Kinship theory is argued to be an important aspect of social dynamics in past societies. However, archaeological critiques of kinship have suggested that descent and residence models are ideological constructs not associated with socioeconomic behavior, that social anthropologists believe normative kinship rules are rarely practiced, and that the models are biased by Western assumptions of biological relatedness. These critiques ignore the past several decades of kinship research. A review of kinship theory demonstrates sophisticated holistic approaches to socioeconomic behavior and ideology that are not based on biological assumptions, and that historic and ongoing social disruptions and political economic transformations have significantly altered kinship behavior. Furthermore, empirical data demonstrate adherence to kinship rules prior to historic transformations. The fact that kinship changes is argued to be the source of confusion leading to the critiques in archaeological literature but is also argued to present an opportunity for archaeologists to explain social transformations in the deep past.

The use of body size as an index of prey rank in zooarchaeology has fostered a widely applied approach to understanding variability in foraging efficiency. This approach has, however, been critiqued—most recently by the suggestion that large prey have high probabilities of failed pursuits. Here, we clarify the logic and history of using body size as a measure of prey rank and summarize empirical data on the body size-return rate relationship. With few exceptions, these data document strong positive relationships between prey size and return rate. We then illustrate, with studies from the Great Basin, the utility of body size-based abundance indices (e.g., the Artiodactyl Index) when used as one component of multidimensional analyses of prehistoric diet breadth. We use foraging theory to derive predictions about Holocene variability in diet breadth and test those predictions using the Artiodactyl Index and over a dozen other archaeological indices. The results indicate close fits between the predictions and the data and thus support the use of body size-based abundance indices as measures of foraging efficiency. These conclusions have implications for reconstructions of Holocene trends in large game hunting in western North America and for zooarchaeological applications of foraging theory in general.

While the ostensible motivation for Spanish missionization in the Americas was religious conversion, missions were also critical to the expansion of European economic institutions in the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries. Native American labor in mission contexts was recruited in support of broader programs of colonialism, mercantilism, and resource extraction. Archaeological research throughout North America demonstrates the importance and extent of the integration of Native labor into regional colonial economies. Animals and animal products were often important commodities within colonialperiod regional exchange networks and thus, zooarchaeological data can be crucial to the reconstruction of local economic practices that linked Native labor to larger-scale economic processes. Zooarchaeological remains from two Spanish missions—one in southern Arizona and one in northern Sonora—demonstrate that Native labor supported broader colonial economic processes through the production of animal products such as tallow and hide. Tallow rendered at Mission San Agustín de Tucson and Mission Nuestra Señora del Pilar y Santiago de Cocóspera was vital for mining activities in the region, which served as an important wealth base for the continued development of Spanish colonialism in the Americas. This research also demonstrates continuity in rendering practices over millennia of human history, and across diverse geographical regions, permitting formalization of a set of expectations for identifying tallow-rendered assemblages, regardless of context.

Ethnoarchaeology has, from its inception, suffered from the lack of a clear theoretical framework to productively link its two constituent parts: ethnography and archaeology. In this paper, I propose a framework that allows the integration of ethnographic and archaeological datasets at various levels of abstraction. I argue that it is only through innovative combinations of ethnography and archaeology, applied with proper caution and disclosure and at explicit levels of abstraction, that ethnoarchaeologists can hope to construct an ethnoarchaeology that is greater than the sum of its parts.

It has been proposed that Paleolithic studies should abandon their focus on groups and turn instead to the individual. If individuals are to emerge from the lithics-dominated Middle Paleolithic record, the best chance of success is to identify the products of learner knappers from those of their mentors. To do so we need a framework of knapping standards by which to measure Middle Paleolithic skill level. Selected measurements on a sequence of 100 subcircular Levallois tortoise core reductions by a knapper of intermediate skill were compared with 25 reductions by his highly experienced instructor. Four measures emerge as potential markers of skill level: total stone consumption during initial core preparation, consumption from the upper and lower core surface, symmetry of the first detached Levallois flake, and failure rate of that detachment by overshooting the core's rim. These markers allow us to discriminate between the work of a modern learner and his mentor, but > 30 percent were misclassified. The learning trajectory is more complex than the mere honing of skills through practice and is punctuated by increasing numbers of mentor-like reductions. It follows that skill-level measures on their own are imperfect discriminators. Personal markers other than those of skill level must be found by which to seek individuals in the Middle Paleolithic record.

This paper provides a cultural context for the cache of early domesticated seeds found in Newt Kash Shelter in eastern Kentucky. Based on the abundant fibers, bedding, nuts, cradleboard, bedrock mortar, shell spoons, abundance of potential medicinal plants, infrequent fauna, and arrangement of pits, Newt Kash may have been a women's retreat place during menstruation, birthing, and sickness, and possibly the meeting place of a medicine society. There are other possible retreat shelters in this region and elsewhere.

The looting of archaeological sites is a common concern in the archaeological community. On average, over 850 archaeological sites are vandalized or looted from U.S. federal lands each year. This costs taxpayers nearly $5 million annually. This paper describes an egregious case that not only involved the looting of human remains from a Civil War/Indian wars era cemetery, but also the unethical complicity of members of the professional community. The preponderance of the evidence indicated that the remains of two Buffalo Soldiers from the abandoned military cemetery at Fort Craig, New Mexico, were illegally removed. Most of these remains were not recovered. The looting case prompted the Bureau of Reclamation to conduct full-scale archaeological recovery of additional remains not exhumed by the U.S. Army during the late 1800s. In all, 65 complete or near complete remains were recovered, analyzed, and reburied in July 2009. Two lessons emerged from this project: (1) professionals must be cognizant of whom they do business with to procure publishable information; and (2) they must balance their research agendas with an equal commitment to protect cultural resources.

Reconstructions of the Paleoindian period are archaeology's origin stories about the native people of North America. These reconstructions have strongly emphasized great differences between recent and ancient Native Americans, echoing a perspective with its roots in the nineteenth century. One central component of the differences archaeologists have seen lies in the way that Paleoindian groups moved across the landscape. Particularly on the Great Plains, these movements have been seen as unpredictable and nonrepetitive, with this view founded largely in interpretations of evidence from large bison kills. This paper compares the overall patterns of post-Clovis Paleoindian and post-Paleoindian communal bison hunting on the Plains, arguing that there is no evidence of rapid or substantial change in such hunting at the end of the Paleoindian period. Although hunting practices did not remain exactly the same over time, most of the basic characteristics of Paleoindian hunting were common on the Plains for millennia. Only the northern Plains stands out from this, and it does so only within the last 2,000 to 3,000 years, probably in reaction to the development of continent-wide exchange networks. Paleoindians certainly lived different lives than did later occupants of the Great Plains, but the literature significantly exaggerates the magnitude of this difference.

Between 1769 and 1834, the Spanish missions of Alta California were pluralistic communities. Faced with cultural entanglement, residents of particular missions formed communities of practice, out of which a shared social identity may have emerged. This process of colonial identity construction is illustrated by the patterned ways potters at one mission, Mission San Antonio de Padua, constructed Plainwares. Potters within this mission community selected the same local raw materials and fired ceramics in open fires. As potters participated in shared traditions of ceramic production, with regard to these steps in the manufacturing sequence, they may have created a shared social identity. In addition to the creation of a shared community identity, potters may have produced and reproduced other social identities that served to create arenas of division. For example, variability in primary forming techniques may suggest that gender identities were created out of the way some potters, possibly women, hand modeled vessels while others, possibly men, threw vessels on a wheel. Through ceramic production, potters at Mission San Antonio de Padua may have at one scale fostered a sense of belonging to the mission community, but at other scales created arenas for social distinction within the indigenous population.

In Early Woodland times, the creation of vast interaction spheres resulted in the widespread circulation of various objects and raw materials across northeastern North America. In this article, I discuss the contexts and spatial distribution of Meadowood trade items from over 240 archaeological sites. Traditionally viewed by William A. Ritchie as cult-related items, Meadowood artifacts have subsequently been interpreted as participating in a risk-buffering strategy. Alternatively, I present arguments supporting the role of Meadowood artifacts as part of a strategy used by a few individuals or corporate groups to increase their status through privilege access to rare and highly valued goods. Socially valued goods can be used in multiple ways and documenting this complexity is a prerequisite to understanding the mechanisms underlying the circulation of goods within the Meadowood Interaction Sphere, the structure of the network, and the incentives of the participating groups. This article stresses the need to move beyond the dichotomy between utilitarian/subsistence-related goods and non-utilitarian/ritual artifacts.

In this article, we discuss new stable isotope data obtained from human dental tissue at the Krieger site, a Late Woodland Western Basin Tradition occupation from southwestern Ontario, Canada. These data point to significant maize consumption within an otherwise diffuse subsistence economy and settlement pattern geared toward the occupation of short-term campsites. The degree of maize consumption at Krieger implies the necessity for storage and year-round use. We suggest that maize horticultural practices during this time were as intensive as those suggested for contemporary and more sedentary Iroquoian groups to the east yet were accommodated without major changes to other aspects of the subsistence-settlement regime. Furthermore, the absence of a breastfeeding signal in the dental tissue not only implicates women in the role of maize production but might also imply demographic consequences. Accordingly, and with reference to comparative data, we suggest that notions of food production be recast and decoupled from the advent of sedentary lifeways in the lower Great Lakes region.

This study describes the symmetrical structure of hatched patterns in two ceramic types, Gallup Black-on-white and Chaco Black-on-white, made and used during the heyday of the Chaco network, A. D. 1050-1150. This design system represents a discontinuity in pattern, pattern formation, and structural symmetry from the previous decorative styles in the region. It consists of a limited repertoire of patterns formed by the continuous-line construction technique organized by a limited number of two-dimensional symmetries. These patterns are repeatedly painted on three specific vessel forms found especially in burials and storage rooms at Pueblo Bonito. Identical patterns from this Bonito repertoire are found at other great houses and small sites in great house communities throughout the San Juan Basin. The widespread distribution of this uniform design system is new evidence for the existence of institutionalized sociopolitical ties between Pueblo Bonito and the other great houses and small sites in the Chaco network. The implications of the homogeneous nature of this system and its sudden appearance without precedent will be addressed.

The prehistoric earthworks of Ohio have played a major role in the development of American archaeology and they continue to figure prominently in archaeological research. However, while a select group of larger earthwork sites have been intensively studied and resurveyed with geophysical survey instruments, much of the ongoing earthwork research, and reference to less-well-known sites, still relies on nineteenth-and early twentieth-century maps. In this article, we present the results of magnetic gradient surveys at three earthwork complexes in south central Ohio. Though much degraded by agricultural plowing and other historic impacts, our survey results show that despite near invisibility at the surface, Ohio's earthwork sites are (1) readily detected in geophysical surveys, (2) more complex than most early maps suggest, and (3) more numerous and varied than once thought. Given the major role these sites have taken on in studies that explore topics ranging from community structure and burial ceremonialism to population mobility and the development of socioeconomic complexity, a radical redrafting of the nineteenth-century maps could have far-reaching implications in the study of Woodland period (specifically, ca. 300 B.C.-A.D. 500) cultures in the Midwest U.S.

Archaeological models of Clovis adaptations are divided between those that argue for a single hunting adaptation characterized by high residential mobility without fixed territories and those that argue for a diversity of environment-specific adaptations and settlement systems. The Dietz site (35LK1529), the largest Clovis site in the Pacific Northwest, is composed of many overlapping, spatially coherent artifact clusters from which 75 whole and fragmentary fluted points have been recovered. The artifact assemblage is inconsistent with use of the site as a kill, camp, or quarry site. Geoarchaeological data show that the site area during the Clovis occupation was a sparsely vegetated, seasonal playa that is unlikely to have supported large herds of game animals. However, the site sits astride what was probably a major transportation corridor linking highly productive ecosystems in the adjoining basins, and Clovis foragers appear to have camped at Dietz repeatedly while traveling between these nearby basins. The systematic and redundant use of a geographically small landscape by Clovis foragers is inconsistent with expectations based on a model of residentially mobile foragers occupying new territories.

This paper reports the first set of isotopic data relating to human diet from the Samoan Archipelago. Carbon and nitrogen stable isotope data measured on bone collagen were used to assess dietary patterns of prehistoric communities on Tutuila Island, American Samoa. We examined 14 human bones from three sites dated to three distinct periods: ~1,000 years ago (N = 5); -500 years ago (N = 8) and -150 years ago (N = 1). The isotopie data suggest that the human diet on Tutuila over the last 1,000 years was composed mainly of terrestrial resources with some consumption of coastal reef products. These data suggest a possible dietary change over time, with a higher dependence on marine resources in the earlier period shifting to a more terrestrial diet in the later period. Several possibilities for this dietary shift are suggested including: change in community specialization; marine resource depression; disintensification of marine procurement; intensification of horticultural production; and cultural or social changes in resource allocation.

Based on geological and stylistic evidence, we argue that stone palettes found at Etowah were made locally from nearby raw materials. We also show that they were wrapped in textiles and kept in bundles, i.e., that they were objects used in ritual. Etowah palettes were used as portable altars, perhaps in ceremonies that involved anointing other objects with colorful (and spiritually powerful) substances. The realization that palettes were bundled ritual gear should cause us to rethink common assumptions that such objects moved from site to site by means of "trade," or that they functioned as "prestige goods" in the sense of Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978).

The Angus Mammoth site in south-central Nebraska has been controversial since its discovery in 1931 when a fluted artifact was reported to be associated with the mammoth. For nearly 80 years it has not been known if Angus was a paleontological site predating the human occupation of North America as has been asserted by some geologists and paleontologists, or an archaeological site dating to the late Pleistocene as has been advocated by some archaeologists. Geomorphic study and luminescence dating have finally solved the problem after nearly eight decades. Although microwear and technological analyses have determined that the Angus biface is an authentic artifact, TL and IRSL dates have shown that the matrix above the mammoth is much too old for a mammoth/fluted point association to be valid.

Recent excavations carried out in several Bed I and Bed II sites have shown that hominins at Olduvai Gorge used both bipolar and freehand knapping methods for quartz reduction. Due to the petrographic nature of quartz and to its heterogeneous response to fracture, the identification of bipolar knapping at any given site can be ambiguous and controversial. This work aims to overcome this problem by developing an experimental referential framework for the recognition of characteristic features of flakes produced through both bipolar and freehand reduction of Naibor Soit quartz cores. The final goal of this work is to use a set of variables related to the response of local Olduvai quartz to freehand and bipolar fracture, obtained through two independent controlled experiments, in order to statistically differentiate the diagnostic technological traits that best indicate bipolar reduction on this raw material type.

Two of the most salient anthropological questions regarding southeastern shell ring sites are related to the season(s) that they were occupied and whether or not the deposits represent monumental constructions and/or feasting remains. This paper addresses these questions through the analysis of growth band of clams (Mercenaria spp.) (N = 620) and stable oxygen isotope ratios of clam and oyster shells (Crassostrea virginica) (N = 58) at the Sapelo Island Shell Ring complex located on the Georgia coast, USA. The season of death and the samples' position in the shell matrix at Sapelo provide important information on the rate of shell deposition and the season(s) the site was occupied. These data support the view that at least some portion of the human population at Sapelo occupied the site year-round. Additionally, while it appears that two shell rings at the site formed through the gradual deposition and accumulation of daily subsistence, other areas evidence short term, large-scale, shellfish processing and may lend credence to the view that at some point shell rings become monuments, commemorating rituals and gatherings.

The distribution of Clovis projectile points across North America demonstrates distinct spatial patterning that has the potential to inform on many aspects of the colonization process. However, before accurate inferences regarding prehistoric behavior can be drawn from projectile point distributional databases, it is necessary to account for biases potentially affecting point visibility. Using county-level data for a sample of states from the western and southeastern U.S., this paper demonstrates that Clovis projectile point distribution is significantly related to modern population density, cultivated acreage, intensity of archaeological research, and measures of environmental productivity. Interpreting Clovis projectile point distribution is therefore more complex than frequently assumed.