¹ Srinivas, M. N., Caste in Modern India and Other Essays (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962), p. 15, 16 Google Scholar.

² Srinivas, p. 16.

³ Srinivas, p. 2.

⁴ Harrison, Selig, India, the Most Dangerous Decades (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960), pp. 211–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ In substantiation of his argument, Harrison provided the following two tables (pp. 211–12):

Table III. Number of candidates by major castes in Andhra Delta Districts, in 1946, 1951 and 1955 State Assembly elections

Table IV. Number of elected legislators by major castes in Andhra Delta Districts in 1946, 1951, and 1955 State Assembly elections

These two tables indicate that the Kammas as well as the Reddis had contested the elections from both the political parties, Communist and Congress. In the 1946 election, there were more Kammas in the Congress than Reddis and none in the Communist party, although nine had contested the election on its ticket. While in the 1951 election the candidature of the Kammas on the Communist party ticket had more than doubled, their candidature for the Congress had gone up more than four times. The candidature of the Reddis on the Congress ticket had just about doubled itself. While in terms of the 1951 election results the Kammas had won a great number of seats on the Communist ticket, their strength within the Congress party remained at par with their caste rivals, the Reddis. In the 1955 election the Kammas had outnumbered the Reddis, inside the Congress, by more than three to one. Simultaneously they were wiped out as a force in the Assembly as Communists: in 1955 instead of 14 Kamma Communist MLA's there was only one. These figures did not establish Harrison's thesis of caste-party identity. On the contrary they presented us with a picture of party inroads into castes. There were obviously more Kammas to go around for both the parties and subsequently the Kammas as well as the Reddis concentrated on the Congress. See Harrison, p. 219.

⁶ See Weiner, Myron, The Politics of Scarcity: Public Pressure and Political Response in India (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 37 Google Scholar.

⁷ Weiner, pp. 37–38, my italics.

⁸ No one exactly knows what the total number of castes in India is. There are certain genuine difficulties: the problem of determining the status of break-away fragments of castes, social mobility of certain sections of them, migrations and the emergence of sectional identity, uncontrolled assimilation of the groups of Adivasis into the Hindu social organizations, etc. It is well-nigh impossible to keep track of these continuing processes spread over the entire Indian sub-continent together with the areas of Indian migrations and arrive at a definite figure regarding the total number of castes. The above-mentioned rough total is taken from Hardgrave's, Robert The Nadars of Tamilnad (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969)Google Scholar. He maintained, “There are in India more than three thousand castes, each culturally distinct endogamous community sharing traditionally a common occupation and a particular position in the localized hierarchy of caste ranking” (p. 2).

⁹ Rudolph, Lloyd I. and Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, The Modernity of Tradition (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 62 Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Rudolph and Rudolph, p. 103.

¹¹ Rudolph and Rudolph, p. 62.

¹² Rudolph and Rudolph, pp. 27–28.

¹³ Disputing Marx's thesis that the British rule in India would eventually lead to the atomization even of Indian villages and castes, the Rudolphs argue that “India has shown a strong propensity to transform rather than supersede traditional corporate structures, to move imperceptibly from traditional to modern corporatism without so marked an intervening individualist phase as the West is said to have experienced” (Rudolph and Rudolph, p. 23, my italics).

¹⁴ Rudolph and Rudolph, pp. 24–26.

¹⁵ Rudolph and Rudolph, pp. 25–26.

¹⁶ Rudolph and Rudolph, p. 97.

¹⁷ Rudolph and Rudolph, p. 34–36.

¹⁸ Rudolph and Rudolph, pp. 29–36.

¹⁹ Kothari, Rajni and Maru, Rushikesh, “Federating for Political Interests: The Kshatriyas of Gujarat” in Caste in Indian Politics, ed. Kothari, Rajni (New Delhi: Orient Longman Ltd., 1970), pp. 70–101 Google Scholar.

²⁰ Gould, Harold, “Adaptive Functions of Caste in Contemporary Indian Society,” Asian Survey, 3 (September, 1963), 427–438 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ M. N. Srinivas has used the term “Sanskritization” in order to indicate a number of means used in order to gain recognition for higher social status. One of these is a conscious attempt to conform and be seen as conforming to higher ritual standards. See in this connection his Social Change in Modem India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), p. 6 Google Scholar.

²² See in this connection a fascinating paper by Rowe, William, “The New Cauhans: A Caste Mobility Movement in North India” in Social Mobility in the Caste System in India, ed. Silverberg, James (The Hague: Mouton, 1968)Google Scholar. See also Srinivas, M. N., Social Change in Modern India, pp. 1–45 Google Scholar.

²³ See Bailey, F. G., Caste, Tribe and Nation (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1960)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Lazarsfeld, Paul, Berelson, Bernard, and Gaudet, Hazel, The People's Choice (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), p. 151 Google Scholar.

²⁵ M. N. Srinivas first used the expression “vote-bank” in connection with political influence of patron over client. See his paper on “The Social System of a Mysore Village” in Village India: Studies in the Little Community, ed. Marriot, McKim (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1955)Google Scholar. Later F. G. Bailey used the expression in order to refer to the electoral influence of the caste leader. See his Politics and Social Change (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1959)Google ScholarPubMed.

²⁶ For a detailed account of this process, see Somjee, A. H. “Political Dynamics of a Gujarat Village,” Asian Survey, Vol. 12 (July, 1972), 602–608 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ For a detailed empirical support for the theory of stimulus-response within the framework of political emulation see Somjee, A. H., Democracy and Political Change in Village India: A Case Study (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1972)Google Scholar.

²⁸ See Chapter VII, “Village Politics and National Politics: The General Election of 1967” in Somjee, Democracy and Political Change in Village India.

²⁹ The study of Anand also includes the adjoining town of Vidyanagar which is the seat of a university. For the purposes of my research the twin towns were considered as one—Anand.

³⁰ In 1971 and 1972 interviews, 27 and 28 persons, respectively, had to be substituted as some of the people in the sample had either moved away, become untraceable, or had died. Wherever possible, son, daughter, brother, sister, or neighbor was substituted for the missing or dead respondent, always from the same caste and sex.

³¹ See in this connection A. H. Somjee, Anand: A Study in Electoral Dynamics, forthcoming (tentative title).

³² This indicates the participation of families of the respondents in previous elections.

³³ For the details of this see Kothari, Rajni and Maru, Rushikesh, “Caste and Secularism in India: Case Study of a Caste Federation,” The Journal of Asian Studies, 25 (November, 1965), 33–50 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.