This book explores some implications for the discipline of International Relations (IRFootnote 1) of accepting the following propositions.
Some features of the world can be understood, more or less fully, through knowledge of the elements that compose them.
Other features can be understood only by also considering the organization of elements into larger systems/wholes and the structured operation of those wholes.
The biological and social worlds can be adequately understood only by combining “analytic” knowledge of components considered separately and “systemic” knowledge of the organized operations of structured wholes.
I ask readers to accept, for the sake of argument, the systemic perspective sketched by these propositions – to see where it takes us.
In this chapter I define systems, identify a few fundamental features of systemic explanations, and explore some alternative framings for studying “things” that have qualities that cannot be fully explained in terms of their parts.
1.1 Systems
The Oxford English Dictionary defines a system as “a group or set of related or associated things perceived or thought of as a unity or complex whole.” Most definitions in the natural and social sciences similarly see a system as “an assembly of elements related in an organized whole.”Footnote 2 “A whole which functions as a whole by virtue of the interdependence of its parts is called a system.”Footnote 3
“The most fundamental act of systems theory … [is] distinguishing it [the system] from its environment.”Footnote 4 A bounded set of components that share “concentrated feedback relationships” is distinguished from what lies outside the system – the environment – “with which the system shares only input and output relationships.”Footnote 5
In a system “the organization of units affects their behavior and their interactions.”Footnote 6 This produces “systems effects” including, most notably, “emergent” phenomena.Footnote 7 “A whole can have properties (or powers) … that would not be possessed by its parts if they were not organised as a group into the form of this particular kind of whole.”Footnote 8
“System” is often used in a looser sense to refer to any bounded entity. Here, however, I consider only structured wholes with emergent properties: what are often called “complex systems.”Footnote 9 And I address only systems that are, to the best of our knowledge, “in the world” (not mere analytic constructs).Footnote 10
I adopt the following definition.
A system is a bounded set of components of particular types, arranged in definite ways, operating in a specific fashion to produce characteristic outcomes, some of which are emergent.Footnote 11
This definition emphasizes the operation, not just the organization, of components.Footnote 12 Some systems effects arise from arrangement alone. (Consider the allotropes of carbon – the “same” “stuff” arranged differently to produce diamond, graphite, graphene (a single layer of graphite with unusual electrical properties), char (the amorphous carbon in charcoal), and vitreous carbon (used in certain electrodes), as well as various nanocarbons (e.g., buckminsterfullerenes) and carbon nanofoam (which is ferromagnetic).) Usually, though, especially in the living and social worlds, the operation of the arranged elements is crucial.
This definition also emphasizes the specificity of the components, their arrangement, and their operation. Parts of particular types are organized and operate in specific ways.
Finally, systems are of special interest because of systems effects – irreducible higher-level phenomena that emerge from the operation of complex wholes – which are essential to a comprehensive understanding of the things of the social world. For example, a state or society is more than an aggregation of individuals. The national interest is not the average of (or any other operation performed on) the interests of the individuals and groups that make up the nation. And the reason to study an international system is that it has properties that cannot be understood by even the most intensive study of its components and their interactions.
1.2 Systemic and Analytic Explanations
Systems require – and provide – a distinctive type of explanation. This usually is explicated by contrasting “analytic” and “systemic” explanations.Footnote 13
In analytic explanations “the whole is understood by knowing the attributes and the interactions of its parts,”Footnote 14 “disjoined and understood in their simplicity.”Footnote 15 As Nicholas Onuf puts it, “analysis is the procedure whereby someone (the analyst) observes (or causes and then observes, or imagines) and describes the disaggregation of some (actual or hypothetical) unit.”Footnote 16 This strategy of breaking things down into smaller or simpler pieces often produces epistemically powerful and pragmatically valuable knowledge.
If, however, the object of inquiry has properties arising from the organization or structured operation of its elements “then one cannot predict outcomes or understand them merely by knowing the characteristics, purposes, and interactions of the system’s units.”Footnote 17 “Systemic” approaches are required to comprehend “systems effects.” What this implies for IR is the central subject of this book.
In the social sciences, analytic explanations typically rely on the attributes, actions, and interactions of actors. Systemic explanations, by contrast, focus on the organization and operation of structured wholes – which, I argue, require relational and processual explanations.
1.3 Levels of Organization
Systems have “multiple levels of organization … [arranged in] a rough hierarchy, with the components at each ascending level being some kind of composite made up of the entities present at the next level down.”Footnote 18
In the life sciences, the standard framing is levels of organizationFootnote 19 or “compositional levels – hierarchical divisions of stuff (paradigmatically but not necessarily material stuff) organized by part–whole relations, in which wholes at one level function as parts at the next (and at all higher) levels.”Footnote 20 (For example, cells, tissues, organs, systems, organisms; alleles, individuals, populations, communities, ecosystems.) As Bert Hölldobler and E. O. Wilson put it, “life is a self-replicating hierarchy of levels. Biology is the study of the levels that compose the hierarchy.”Footnote 21
Levels of organization are (understood as) “in the world.” “Levels of organization are a deep, non-arbitrary, and extremely important feature of the ontological architecture of our natural world.”Footnote 22 In a strong formulation, they are “levels of reality.”Footnote 23 The world “is” a layered system of systems of systems in which parts at one level are wholes on “their own” lower level.
Higher-level “things” are, of course, made up (and obey all the laws) of lower-level “things.” The whole, however, is not fully reducible to – cannot be explained entirely in terms of – its components. Quite the contrary, its distinctive character only emerges in the higher-level whole.
In this understanding – which I adopt for the purposes of this book (which addresses the implications of systemic approaches to IR) – each organizationally differentiated level, because it is ultimately irreducible, has the same ontological status.Footnote 24 The world is organizationally layered but, as Manuel DeLanda nicely puts it, ontologically flat.Footnote 25 The things of the world are larger and smaller, simpler and more complicated, aggregated or complex. But no one level is more real, fundamental, or foundational than any other.
Understanding such a world requires not only bottom-up explanations of the large by the small or the whole by its parts but also attention to “downward causation”Footnote 26 and top-down explanations. (As Kenneth Waltz puts it, systems “shape and shove.”Footnote 27) “The combination of ‘top-down’ effects … and ‘bottom-up’ effects … is a pervasive feature of complex systems.”Footnote 28 And one of the great attractions of systemic approaches is that they not merely allow but require us to comprehend the causal powers of both higher-level and lower-level entities, activities, and forces.Footnote 29
1.4 Relations and Systems
In the social sciences, systems theories were common in the decades following World War II.Footnote 30 The failure of such projects, however, led in the 1970s to a marginalization of, and in many circles a strong reaction against (the excesses and abuses of), “systems theories.”Footnote 31 And such an attitude remains common today.Footnote 32
In IR, the publication in 1979 of Waltz’s Theory of International Politics revitalized explicitly systemic approaches – but in a very limited and peculiar way that I argue has been a mixed blessing (if not a pyrrhic victory). As I show in Part II, Waltz’s narrow structuralism is not actually systemic. And the only explicitly systemic substantive theory that is widely employed in IR is structural realism, which is extremely contentious. As a result, in much of IR today there is widespread skepticism of, and even hostility to, “systemic theory” – which is usually taken to mean Waltzian structural theory.
Nonetheless, in IR,Footnote 33 Sociology,Footnote 34 and most other social sciences,Footnote 35 a broadly systemic perspective has emerged under the label of relationalism. Relationalist approaches employ a variety of framings, including
networksFootnote 36 – patterns of ties between nodes in webs of relations;
fieldsFootnote 37 – structured “spaces” that induce particular behaviors from entities of particular types;
practicesFootnote 38 – sets of shared expectations and opportunities that underlie action-channeling dispositions;
(con)figurationsFootnote 39 – long-lived patterns of social relations;
assemblagesFootnote 40 – complex combinations of human, institutional, and material entities and forces; and
“relational institutionalism”Footnote 41 – the approach of a group of IR scholars, rooted in both network theory and historical institutionalism, focusing on causally efficacious relational forms.
The language of systems highlights wholes and emergence. “Relations” highlights ties between elements. But the “sense in which ‘the whole is greater than the sum of the parts’ is that the parts are, to some degree, constituted as the kinds of entities they are by their relation to the whole.”Footnote 42 Conversely, relationalists see related elements as parts of larger wholes (systems). And both framings emphasize the organization or arrangement of elements.
I therefore treat “relational” and “systemic” as substantially overlapping. And an important aim of this book is to emphasize the systemic character of relational work in order to bring these two styles of theory and research, which are largely unconnected in contemporary IR, into constructive dialogue.Footnote 43
1.5 Relationalism
Relationalism (like systemismFootnote 44) is not a substantive theory or research program but an orientation to social theory and research. Relationalism focuses on “connections, ties, transactions and other kinds of relations among entities,”Footnote 45 stressing the interconnections of the things of the world (rather than their separate substantiality). Relationalists see the world as made up more of configurations (of things) than of things (that stand in various relations).
Relationalists typically oppose themselves to what they call “substantialism,” which “maintains that the ontological primitives of analysis are ‘things’ or entities … Relationalism, on the other hand, treats configurations of ties … between social aggregates of various sorts and their component parts as the building blocks of social analysis.”Footnote 46
Substantialist approaches have predominated in the contemporary social sciences. Individualist substantialism (e.g., rational choice models) treats actors as prior to and generative of relations – or, more modestly, gives methodological priority to interests, identities, or preferences that are treated as given. Holist substantialism (e.g., world systems theory) sees large-scale formations as prior to and generative of the entities that compose them. Variable-based substantialism employs independent variables that are treated as separate from and causes of (the values of) dependent variables.Footnote 47
Relationalists do not deny the reality of substances or minimize their importance. They do, however, deny that “things” are essentially substantial or exist prior to (or remain fundamentally independent of) relations. In particular, relationalism rejects the idea of “pre-given units such as the individual or society.”Footnote 48
Nothing in the world is purely substantial. “Stuff” (substance) becomes things only when arranged in specific ways. The things of the world are the things that they are – are real things – not because of substance alone (or even necessarily primarily) but in part (and essentially) through their relations to other (relational) things.
“Things” are other “things” arranged in particular ways. Salt is sodium and chlorine arranged in a particular way. Bureaucracies are complex assemblages of (among other things) offices, office holders, and administrative technologies.
Relationalism is also anti-essentialist.Footnote 49 “Every so-called essence appears as a dense bundle of relations.”Footnote 50 “The question of what something is becomes one of the relational configurations within which it is embedded.”Footnote 51
Epistemological relationalism holds that whatever the world “really is,” only relational “things” (not their essences or pure substances) are accessible to science. Relationalism may also be understood as a methodology for understanding some aspects of the world.Footnote 52 And relationalism, whether ontological, epistemological, or methodological, is sometimes embraced as a general “theory” of the world and sometimes as an account of (only) some parts.
Relationalism/systemism is compatible with scientific realism,Footnote 53 philosophical constructivism,Footnote 54 and pragmatism,Footnote 55 each of which can accept systems and relations as “real” “things” “in the world” – however much they differ in their accounts of the nature of that reality.Footnote 56 But because systems and relations are not objects of sensory experience, systemic/relational approaches are incompatible with empiricism.Footnote 57 And systems and relations are, at best, difficult to reconcile with neo-positivism’sFootnote 58 focus on independent and dependent variables.
1.6 Processes
In the philosophy of Biology, processualism is an increasingly prominent systemic framing.Footnote 59 “Essentially, every biologist is engaged in the description of processes.”Footnote 60 Laura Nuño de la Rosa even argues that “following processes is a – if not the – characteristic activity of science.”Footnote 61
In the social sciences, processual approaches are relatively rare.Footnote 62 But processes, as we will see in §10.1, appear centrally in accounts of relationalism in IR. And, I will argue, processes merit not only independent attention but emphasis in broadly systemic/relational work.
A process, in ordinary language, is “a continuous and regular action or succession of actions occurring or performed in a definite manner, and having a particular result or outcome.”Footnote 63 As the philosopher Nicholas Rescher puts it, a process is “an integrated series of connected developments unfolding in programmatic coordination”;Footnote 64 “a coordinated group of changes in the complexion of reality, an organized family of occurrences that are systematically linked to one another either causally or functionally.”Footnote 65
Processualism in effect extends the relational critique of substantialism, adding (and emphasizing) activities.Footnote 66 Processes “do things. They are active and so ought to be described in terms of the activities of their entities, not merely in terms of changes in their properties.”Footnote 67 Such organized productive activities are no less worthy of scientific investigation than the attributes, actions, interactions, and relations of the entities involved.
Processualism,Footnote 68 like relationalism, is regularly understood as an ontological,Footnote 69 an epistemological,Footnote 70 and a methodological stance.
Strong ontological processualists hold that the world is “a matrix of process.”Footnote 71 “Things” are “complex bundles of coordinated processes”;Footnote 72 “precipitates of processes … what abides, as certain kinds of processes continue and develop.”Footnote 73 A human being, for example, is not so much “a” “substantial” (or even “relational”) “thing” as a complex assemblage of physical, chemical, biological, psychological, sociological, and ecological processes. And this is true all the way down to – and is particularly striking at – the lowest physical levels. “Instead of very small things (atoms) combining to produce standard processes (windstorms and such), modern physics envisions very small processes (quantum phenomena) combining to produce standard things (ordinary macro-objects) as a result of their modus operandi.”Footnote 74
More modestly, Peter Machamer, Lindley Darden, and Carl Craver argue that an ontological dualism that sees both entities and activities as irreducibly real “capture[s] the healthy philosophical intuitions underlying both substantivalist and process ontologies.”Footnote 75 Processualism is also compatible with ontological agnosticism. And one may focus on processes simply as a fruitful tool for generating useful knowledge.
In all of its forms, though, processualism is broadly systemic in its focus on the operation of organized “things.”
1.7 Mechanisms
Mechanisms receive special attention in the life sciences. In the social sciences we are also seeing growing attention to mechanisms in work on causal mechanisms,Footnote 76 rationalist modeling,Footnote 77 and process tracingFootnote 78 and in multimethod research designs.Footnote 79
The ordinary-language sense of a mechanism as “a system of mutually adapted parts working together in a machine or in a manner analogous to that of a machine” or “an ordered sequence of events involved in a biological, chemical or physical process”Footnote 80 is also standard in the philosophy of Biology, especially “the new mechanical philosophy.”Footnote 81 Machamer, Darden, and Craver in their seminal article “Thinking about Mechanisms” define mechanisms as “entities and activities organized such that they are productive of regular changes from start or set-up to finish or termination conditions.”Footnote 82 William Bechtel and Adele Abrahamsen similarly define a mechanism as “a structure performing a function in virtue of its component parts, component operations, and their organization.”Footnote 83
Entities and activities are the interdependent elements of mechanisms.Footnote 84 Organization into productive processes makes elements parts of mechanical wholes.Footnote 85 What mechanisms “do” is produce particular phenomena. (“Mechanisms are always ‘for’ something, and they are identified by what they are for.”Footnote 86) The “doing” is central to the mechanism.Footnote 87 And the essence of mechanismicFootnote 88 research is discovering such productive processes and explicating their operation.
Mechanisms are “composite hierarchical systems”Footnote 89 in which “higher-level entities and activities are … essential to the intelligibility of those at lower levels, just as much as those at lower levels are essential for understanding those at higher levels. It is the integration of different levels into productive relations that renders the phenomenon intelligible and thereby explains it.”Footnote 90
“Mechanisms” and “processes” have very similar definitions and often are used interchangeably, both in ordinary language and in professional jargon. When carefully distinguished, one usually is taken as broader than the other. I am inclined to say that all mechanisms are processes but not all processes are sufficiently organized to be considered mechanisms. Charles Tilly, however, argues, no less plausibly, that “mechanisms compound into processes.”Footnote 91
The key point, though, is that structured productive activities – mechanisms and processes – are modular,Footnote 92 multilevel, and extend across time. They therefore need to be studied with attention to their organization and operation.
1.8 Assemblages
Assemblages are a type of system of special interest for the social sciences.
In assemblages, parts are related extrinsically, in the sense that they retain a certain separateness or separability.Footnote 93 For example, an archaeological assemblage (“an associated set of contemporary artefacts that can be considered as a single unit”Footnote 94) is the product of “extrinsic” “logics” of deposition, preservation, excavation, and analysis. The assembled whole has properties and meanings distinct from those of its constituent elements. The elements, however, although transformed by their assembly, retain some separate identity (or at least a potential to be re-divided or re-assembled). They are more or less tightly linked into a still-heterogeneous entity.
The parts of a living organism, by contrast, are intrinsically related to – fundamentally inseparable from – the whole. A human heart, for example, can be a part of only one kind of whole.Footnote 95 It is a human heart; a particular kind of part of a particular kind of whole.
“No [assembled] object is a seamless whole that fully absorbs its components.”Footnote 96 An assemblage is both a multiplicity and a unity. Niklas Luhmann’s description of a system as a unitas multiplexFootnote 97 is especially apt for assemblages.
An assemblage perspective highlights the simultaneous irreducibility and inseparability of individuals and social groups; their dialectical or recursive relationship. Social groups, as systems, are not reducible to their individual parts. But as assemblages they do not reduce individuals to parts of social wholes. For example, a family is “more than” the sum of its members. Family members, however, are also “more than” just parts of a family.
Because there are irreducible phenomena at all levels, one might say that most of the things of the world are assemblages. (This is indeed the view of some advocates of “assemblage theory.”Footnote 98) I think, though, that (except when speaking of ontology) it is more profitable to use the term only when we want to draw attention to the act or fact of assembly, the possibility of re-division or re-assembly, or the presence of one entity in multiple assemblages – all three of which are often important in thinking about social groups and the social world more broadly.
1.9 Treating International Systems as Systems
This book emphasizes the need to study systems as systems; relational wholes with important features that cannot be explained solely in terms of their parts. I begin to sketch what that implies in the remaining chapters of this Part. In Part II I show that, superficial appearances to the contrary, the predominant “systemic” approach in IR (Waltzian structuralism) is in fact thoroughly analytic. Part III then suggests some possible paths forward toward truly systemic/relational theory and research in IR.
In making these arguments, I recurrently draw parallels with Biology, which has undergone a systemic/relational transformation over the past quarter century. “Twenty-first-century biology is fundamentally different from twentieth-century biology. It is a biology of relationships rather than entities.”Footnote 99 This book aims to push IR in a similar direction.
1.10 Postscript: Waltz and Jervis on Systems
Isn’t this old hat in IR? Haven’t we understood the distinctive nature of systems and systemic explanation at least since Waltz’s Theory of International Politics?
In a certain sense, yes. But, more fundamentally, no.
Even if we accept Waltzian international political theory as genuinely systemic, which I argue in Chapter 5 it is not, its narrow two-variable structuralism differs fundamentally from systems approaches in the natural sciences – which I will argue have much to teach us about studying the social world. Waltzian structuralism has also obscured the systemic character of relational approaches – which, I am arguing, are likely to prove especially fruitful if understood in broadly systemic terms.
Jervis’ Systems Effects moved the discussion in IR forward by introducing a complexity perspective.Footnote 100 His work, however, proved not to be transformative because, as we will see in Chapters 3 and 4, he retained Waltz’s levels of analysis (rather than levels of organization) approach and was inclined toward variable-based social science (which is fundamentally incompatible with the systemic/relational explanations based on the organization and operating of complex wholes).
Furthermore, Jervis’ work did not encourage – and through treating Waltz as a model of systems thinking discouraged – seeing the deep and promising connections between relational and systemic approaches. Elaborating those connections, as I have begun to do in this chapter, seems to me a major justification for this book.
In other words, although I have similar starting points as Waltz and Jervis, I try to push systems approaches in different directions. And I am doing this in what seems to me a more conducive disciplinary environment, given the rise of network, field, and mechanism approaches and the spread of more sophisticated and open-textured views of science.
Third time’s the charm?Footnote 101