68Google Scholar; Eberhard Jüngel, The ‘Freedom of a Christian’: Luther's significance for contemporary theology, trans. Roy Harrisville, Minneapolis 1988, 47–88; Lienhard, Marc, Luther: witness to Jesus Christ: stages and themes of the Reformer's Christology, trans. Edwin Robertson, Minneapolis 1982, 131–6Google Scholar; and Witte, John, ‘Freedom of a Christian: the Lutheran Reformation as revolution’, Journal of the Royal Historical Society ii (2001), 109–121Google Scholar.
48 On this subject see Theo Bell, Divus Bernhardus: Bernhard von Clairvaux in Martin Luthers Schriften, Mainz 1993, and ‘Luther's reception of Bernard of Clairvaux’, Concordia Theological Quarterly lix (1995), 245–77; Zur Mühlen, Karl-Heinz, Nos extra nos: Luthers Theologie zwischen Mystik und Scholastik, Tübingen 1972, 107–8Google Scholar; and Posset, Franz, ‘Bernard of Clairvaux as Luther's source: reading Bernard with Luther's “spectacles”’, Concordia Theological Quarterly liv (1990), 281–304Google Scholar; Pater Bernhardus: Martin Luther and Bernard of Clairvaux, Kalamazoo, Mi 1999; and The real Luther: a friar at Erfurt and Wittenberg, St Louis, 2011.
49 Posset, Pater Berhardus, 4.
50 Idem, The real Luther, 85–129, 149–70. For the incident that Posset mentions in Melanchthon's biographical preface see Philipp Melanchthon, ‘Praefatio’, in Corpus reformatorum, ed. Carolus Gottlieb Bretschneider, Halle 1834–60, vi.159.
51 For Luther and mysticism see Hägglund, Bengt, ‘Luther und die Mystik’, in Asheim, Ivar (ed.), The Church, mysticism, sanctification, and the natural in Luther's thought, Philadelphia 1967, 84–94Google Scholar; Hamm, Berndt, ‘Wie Mystisch war der glaube Luthers?’, in Hamm, Berndt and Leppin, Volker (eds), Gottes Nahe unmittelbar erfahren·Mystik im Mittelalter und bei Martin Luther, Tubingen 2007, 237–87Google Scholar; Hoffman, Bengt, Luther and the mystics: a re-examination of Luther's spiritual experience and his relationship to the mystics, Minneapolis 1976Google Scholar; Iserloh, Erwin, ‘Luther's Christ-mysticism’, in Wicks, Jared (ed.), Catholics dialogue with Luther, Chicago 1970, 37–58Google Scholar, and ‘Luther und die Mystik’, in Asheim, Luther's thought, 60–83; Mühlen, Nos extra nos; Oberman, Heiko, ‘Simul gemitus et raptus: Luther and mysticism’, in Ozment, Steven (ed.), The Reformation in medieval perspective, Chicago 1971, 219–51Google Scholar, and ‘Eckhart and Luther: German mysticism and Protestantism’, The Thomist xlii (1978), 259–80Google Scholar; Packull, Werner, ‘Luther and medieval mysticism in the contest of recent historiography’, Renaissance and Reformation xviii (1982), 79–102Google Scholar; Steinmetz, David, ‘Religious ecstasy in Staupitz and the young Luther’, Sixteenth Century Journal xi (1980), 23–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Wicks, Jared, Man yearning for grace: Luther's early spiritual teachings, Washington, DC 1968, 144–51Google Scholar.
52 See Luther's preface in WA i. 375–9. See translation in Hoffman, Bengt (ed.), The theologia deutsch of Martin Luther, New York 1980Google Scholar. For discussion see Ozment, Steven, Mysticism and dissent: religious ideology and social protest in the sixteenth century, New Haven 1973, 17–25Google Scholar; Otto Scheel, ‘Taulers Mystik und Luthers reformatorische Entdeckung’, in Aus der Festgabe für Julius Kaftan zu seinem 70. Geburtstage, Tübingen 1920, 298–318; Moeller, Bernd, ‘Tauler und Luther’, in La Mystique Rhénane: colloque de Strasbourg, Paris 1961, 157–68Google Scholar; and Gerhard Wehr, ‘Martin Luther und die Theologia deutsch’, in Die deutsch Mystik: mystische Erfahrung und theosophische Weltsicht: eine Einführung in Leben und Werk der grossen deutschen Sucher nach Gott, Bern–Munich–Vienna 1988, 177–200; and Wicks, Man yearning for grace, 144–5.
53 See LW xv. 191–264; WA xxxi. 586–769.
54 LW xxxi. 344; WA vii. 21.
55 LW xxxi. 348; WA vii. 23.
56 LW xxxi. 348; WA vii. 23.
57 See comparison in Posset, Pater Bernhardus, 219–23.
58 Bell, Divus Bernhardus, 79; Posset, Pater Bernhardus, 219–20.
59 This theme is present throughout the Romans commentary of 1515–16 and as late as the Ninety-Five Theses. In Thesis iv Luther writes odium sui as being the content of true repentance, which continues throughout earthly life: ‘Manet itaque pena, donec manet odium sui (id est penitentia vera intus), scilicet usque ad introitum regni celorum’: WA i. 233. For a discussion of this theme in the young Luther see Bayer, Oswald, Promissio: Geschichte der reformatorischen Wende in Luthers Theologie, Göttingen 1971, 104–6Google Scholar; Grane, Leif, Modus loquendi theologicus: Luthers Kampf um die Erneuerung der Theologie (1515–1518), Leiden 1975, 71–5Google Scholar; Green, Lowell, How Melanchthon helped Luther discover the Gospel: the doctrine of justification in the Reformation, Fallbrook, Ca 1980, 62–78, 95–7Google Scholar; Steinmetz, Luther and Staupitz, 78–92; and Wicks, Man yearning for grace, 60–94, 114–16.
60 It is for this reason that Posset's claim of a general unity in the questions of faith, grace and works is not entirely convincing: Pater Bernhardus, 185–97.
61 See Jüngel, ‘Freedom of a Christian’, 62–82.
62 LW xxxi.351; WA vii.25–6.
63 See Heinrich Bornkamm, Luther und Böhme, Bonn 1925, 234–7; Hoffman, Luther and the mystics, 76, 84, 120–1, 149–50, 155–9, 161, 172–4, 177; Mühlen, Nos extra nos, 106–8; and Ruhland, Friedrich, Luther und die Brautmystik nach Luthers Schrifttum bis 1521, Giessen 1938, 63–6Google Scholar.
64 See Yves Congar, ‘Regards et réflexions sur la christologie de Luther’, in Aloys Grillmeier and Heinrich Bacht (eds), Das Konzil von Chalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart, Wurzburg 1953–4, iii. 488–9; Erwin Iserloh, ‘Luther und die Mystik’, in Asheim, Luther's thought, 71–5; and Steinmetz, Luther and Staupitz, 29.
65 Irenaeus, Adversus haereses iii.10.2, ed. and trans. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson, in The ante-nicene Fathers, Peabody, Ma 2004, i. 424.
66 On the idea of exchange and mystical union see Asendorf, Ulrich, ‘Die Grundzüge der Theologie Luthers im lichte seines Ansatzes vom ‘admirabile commercium’, in Mans, Peter (ed.), Martin Luther ‘Reformator und Vater im glauben’: Refereate aus der Vortragsreihe des Instiuts für europäische Geschichte Mainz, Stuttgart 1985, 262–79Google Scholar; Beer, Theobald, Der fröhliche Wechsel und Streit: Grundzüge der theologie Martin Luthers, Einsiedeln 1980Google Scholar; Hoffman, Luther and the mystics, 169–73; Iserloh, ‘Luther und die Mystik’, 20–59; Joest, Wilfried, Ontologie der Person bei Luther, Göttingen 1967, 370–81Google Scholar; Kantzenbach, F. W., ‘Luthers Gedanke vom fröhlichen Weschsel’, Lutherjahrbuch xxxv (1964), 34–45Google Scholar; Mühlen, Nos extra nos, 96, 113; Ruhland, Luther und die Brautmystik, 20–5; and Schwager, Raymund, ‘Der fröhliche Wechsel und Streit: zur Erlösungs- und Rechtfertigunglehre Martin Luthers’, Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie cvi (1984), 27–66Google Scholar.
67 Steinmetz, Luther and Staupitz, 29–30, and Misericordia dei, Brill 1968, 90–1.
68 LW xxvi. 277; WA xl/1, 433 (emphasis added). For a systematic description of Luther's position in the Galatians commentary see Mannermaa, Tuomo, Christ present in faith: Luther's view of justification, Minneapolis 2005, 13–16Google Scholar.
69 Ozment, Homo spiritualis, 73–9.
70 This is cited from idem, A mighty fortress: a new history of the German people, San Francisco 2005, 84. Ozment cites Jacob Hochstraten, ‘Iacobi Hoochstrati disputationes contra Lutheranos’, in F. Pijper (ed.), Bibliotheca reformatoria Neerlandica, iii, The Hague 1905, 609–10 (emphasis added).
71 LW xxxi. 35–70; WA i. 350–74.
72 LW xxxi. 44; WA i. 356 (emphasis added).
73 ‘Non est ei species neque décor’: ibid. (emphasis added).
74 LW xxvi. 129–30; WA xl/1, 228–9 (emphasis added).
75 LW xxxi. 349; WA vii. 24.
76 See Joest, Ontologie, 302–4, and Link, Christian, ‘Vita passiva: rechtfertigung als lebensvorgang’, Evangelische Theologie xliv (1984), 315–51Google Scholar.
77 LW xxxi. 351; WA vii. 25 (emphasis added).
78 LW xliv. 30; WA vi. 210 (emphasis added).
79 See Hacker, Paul, Das Ich im Glauben bei Martin Luther: der Ursprung der anthroprozentrischen Religion, Graz 1966, 166–74Google Scholar. Hacker detects this conceptuality of faith and love in all of Luther's writing after 1520.
80 LW xxxi. 365; WA vii. 34–5 (emphasis added).
81 LW xxxi. 371; WA vii. 38 (emphasis added).
82 There is a good description of Luther's position here in Jüngel, ‘Freedom of a Christian’, 92–3, and Otto Pesch, Herman, Theologie der Rechtfertigung bei Martin Luther und Thomas von Aquin: Versuch eines systematisch-theologischen Dialogs, Mainz 1967, 304–17Google Scholar.
