Collective identity: a navigator in domestic and international politics The case of Montenegro’s debate on NATO-accession

Emerging scholarships on identity politics are challenging the traditional understanding of the relation between politics and identity; from politics shaping identity, to the other way around. The field has lately been successful in mapping out connection between identity and alliance formation, as well as demonstrating how identity shapes political attitudes and policy choices. Based on these findings, the aim of this study is to contribute to the emerging field by investigating how identity was contained and contested in Montenegro’s parliamentary debate on NATO accession in 2015. Montenegro provides with an exceptional empirical window for studying identity in politics, because of the competing national identities: Montenegrin and Serb, which further are affiliated to country’s party politics. The study was carried out through an integrative model of message-actor centric qualitative content analysis by the conceptual framework of identity as a variable and identity politics. The results of the study demonstrated contestation, and the use of identity as a tool by which the dominating groups attempted to promote and influence their interests and goals. Finally, this study calls for a wider integration of identity perspective in understanding domestic and foreign politics, as well as the connection between these two. (Less)


Introduction
The dynamics of alliance formation have traditionally been explained through a calculus of two features; first identifying a threat, and then reasoning of whom to ally with in order to combat the threat. Previous examples are dominated by the logic of anarchy, driven by materialistic means such as military or economical, in order to achieve balance between great powers (Barnett 1999, p. 401). In the light of the explanation that alliance formation is driven by material interests, some scholars have raised their voices and opposed the neorealist approach arguing that orthodox alliance theories lack capacity to provide explanation of other significant factors, such as identity (ibid.). The call for an ideational approach seems justifiable in understanding actions of [democratic] states, as they are not mechanical entities, driven solely by logic, but rather by politics; more concrete, the politics dictated by their citizens.
So, do states solely choose alliances in order to dodge threats? And if so, how do they reason with whom to form an alliance, and from what threat? These questions have come to shed light on the emerging school which seeks to understand state-behaviour through identity.
When talking about identity and alliances, I refer to one state's identification towards the wider international community, but in order for one state to define with a particular identity, the identity question directs focus from the state's external self, to its internal one. The latter has opened a new way of studying state behaviour, namely, through scrutinising the domestic composition of states. Departing from the assumption that alliance formation can be explained through identity the problematisation arises in the question: what happens if one state's collective identity (which generates political actions, thus referred to as identity politics) is not coherent and groups with diverging interests are in internal competition?
In the light of Montenegro, a small state, which through the orthodox alliance theory should in all aspects be in favour of an alliance shelter, the approach towards joining The North ! 9 Atlantic Treaty Organisation (hereafter: NATO) has sparked debate where opinions, benignly expressed, are dichotomic. As a consequence of the scarcely given attention to identity in alliance politics, and rather the wider impact of domestic politics, this paper has the ambition to manifest, locating it from bottom up, the role of identity in multi-ethnic societies in relation to international politics. This is done by analysing the domestic debate of Montenegro's NATO accession through the eyeglasses of identity. In this study an attempt is done to demonstrate the use of identity as a tool in politics, also known as identity politics by the help of following research question: How are arguments pro and anti-NATO formulated and contested based on identity? More on research problem, aim and research question in the 1.3.
section. the debate within these two groups was not unexpected since the citizens of Montenegro traditionally have been exposed to polarisation as a consequence of the political parties' affiliation to identity.

Background Montenegro and NATO
! 10

Collective identity and political parties
Considering Montenegro's vast history of statehood, and as a consequence of being a part of the Former Republic of Yugoslavia (BBC 2016), Montenegro has served as an interesting empirical material for studies on identity. Earlier studies (Dzankic 2013;Milacic 2018), within the field, have diagnosed Montenegro, because of its multi-ethnical composition, with critical identity features having high chances of spilling into conflict. This composition of identities refers mainly to two of the biggest recognised national identities citizens of Montenegro identify with, i.e., Montenegrin and Serb (Dzankic 2013, p. 348-349). Said division has been present, but intensified due and after the independence vote from Serbia, where depending on what you voted for was in general metaphoric to what you identified with; pro-independence equaled supporting DPS, and anti-independence equaled supporting NOVA (Dzankic 2013, p. 361;Raznatovic 2015, p. 28). After the independence vote, the political elite began to use the identity card intensively as a political instrument in order to mobilise followers (Malicic 2018, p.116). The consequence of such politics is that Montenegro today is highly polarised as the distance between the left and right pole are maintained with strong emphasis on ethnic and national identities. In summary of what is written, the collective identity in Montenegro is split between two main identities being Montenegrin and Serb, which are further affiliated to the ruling political parties (Dzankic 2013, p. 353, 356).  (Dzankic 2013, p. 353;Huszka 2003, p. 41), which can be seen as an obstacle in characterising each identity. In order to elude this obstacle these two identities will be studied through concepts and events where, based on historical response, their views have been contradictory. This because the construction of Montenegrin identity by DPS aimed to present the new identity in total opposition to Serb identity (Dzankic 2013, p. 413

Previous research on identity politics
The debate around the endogenous relationship between identity and politics has lately been addressed in a new way. Usually, said relationship, has been understood through politics shaping identity, rather than the other way around. But, the emerging field which recognises identity as a catalyst of politics, has found that identity plays a role, for instance, in political preference, economic interests and, not least, in political conflict. The below section presents an overview of the literature and debate within the field that treats the role of collective identity in politics (also referred to as identity politics), along with the critique addressed towards the field. There are above all three themes that saturate the field: the top down, bottom up and the final arguing for fundamental relation between identity and the shaping of political attitudes.
To begin with the top down approach of identity in politics, in his work, Identity and Alliances in the Middle East, Michael N. Barnett (1996, p. 403) suggests ideational understanding of alliances. He argues that the orthodox theory of aggressive intentions and the recognitions of threats lay a support for an ideational understanding rather than materialistic. This argument goes on by explaining that it is hard to determine, solely through perception of power, which states should be perceived as threat or friends (Risse-Kappen 1996, p. 366-367). Instead, the determination of threat lies in the perception image of the other to whom Barnett (1996, p. 405-367) connects the notion of identity. Barnett's work manifests connection between shared identity and alliance formation, as he concludes that identity shapes the choice of alliance partner by exemplifying it with the US and Israeli alliance.
However, in order to join and participate in a particular community a state needs to share and uphold those values that are specific for the community in question. In order to do so the state needs to have a stable identity and keep a particular narrative going on in the internal arena ! 13 (Barnett 1996, p. 411). If the collective identity is not coherent, Barnett (ibid. p. 412) argues, changes in systematic pattern, caused by transnational, economical or military politics, will trigger comprehensive debate on the domestic arena concerning its collective identity, but also the state's relationship towards the wider international community. In conflicts as such, divided identity has usually been the main factor in sparking the debate (ibid. p. 411). Thomas Risse-Kappen (1996, p. 367), agrees with Barnett and, interposes that the international system is a product of the values and norms governing in each actor's domestic arena.
In contrast to the foreign policy spilling into domestic dispute, in her study " 'Take it outside!' National identity contestation on the foreign policy arena", Lisel Hintz (2015) demonstrated how domestic debate on identity can be brought to the foreign arena. This was the case with Turkey where the political elite used the international community in order to politicise identity debate that was blocked on the internal stage. Hintz's study stressed the connection of the domestic debate driven by identity and its part in the international community. Moreover, the study affirmed that in the domestic spheres where the collective identity is not consistent identity can be used as a persuasive tool by competing groups in pursuing their interests or defining friends and enemies (Hintz 2015, p. 340). Thereof, identity is argued to play an important role in approaches towards the wider community.
In the light of identity politics and its relation to the foreign community, both Barnett to match their politics (ibid. p 117) which further strengthens the theory on the importance of identity.
Despite the success in mapping out the connection of identity politics to international and domestic affairs, some scholars have raised critical voices towards studying identity. Their main arguments emphasise the complexity of studying identity because of the concept's wide interpretation, making it analytically loose (Zehfuss 2001;Erskine 2012;Abdelal et al. 2009).
The truth is, scholars within the field have themselves addressed the concern of using identity as a variable, as they lacked tools for measuring it.

Research problem, aim and research question
Given the brief review of collective identity, the thesis is that identity matters in a greater extent than it has been thought about. Previous research indicates that disputes both in internal and external arenas can in some ways be traced to identity as a card played in times of disagreement. Despite some contributions to this field, the discipline still gaps empty of empirical evidence in order to combat the critics directed towards identity as a variable. With that stated, in order to contribute to the field, this study aims to investigate the use of identity as a resource in pursuing various groups' interest in societies with divided collective identity.

Delimitations
Taking in consideration the identity polarised politics in Montenegro, the purpose of this paper is to assess the significance of identity's role alone without taking into account any materialistic means that were brought up in the debate. However, I argue that the alternative factors, which without doubt permeates the debate, are less important in a debate as such as the dispute is mainly driven by the two biggest parties DPS and NOVA, which as I have outlined, are synonyms to the two competing identities in Montenegro.

Chapter outline
This study consists of five chapters. In the first introductory chapter the background and previous research, along with the aim and delimitations, are presented. Thereafter, the second chapter consists of theoretical framework and is followed by the methodology section which includes discussion of limitations, material and the implementation. The results are presented in the penultimate chapter followed by the conclusion of the study in the fifth, and final, chapter.

Theoretical framework
The problematique of incoherent collective identity in multi-ethnical societies will, as it has already been suggested, be analysed by applying identity perspective on the NATO debate.
Due to the criticism in previous research: identity being a difficult phenomena to study, in this chapter the concept identity will be presented as a variable in order to allow for identity to be measured. This will be done through Abdelal et al.'s (2006) analytical framework of identity as a variable. Mentioned framework conceptualises identity drawing on already existing literature, but defines and packs it in a flexible conceptualisation which enables scholars to tailor it to their own needs in order to compare various types of identities and conduct nuanced operationalisation of the theoretical scholarships (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 696).
Before wrapping identity in the variable-conceptualisation of collective identity with two dimensions: content and contestation, the prelude of this chapter will give space to the orthodox definition of the identity concept. Finally, this section will end with an explanation on how identity is used as a means to promote interests.

Identity
By tracing the roots of the idea of identity the term originates from Latin idem, meaning 'same', which leads to the term 'identical'. The term identical leads further to the fact that we are identical to one another and that we share common identities. By describing characteristics to itself one tends to identify with others who, one perceives, possess the same characteristics. On the contrary, post-structuralists stress that identity has originated from differences where "self-understanding is achieved in opposition to something that the self is not" (Jarvis & Holland 2015, p. 115 metaphor of a fridge's reverse function is used to explain the divergence of identity; the heat inwards -the cold outward. The metaphor indicates that identity produces a sense of belonging to one group, thus automatically distinguishing one from other groups.
Despite various definitions on identity the definition remains vague, therefore the best known definition of identity is that it is a hard term to define. A great rule about defining identity is: what identity means is how it is thought about. Sticking to this rule, in this study identity will be referred to as collective identity / identity politics. Said concept is defined in accordance to the fridge-metaphor: a sense of belonging to a group sharing the same beliefs (in-group), which also are the factors which distinguish one group from other groups (out-group[s]).
However, Abdelal et al. (2006) offer a definition on collective identity as a two-dimensional social category. The two dimensions: content and contestation, equip collective identity with attributes that allow comparison and differentiation among the vast types of identities. Some examples on collective identities are national, ethnical, cultural, civic, etc.

Content
The content dimension describes the meaning of collective identity. In other words, the content represents the fundamental elements of identity -something that supporters of a particular identity share which forms an in-group, and distinguish them from the out-group (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 696). Furthermore, content is divided in four non-mutually-exclusive types in order to make the traditional non analytical concept of identity easier to grasp. These four types are as follows: constitutive norms, social purposes, relational comparisons and cognitive models.
The first one, constitutive norms, provides guidelines which through formal or informal rules set framework for the appropriate behaviour of the group. These constitutive norms serve as attributes for defining who 'we' are and how we should behave based on these rules (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 697). Additionally, constitutive norms include a regulatory effect which dictates and regulates actions that supporters of particular identity should act through, and also leads other to the recognition of particular identity (ibid.). The regulatory effect is not necessarily ! 18 pictured in preferences of a group, but is rather defined through distinctive practices and boundaries of the group. The characteristics of constitutive norms can in some cases be intentional, but usually those norms are taken for granted. An example of constitutive norms are 'civilised states' which in the end of the twentieth century did not use chemical or nuclear weapons in battles ([Price & Tannenwald 1996 in] Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 697). Their behaviour was driven by preforming a role where the constitutive norms of civilised states hindered them to use such weapons in pursuing their goal.
The manifestation of constitutional norms may be identified as internalised or habituated. For instance, norms can influence choices resulting in some behaviours being automatically and intentionally denied of one's identity (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 697). Or, one may barley or fleetingly think over choice and as a result dismiss them. Finally, norms might be deeply rooted and acted upon completely unconsciousness (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 697-698).
The second type, social purposes, define the interest of particular identity and the goals members belonging to that identity should aim for (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 698). The difference between constitutive norms and social purposes is that the former refers to social practices, while the latter helps define group interest and goals. Moreover, the component of social purposes is argued to be purposive, meaning that the group ascribes itself specific goals and acts on the behalf of who they think they are (ibid. Relational comparison is the third component of collective identity which serves to define the in-group's relation to various out-groups (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 698). With that said, an identity can be defined by stating what it is not; the relational comparison uses references and comparisons to define itself from the identities from which it is different. This component operates through discursive formulations of relation between groups. A great definition on relational identity is given by Barnett (1999, p. 9) in his work on the Middle East peace process by stating that identity represents: the understanding of oneself in relationship to others. Group identities, in short, are not personal or psychological, they are fundamentally social and relational, defined by the actor's interaction with and relationship to others; therefore, identities may be contingent, dependent on the actor's interaction with others and place within an institutional context.
The relational characteristics of collective identity are many and are existent in all areas of social science. For instance, the historical form of relational comparison can be traced to the creation of French nationalism in comparison to England's barbarism, the NATO alliance and its composition of members sharing the same democratic values, the importance of constructing an 'other' during the creation of European identity, and so on (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 698-9). Moreover, it is argued that the process of in-group creation "by necessity leads to devaluation of the out-group" (ibid. p. 699). Because of this connection, the actions are perceived as reactions to those who are different. Finally, the in-group's relation towards out-groups does not necessarily always have to be fearful or hostile, but friendly and positive as well.
The final type, cognitive models, is defined as a worldview or a framework -a window through which members of a particular social group see the world and their role in it. The crucial definition of cognitive models is stressed in following quotation: What cognitive perspectives suggest, in short, is that race, ethnicity, and nation are not things in the world but ways of seeing the world. They are ways of understanding and identifying oneself, making sense of one's problems and predicaments, identifying one's interests, and orienting one's action. They are ways of recognising, identifying, and classifying other people, of construing sameness and difference, and of "coding" Drawing from the definition above, cognitive models may take various forms. They can be traced to events where for instance two groups have different understanding of what constitutes knowledge or security (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 699). In addition to worldview, cognitive models tend to strongly affect the interpretation and understanding of both presence, past, one self, the group, others, but also political interests. In such cases, Abdelal et al. (2006, p. 699) argue, identities affect perceptions of legitimacy, shared interests, as well as policy choices. Regarding the latter, previous literature has demonstrated how ethnic and regional identities (viewed as collective identities) shape interpretations of material conditions and define actors' interests and what preferences are perceived as appropriated and legitimate for each identity. Finally, analysing identity through the use of cognitive models, it will show how identity affects and how actors understand the world, along with how the actions they take will be influenced by the beliefs they share.
In summary of what is written in this subchapter, the content dimension serves as a theory of interpretation and is presented as an alternative approach to theory of action.

Contestation and identity politics
The second dimension of collective identity is composed by contestation. Contestation is defined as a differing views on the meaning of identity among members of a group.
Contestation can be perceived as a degree matter, where some members share a wide meaning of identity, while the meaning of identity is less shared by other members. Identity contestation can take various forms. It is not unusual that it is depicted in comparative context, party debates, political platforms or speeches (Abdelal et al. 2006, 700). Identity contestation can take place with the ambition to evoke a sense of collective self. However, identity content, discussed in the previous section, is argued to be an outcome of social contestation within a group, making collective identity nor fixed or predetermined, but rather under continual construction (Abdelal et al. 2006, p. 700). Moreover, the data extracted using contestation will shed light on the consensus and disagreement concerning constitutive norms, ! 21 social purposes, relational comparisons and cognitive methods between groups.
The contestation between groups can also be interpreted as identity politics understood in terms of politics based on group / collective identity, where identity is used as a tool in order to maintain a special position or promote and influence interests of a particular group. Identity politics, outlined by emphasising differences, rather than commonalities and particular community of identity, is a phenomena that began to bloom in late 1960s in US. Identity politics is explained as a political positions with which people identify depending on the aspects of their identity (Zaretsky 1998, p. 198-199).
In relation to the eminent connection between identity, domestic and international politics, stressed in the theoretical framework, as well as in the previous findings, it is of great concern to understand the role of identity in divided societies in relation to political outcomes. For the purpose of this study the debate on NATO will be examined through content features. The dimensions of identity content: constitutive norms, social purposes, relational comparisons and cognitive models, are interpreted based on preparatory work as relations and historical events which in relation to the leading coalitions appeared of importance. The use of the content and contestation dimensions is further elucidated in the upcoming methodological chapter.

Methodology
In this section the choice of method and material will be discussed in relation to the research question and theory. The aim of this chapter is to provide the reader of understanding how the research is carried out. The procedure is provided in detail in the operational section.

Qualitative content analysis
Content analysis is a well suited tool for analysing and critically assessing political messages (Beckman 2007, p. 9). Said method is usually of a quantitative characterisation because of the traditional use as an instrument to measure the frequency of various concepts in comprehensive texts, in order to explain what ideation has been present or has driven particular debate (ibid. p. 11). The convenience of content analysis is that it allows the author to analyse statements in a systematic way, thus minimising the risk to resort to baseless opinions or the power of rhetorics. Lately the use of content analysis has increased in qualitative purposes. The latter is driven by the aim not only to present the content of a text, but also to interpret its meaning. In qualitative content analysis the total focus from ideational is shifted to, and shared with, the importance of the actor, i.e., the messenger (ibid. p. 17). The difference is that studies using the former type aim to put the argument in the centre, making those who stand behind the argument less important. Contrary to text-centred, the actorcentred content analysis' particular focus is diverted towards the actor (e.g., newspapers, identity studies by arguing that it is fully possible to study identity using the content analysis as long as there is a clear congruence between conceptualisation and operationalisation; which the quality of measurement will depend on. Additionally, the same duo, addressed criticism to scholars who have argued that qualitative analysis offers illumination of intensions behind the message that is studied (ibid. p. 209). Instead, if the ambition is to provide answer to both by using content analysis, they call for an 'integrative model of content analysis' approach, meaning a combination of message-actor centric analysis. Due to the aim of my study, being to foremost demonstrate the presence of identity, the combination of message-actor centric approach appears to be the most suitable method. The conceptual framework is consistent of the features ascribed to identity in the theoretical framework.

Limitations
A common limitation of text methods in general, including qualitative content analysis, is the subjective assessment of material. Because of the subjective interpretation it is not possible to claim absolute truths or effects. Consequently, the approaching of the material by qualitative content method in the following analysis is driven by the author's own understanding of the theory and its application on the material. It is of great significance to mention, and to remind the reader, that the author is aware of this limitation.

Alternative method
An alternative approach in analysing identity through text would be discursive analysis, but as its primary goal is to uncover changes in discourse and power relation, I believe it is not suitable for the aim of this study. As my aim is not to examine construction of each identity, or any of the above, but rather to analyse the presence of Montenegrin, respectively Serb identity, the qualitative content analysis qualifies as the most appropriate.

Material
The empirical material I have decided to use, in order to examine the content and contestation of identity in a multi-ethnic society, is a parliamentary debate on NATO. The material is an original transcription, i.e., not processed in any way, of the two day long debate between Montenegro's political elite. Furthermore, the material is obtained from the website of Montenegro's Government, and is therefore considered as primary source material. Due to its relevance, being a debate on solely the topic of NATO accession, it serves as a highly relevant empirical material. Finally, the empirical material consists of 254 pages and because of its size systematic selection will be made.

Operationalisation
Using content analysis, samples are systematically gathered from the material through a preparatory work. Furthermore, the sampling is conducted in two steps and is inspired by the content dimension of identity presented in the theoretical framework, along with the background of political parties. In the explanation of the latter, Montenegrin identity is interpreted as a synonym to DPS and the For a European Montenegro, meaning that their arguments are pro-NATO and are assumed to represent the Montenegrin identity. On the contrary, NOVA and the Democratic Front coalition's arguments on anti-NATO accession will serve as synonym to the Serb identity. This first step is as already mentioned, inspired by the parties' backgrounds and the constitutive norms which suggests actions based on standpoints.
The second step of the preparatory work draws on social purposes, relational comparison and cognitive models from which three keywords in terms of events of importance for both pro-

Results & Discussion
In this chapter the selected content of the parliamentary debate will be analysed in two steps; first through the content dimension of collective identity, and than the results extracted from the first part will be examined through the dimension of contestation / identity politics.
Before the analysis, a brief clarification on each identity will be presented in order to enhance the understanding of the examination of the material.
It is of great significance for understanding the following analysis to keep in mind that the relation between the Montenegrin and the Serb identity is argued to be fluid, but on the other hand also strongly affiliated to Montenegro's political parties. The latter constitutes the greatest dimension above all between the political parties in Montenegro and the parties will The term Metohija, from the Greek metoh, means owned by the church, and is by the Serbian State, and Serbs in general, used to indicate the spiritual nucleus of the Kosovo region for the Serbian nation (Vickers 1998). I argue that the reference to Kosovo in the anti-argument, by including the term Metohija, indicates strong affiliation to the Serbian nation, thus its identity.
What is said, suggested through the cognitive models, is that the anti-group perceived Kosovo as a significant part of the Serbian culture. Moreover, by seeing Kosovo in this particular light, leads to an assumption that the group share a Serb identity. This is argued because on the base of cognitive perspective; a window through which the group sees the world, i.e., it suggests they identify as Serbs because of the way they think about Kosovo. Finally, the social purposes theory here suggests that the language used; the claiming of Kosovo as a Serbian province by attributing it with the historically loaded term of Metohija further explains the presence and features of the Serb identity.
However, Kosovo is not only attributed by the term Metohija, but is also referred to, exemplified in both the following quotations, and the previous above, as a: "southern Serbian province and "ewe lamb" of the Serb and Montenegrin people (PoM 2015, p. 209

The content dimension of the Western and Eastern communities
The way in which the Western, respectively the Eastern community (including those countries belonging to these sides), were talked about was another dimension that I found of importance in relation to identity. Starting with the anti-side's perception of the West the main arguments appeared to be critical of The United States of America (henceforth: US) and, with exception, the European Union in relation to the migration crisis: Let's see, the country of Hungary and the whole of Europe, and especially Hungary, proved to be the worst … the most unfortunate attitude towards refugees. On the other hand, we have Serbia that everyone praises for the best relationship, best organised for all these refugees. So it's not always true on that side and it's not always that way… (PoM 2015, p. 130).
In the example above, Hungary along with the other European countries, who practised antimigration policy, were hardly criticised and compared to Serbia which served to be an example of the opposite: the good. Here, it can be argued that identity is contented through both cognitive perception; by interpretation of each states' action, and relational comparison; by the way of criticising or complementing respective state and it's action. Moreover, the ! 31 relational comparisons of remaining arguments, including the Western community, were overall critical and directed towards the US: The basic and legitimate aim of the NATO Pact, I say a legitimate goal in their constructions and projections, was to create a so-called Kosovo- In the statement above, relational comparison suggests, which in this example appears obvious, that the anti-group is distancing themselves from the Western community because of their bad perception of it, whereas it indicates a friendly and caring relation towards Russia.
However, throughout the debate the anti-side's relation towards the Eastern community appeared in general friendlier than towards the Western. This is mostly expressed and argued through the perception of the East as the biggest investor in Montenegro, including the reference of the largest number of tourists being from Serbia and Russia (PoM 2015, p. 239).
Said arguments, along with the following (see quotation below), were used by the opposition ! 32 members, as they stated, in order to enlighten the citizens of Montenegro of why they should not be in favour of NATO: …we have now, and we will probably also in the future, and announce intrusive investments from those countries that are not in NATO, China is not in NATO, gave I argue that the words paid souls of Rusophiles and Amphilochi's followers was insulting to the member of the Democratic Front because of his identity. This can be argued to be a consequence, as in the earlier example because of the friendly and protective relation of Russia and the Serbian Orthodox Church. Said two features are of great importance for the Serbian State which cherishes the relation to its Brother Russia (Milacic 2015) and is a supporter of Amphilochi's church. Additionally, the same member directed a critique towards the fact that the reporting was broadcasted ahead of the parliamentary debate, which indicates a cognitive perception of the report as an attempt of RTCG to influence political policy.
Moreover, the content of identity and friendly relation towards the East, are through social purposes also found in arguments drawing on historical ties with Russia: Just as in the case of the anti-side, the results of the pro-side's stances towards the West, respectively the East, followed the appropriate behaviour suggested by the constitutive norms.
With that said, contrary to the anti-side, the pro-side's relation towards the Western community was positive and the identity content was manifested in both cognitive model and relational comparison in the following quotations: …This further supports the fact that Montenegro has never been a neutral state in its historical existence, but clearly committed in cooperation with its Western allies,