Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-pftt2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-02T06:02:58.779Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

6 - Violence after Peace

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 July 2019

James Meernik
Affiliation:
University of North Texas
Jacqueline H. R. DeMeritt
Affiliation:
University of North Texas
Mauricio Uribe-López
Affiliation:
EAFIT University (Medelin, Coloumbia)
Get access

Summary

Coming up to the end of the peace process in 2016, Colombia has experienced a general improvement in homicide rates and security in the last decade, yet targeted attacks against social leaders continue. For example, indigenous leaders, union leaders, mining and peasant leaders, and others have been attacked despite an earlier paramilitary demobilization effort and the recent peace processes. After four years of peace talks, with a full range of suspensions, re-starts, and flare-ups of conflict, the FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia) and the government of Colombia agreed to formally end their decades-long conflict. After an animated campaign against the peace deal, led by former president Álvaro Uribe, Colombian voters narrowly rejected it (50.2 percent) on October 2, 2016. Despite the failure of the referendum, the Colombian Congress unanimously passed a revised accord in late November 2016, and the country officially entered into a post-conflict stage.

Type
Chapter
Information
As War Ends
What Colombia Can Tell Us About the Sustainability of Peace and Transitional Justice
, pp. 133 - 159
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2019

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Amnesty International. “América: Situación de los mecanismos de protección para los defensores y defensoras de los derechos humanos” May (2017) www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/AMR0162112017ENGLISH.pdf.Google Scholar
Armenteras, D., Cabrera, E., Rodriguez, N., and Retana, J. (2013). “National and Regional Determinants of Tropical Deforestation in Colombia.” Regional Environmental Change 13 (6), 11811193.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bakke, K. M. (2011). “After the War Ends: Violence and Viability of Post-Soviet Unrecognized States,” in Caspersen, N. and Stansfield, G. (eds.) 90109. Unrecognized States in the International System. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Becerra, Julián Amorocho. (2018). “Demandas de líderes costarían $206.463 millones” El Colombiano. August 9. http://m.elcolombiano.com/colombia/demandas-de-lideres-costarian-206-463-millones-LB9131782.Google Scholar
Bonet, J., and Meisel, A.. (2008). “Regional Economic Disparities in Colombia.” Investigaciones Regionales 14, 6180.Google Scholar
Bottía Noguera, M. (2003). “La presencia y expansión municipal de las FARC: Es avaricia y y contagio, más que ausencia estatal?” Documento CEDE 2003–03.Google Scholar
Boyle, Michael. (2009). “Explaining Strategic Violence after Wars.” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32 (3), 209236.Google Scholar
Brunori, Alberto. (2018). “Homicidios de líderes: ataque a la democracia” El Espectador July 7. https://colombia2020.elespectador.com/pais/homicidios-de-lideres-ataque-la-democracia.Google Scholar
Burgoon, B. (2006). “On Welfare and Terror. Social Welfare Policies and Political-Economic Roots of Terrorism.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 50 (2), 176203.Google Scholar
Collier, P. (2009). “Beyond Greed and Grievance: Feasibility and Civil War.” Oxford Economic Papers 61, 127.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Daly, S. (2012) “Organizational Legacies of Violence: Conditions Favoring Insurgency Onset in Colombia, 1964–1984.” Journal of Peace Research 49 (3), 473491.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Daly, S. (2018). Voting for Victors: Why Violent Actors Win Postwar Elections. Columbia University, Unpublished Manuscript.Google Scholar
Deglow, Annekatrin. (2016). “Localized Legacies of Civil War: Postwar Violent Crime in Northern Ireland.” Journal of Peace Research 53 (6), 786799.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Departamento Nacional de Planeacion. (2018) Resultados de desempeño fiscal de los departamentos y municipios de la vigencia 2017. www.dnp.gov.co/programas/desarrollo-territorial/Estudios-Territoriales/Indicadores-y-Mediciones/Paginas/desempeno-fiscal.aspx.Google Scholar
Di John, J. (2007). “Oil Abundance and Violent Political Conflict: A critical assessment.” Journal of Development Studies 43 (6), 961986.Google Scholar
DNP. (2018). Guia orientaciones para realizar la medicion del desempeño de las entidades territoriales, vigencia 2017. https://colaboracion.dnp.gov.co/CDT/DNP/EI-G01%20Orientaciones%20para%20Realizar%20la%20Medici%C3%B3n%20del%20Desempe%C3%B1o%20De%20Las%20Ent%20Terr.Pu.pdf.Google Scholar
Durán, Natalia Herra, and Cortés, Carolina Ávila. (2018). “Nos ha desbordado la seguridad a líderes sociales: Diego Mora” El Espectador July 8, 2018 https://colombia2020.elespectador.com/pais/nos-ha-desbordado-la-seguridad-lideres-sociales-diego-mora.Google Scholar
El Colombiano. (2014). “Aumentan las denuncias sobre esquemas de seguridad.” El Colombiano October 17, 2014 www.elcolombiano.com/historico/aumentan_las_denuncias_sobre_esquemas_de_seguridad-EFEC_315724.Google Scholar
El Colombiano. (2018a). “Las ocho medidas del Gobierno para proteger a los líderes sociales” El Colombiano July 10. www.elcolombiano.com/colombia/gobierno-anuncia-ocho-medidas-para-proteger-a-los-lideres-sociales-EE8978251.Google Scholar
El Colombiano. (2018b).“Los líderes, el reto principal de la UNP” El Colombiano September 4. www.elcolombiano.com/colombia/los-lideres-el-reto-principal-de-la-unp-IL9269903.Google Scholar
El Colombiano. (2018c). “Agitado debate en el Congreso por muerte de líderes sociales” September 5. www.elcolombiano.com/colombia/paz-y-derechos-humanos/seguridad-de-lideres-sociales-fue-debatido-en-el-congreso-CH9283985.Google Scholar
El Colombiano. (2018d). Defensoría confirma aumento de cifra de líderes sociales asesinados El Colombiano August 23. http://m.elcolombiano.com/colombia/defensoria-confirma-aumento-de-cifra-de-lideres-sociales-asesinados-DI9208757.Google Scholar
El Tiempo. (2018a). January 7. “Asesinatos de líderes sociales aumentaron un 45 por ciento. Las zonas del país que más muertes registraron en el 2017 fueron Cauca, Nariño y Antioquia.” www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras-ciudades/asesinatos-de-lideres-sociales-aumentaron-un-45-por-ciento-en-el-2017-168592.Google Scholar
El Tiempo. (2018b). July 9. “¿Qué está pasando en los dos departamentos con más líderes asesinados? Acciones violentas en Cauca y Antioquia serían por control territorial de grupos armados ilegales.” El Tiempo www.eltiempo.com/colombia/otras-ciudades/las-razones-por-las-que-estarian-asesinando-lideres-sociales-en-cauca-y-antioquia-240936.Google Scholar
El Tiempo. (2018c). September 4. “Unidad de Protección, desfinanciada para proteger a líderes sociales” El Tiempo www.eltiempo.com/politica/gobierno/unidad-de-proteccion-esta-desfinanciada-para-proteger-a-lideres-sociales-264130.Google Scholar
Faguet, J. P., and Sánchez, F. (2014). “Decentralization and Access to Social Services in Colombia.” Public Choice 160, 227249.Google Scholar
Faguet, J. P., and Sánchez, F.. (2008). “Decentralization’s Effects on Educational Outcomes in Bolivia and Colombia.” World Development 36 (7), 12941316.Google Scholar
Fearon, J. D., and Laitin, D. (2003). “Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War.” American Political Science Review 97 (1), 7590.Google Scholar
Fiscalia general de la Nacion, July (2018). “Los líderes sociales están siendo asesinados preponderantemente en los territorios donde operan ejércitos del narcotráfico” www.fiscalia.gov.co/colombia/seccionales/los-lideres-sociales-estan-siendo-asesinados-preponderantemente-en-los-territorios-donde-operan-ejercitos-del-narcotrafico/.Google Scholar
Fjelde, Hanne, and Hultman, Lisa. (2014). “Weakening the Enemy: A Disaggregated Study of Violence against Civilians in Africa.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 58 (7), 12301257.Google Scholar
Front Line Defenders. (2018). “Killing of Two Sons of Human Rights Defender Bernardo Cuero” www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/killing-bernardo-cueros-two-sons March 23.Google Scholar
Giraldo, Mate Isaza, and Franco, Juan David Ortiz. (2014). “Andrés Villamizar renunció a la Unidad Nacional de Protección” El Colombiano December 23, 2014. www.elcolombiano.com/colombia/andres-villamizar-renuncio-a-la-unidad-nacional-de-proteccion-AN960750.Google Scholar
Holmes, J. S. (2015). “Sendero Luminoso after Fujimori: A Sub-National Analysis.” The Latin Americanist 59 (2), 2950.Google Scholar
Holmes, J. S., Gutíerrez de Piñeres, S., and Curtin, K. (2008). Guns, Drugs and Development in Colombia. Austin: University of Texas Press.Google Scholar
Holmes, J. S., Palao Mendizabal, A., Saucedo De La Fuente, D., Dávalos, L. M., Mets, K., Cárdenas, A., and Armenteras, D. (2018) “Identifying Municipal Risk Factors for Leftist Guerrilla Violence in Colombia.” Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 24 (2), 128.Google Scholar
Human Rights Watch. (2013). The Risk of Returning Home.Google Scholar
Humphreys, M. (2005). “Natural Resources, Conflict, and Conflict Resolution.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 49 (4), 508537.Google Scholar
Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. (2012). COL104011.E http://irb-cisr.gc.ca/Eng/ResRec/RirRdi/Pages/index.aspx?doc=453899.Google Scholar
Informe Especial de Derechos Humanos. Situación de lideresas y líderes sociales, de defensoras y defensores de derechos humanos y de excombatientes de las Farc-EP y sus familiares. June (2018). www.indepaz.org.co/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/20180629_ideas_verdes_8_web.ok_.pdf.Google Scholar
Kollias, C., Messis, P., Mylonidis, N., and Paleologou, S. M. (2009). “Terrorism and the Effectiveness of Security Spending in Greece: Policy Implications of some Empirical Findings.” Journal of Policy Modeling 31, 788802.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lira, I. S. (2005). “Local Economic Development and Territorial Competitiveness in Latin America.” Cepal Review 85, 7998.Google Scholar
López, R. (2003). “The Policy Roots of Socioeconomic Stagnation and Environmental Implosion: Latin America 1950 – 2000.” World Development 31 (2), 259280.Google Scholar
Macias, Javier Alexánder. (2017) December 14. “¿Por qué están asesinando a los líderes sociales en Colombia?” El Colombiano. http://m.elcolombiano.com/colombia/por-que-estan-asesinando-a-los-lideres-sociales-en-colombia-CI7857532.Google Scholar
Ministerio de Defensa Nacional and the Viceministerio para la Estrategia y la Planeación. (2004). Avance de la Politica de Defensa y Seguridad., July 2011 and March 2018.Google Scholar
Moreno, T., Medina, J. L., Fuentes, A. P., Lombana, A. L. (2016). Restitución de Tierras en Colombia: Análisis y estudios de caso. Bogota: CINEP.Google Scholar
Mueller, J. (2003). “Policing the Remnants of War.” Journal of Peace Research 40 (5), 507518.Google Scholar
Neumann, Peter R., and Smith, M. L. R. (2005). “Strategic Terrorism: The Framework and Its Fallacies.” Journal of Strategic Studies 28 (4), 571595.Google Scholar
Nussio, Enzo, and Howe, Kimberly. (2016). “When Protection Collapses: Post-Demobilization Trajectories of Violence.” Terrorism and Political Violence 28 (5), 848867.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Observatorio de Tierras. (2018). Quienes Somos? Observatorio de Restitución y Regulación de Derechos de Propiedad Agraria. www.observatoriodetierras.org/observatorio-quienes-somos/.Google Scholar
O’Donnell, G. (1993). “On the State, Democratization Conceptual Problems: A Latin American View with Glances at Some Postcommunist Countries.” World Development 21 (8), 13551369.Google Scholar
O’Neill, B. (2001). Insurgency & Terrorism: Inside Modern Revolutionary Warfare.Washington DC: Potomoc Books.Google Scholar
Palacios, M., and Safford, F. (2002). Colombia Fragmented Land, Divided Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Perliger, Arie. (2015). “The Rationale of Political Assassinations” The Combatting Terrorism Center at West Point.Google Scholar
Piazza, J. (2009). “Economic Development, Unresolved Political Conflict and Terrorism in India.” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 32 (5), 406419.Google Scholar
Reporte Semestral. Observatorio de Restitución y Regulación de Derechos de Propiedad Agraria. Dinámicas del asesinato de líderes rurales: las covariables municipales. Junio (2017a). www.observatoriodetierras.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Reporte-Semestral-ORRPDA-2017.pdf.Google Scholar
Reporte Semestral. Observatorio de Restitución y Regulación de Derechos de Propiedad Agraria. Dinámicas del asesinato de líderes rurales: las covariables municipales. Anexo – Construcción de la base de datos de líderes. Junio (2017b). www.observatoriodetierras.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Anexo-Construcci%C3%B3n-de-la-base-de-datos.pdf.Google Scholar
Ross, Michael L. (2015). “What Have We Learned about the Resource Curse?Annual Review of Political Science 18, 239259.Google Scholar
Semana. (2014). “La crisis de la Unidad Nacional de Protección” Semana November 6, 2014. www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/la-crisis-de-la-unidad-nacional-de-proteccion/408188-3.Google Scholar
Somos Defensores. (2018). Informe Anual 2017, Sistema de Información sobre Agresiones contra Defensores y Defensoras de DD.HH. en Colombia – SIADDHH. https://coeuropa.org.co/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/informe-anual-2017-piedra-en-el-zapato-2.pdf.Google Scholar
United Nations. (2017). “Report of the Secretary General on the United Nations Verification Mission in Colombia” https://colombia.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/90-day_report_of_the_sg_on_the_unvmc.pdf.Google Scholar
United Nations. (2018). “90-Day Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council on the UN Verification Mission in Colombia” January 8. https://colombia.unmissions.org/en/90-day-report-secretary-general-security-council-un-verification-mission-colombia.Google Scholar
Vargas, Juan F. (2012). “The Persistent Colombian Conflict: Subnational Analysis of the Duration of ViolenceDefence and Peace Economics 23(2): 203223.Google Scholar
Von der Walde, E. (2001). “La novela de sicarios y la violencia en Colombia.” Iberoamericana 3, 2740.Google Scholar
Voors, Maarten J., and Bulte, Erwin. (2014). “Conflict and the Evolution of Institutions: Unbundling Institutions at the Local Level in Burundi.” Journal of Peace Research 51 (4). 455469.Google Scholar
WOLA. (2014). “ACSN Statement on Murder of Colombian Journalist Effectiveness of Government’s Protection Unit Called into Question.” Washington Office on Latin America. August 13, 2014. www.wola.org/commentary/acsn_statement_on_murder_of_colombian_journalist.Google Scholar

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×