¹ Delumeau, Jean, La peur en occident (XIVe–XVIIIe siècles): Une cité assiégée (Paris, 1978), 1–2 Google Scholar. Delumeau's reference is to Montaigne, Journal de voyage, ed. M. Rat (Paris, 1955), 47–48.

² [Honoré-Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau], Des lettres de cachet et des prisons d’état (Hamburg [sic—i.e. Neuchâtel], 1782), 2 vols., 2: 43–5.

³ On the contrast between protective barriers and prison walls see Foucault, Michel, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Sheridan, Alan (New York, 1977), 116 Google Scholar. The prison walls to which Foucault is referring, however, are those of the nineteenth-century penitentiary rather than of an eighteenth-century donjon.

⁴ Wolfe, Michael, Walled Towns and the Shaping of France: From the Medieval to the Early Modern Era (New York, 2009), 123–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ On the fear of child abductions, which exploded in the Paris riots of spring 1750, see Farge, Arlette and Revel, Jacques, The Vanishing Children of Paris: Rumor and Politics before the French Revolution, trans. Miéville, Claudia (Cambridge, MA, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁶ Mercier, Louis-Sébastien, Tableau de Paris, vol. 1 (Amsterdam, 1782), 194 Google Scholar.

⁷ The fear of police surveillance, spies, and imprisonment by lettres de cachet shadowed the lives of practically everyone associated with the production and circulation of prohibited books, as Robert Darnton has depicted in his numerous works on Grub Street and the underground book trade, from the essays collected in The Literary Underground of the Old Regime (Cambridge, MA, 1982) to his more recent studies of libels—The Devil in the Holy Water or the Art of Slander from Louis XIV to Napoleon (Philadelphia, 2010)—and censorship—Censors at Work: How States Shaped Literature (New York, 2014), esp. 59–86; and as Gersmann, Gudrun, Im Schatten der Bastille: Die Welt der Schriftsteller, Kolporteure und Buchhändler am Vorabend der französischen Revolution (Stuttgart, 1993), esp. 182–228Google Scholar, shows in her study of the same milieu. It would be a mistake, however, to view the expanding police apparatus as purely repressive, as recent work on the police has emphasized. See, above all, Milliot, Vincent, Un policier des lumières, suivi de mémoires de J. C. P. Lenoir (Seyssel, 2011); and Vincent Denis, Une histoire de l’identité, France 1715–1815 (Seyssel, 2008)Google Scholar.

⁸ The most frequently depicted prison in the eighteenth century was not Vincennes but the Bastille. On images of the Bastille see Cotret, Monique, La Bastille à prendre: Histoire et mythe de la fortresse royale (Paris, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink and Rolf Reichardt, Die “Bastille”: Zur Symbolgeschichte von Herrschaft und Freiheit (Frankfurt am Main, 1990). John Bender discusses the representations of prisons in eighteenth-century English fiction. Those representations, however, do not correspond to the images of the Bastille current in eighteenth-century France. The main difference was that the famous French prison was usually pictured as a separate, self-enclosed domain surrounded by impregnable walls; the prisons depicted in English fiction allowed for relatively free and easy exchanges with the outside world. Cf. Bender, Imagining the Penitentiary: Fiction and the Architecture of Mind in Eighteenth-Century England (Chicago, 1987).

⁹ The starting point for the many historical studies of fear remains Delumeau's La peur en occident (see n. 1 above). Those studies are now too numerous to be listed individually. Bähr, Andreas, Furcht und Furchtlosigkeit: Göttliche Gewalt und Selbstkonstruktion im 17. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 2013), 21–54 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, provides a useful survey, as well as a critique of Delumeau's approach, in his study of the descriptions of fear in the seventeenth century. According to Bähr, Delumeau's work reflects a “dialectic of Enlightenment” model of fear: it posits a historical transition from pre-Enlightenment object-related fear (Furcht) to post-Enlightenment existential fear (Angst). The Furcht–Angst opposition, which Bähr regards as problematic, is crucial to much of the literature on the history of fear, including the two principal studies on eighteenth-century Germany: Begemann, Christian, Furcht und Angst im Prozess der Aufklärung: Zu Literatur- und Bewusstseinsgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts (Frankfurt am Main, 1987)Google Scholar; and Böhme, Hartmut und Böhme, Gernot, Das Andere der Vernunft: Zur Entwicklung von Rationalitätsstrukturen am Beispiel Kants (Frankfurt am Main, 1983)Google Scholar. In comparison with the German scholarship, the work on fear in eighteenth-century France seems both sparse and undertheorized. While individual episodes of fear have been studied, there is no synthetic account of the subject. Berchtold, Jacques and Porret, Michel have edited a conference volume: La peur au XVIIIe siècle: Discours, représentations, pratiques (Geneva, 1994)Google Scholar. More recently, Ronald Schechter has published an article surveying the shifting meanings, both positive and negative, of the concept of “terror” in the European Enlightenment with a particular emphasis on France: “Conceptions of Terror in the European Enlightenment,” in Laffan, Michael and Weiss, Max, eds., Facing Fear: The History of an Emotion in Global Perspective (Princeton, 2012), 31–53 Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Tackett, Timothy, The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 2015), 207–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar, describes the reaction of panic in late August 1792 to the reports of an imminent Prussian invasion. On the siege mentality at the time of the Paris Commune see Merriman, John, Massacre: The Life and Death of the Paris Commune (New York, 2014)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Lefebvre, Georges, The Great Fear of 1789: Rural Panic in Revolutionary France, trans. White, Joan (New York, 1973), esp. 7–23Google Scholar.

¹² Bloch developed the concept of Ungleichzeitigkeit in connection with his historical critique of fascism: Bloch, Ernst, Erbschaft dieser Zeit (Zurich, 1935)Google Scholar.

¹³ On the idea of fear in Montesquieu's political philosophy see especially Shklar, Judith, Montesquieu (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar; and Robin, Corey, Fear: The History of a Political Idea (Oxford, 2004), 51–72 Google Scholar. Melvin Richter provides a general overview of Montesquieu's political thought in his introduction to The Political Theory of Montesquieu, ed. and trans. Melvin Richter (Cambridge, 1977), 1–111.

¹⁴ On “fear” (crainte) as the principle of despotism and the necessity in such regimes of maintaining fear without any interruption or diminution, as well as the special influence of religion as an additional source of fear in despotisms, Montesquieu, De l’esprit des lois, vol 1 of Montesquieu, Oeuvres complètes, ed. André Masson (Paris, 1950), 3.9: 35–6; 5.14: 80–81.

¹⁵ On the logic of escalating brutality in despotic regimes see Montesquieu's comments on punishments in Japan: Montesquieu, De l’esprit des lois, 6.13: 115–18.

¹⁶ On orientalist themes in Montesquieu's work see Dobie, Madeleine, Foreign Bodies: Gender, Language, and Culture in French Orientalism (Stanford, CA, 2001), 35–82 Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Shklar, Montesquieu, 89. On the “liberalism of fear” more generally see Shklar, Judith, “The Liberalism of Fear,” in Hoffmann, Stanley, ed., Political Thought and Political Thinkers (Chicago, 1998), 3–20 Google Scholar.

¹⁸ The valorization of fear—or what Delumeau called the “evangelism of fear”(pastorale de la peur)—was particularly characteristic of the Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The distinctive feature of that tradition was to lay greater stress on the Passion than on the Resurrection, on sin than on pardon, on hell than on heaven. On the pastorale de la peur see Delumeau, Jean, Sin and Fear: The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture, trans. Nicholson, Erich (New York, 1990), 327–557 Google Scholar. On fear of God as a religious virtue in the early modern period see, in particular, Bähr, Furcht und Furchtlosigkeit, esp. 55–184.

¹⁹ On the role of fear in Hobbes's political philosophy see Robin, Fear, 31–50.

²⁰ While the philosophes rejected Hobbes's political philosophy, they nonetheless took it very seriously. Diderot was the author of the long entry in the Encyclopédie on Hobbes, whom he called “the apologist of tyranny” (“Hobbisme,” in Encyclopédie (ARTFL, available at http://encyclopedie.uchicago.edu), 8: 232–41); and Rousseau's political philosophy can be read as a sustained response to and refutation of Hobbes. How the philosophes responded to the challenge of Hobbes is a recurrent theme in the recently published survey of the Enlightenment by Pagden, Anthony: The Enlightenment and Why It Still Matters (New York, 2013), esp. 56–64Google Scholar.

²¹ For a recent discussion of the idea of happiness in the Enlightenment see McMahon, Darrin, Happiness: A History (New York, 2006), 197–252 Google Scholar. Ronald Schechter observes that the philosophes accepted the utility of fear, or more specifically “terror,” in certain specific domains—notably warfare and the punishment of crime. They recognized, in other words, that it was useful to strike fear in the hearts of enemy soldiers and would-be criminals. But recognition of that fact did not negate their overall commitment to reducing the burden of fear in human existence. See Schechter, “Conceptions of Terror in the European Enlightenment.”

²² The distinction between “realistic” and “neurotic” fear (Angst) was developed by Freud in the “Twenty-Fifth Introductory Lecture on Psycho-Analysis” (1916–17), then refined and substantially modified in “Inhibitions, Symptoms, and Anxiety” (1926) and the “Thirty-Second New Introductory Lecture on Psycho-analysis” (1933). See The Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, trans. James Strachey (London, 1956–74), 24 vols., 15: 392–411; 20: 77–175; 22: 81–111.

²³ Louis de Jaucourt, “Crainte”; “Peur, frayeur, terreur,” in Encyclopédie (ARTFL, available at http://encyclopedie.uchicago.edu), 4: 428–29; 12: 480. The life-affirming aspect of peur comes through even more clearly in the article on “Crainte” than in the article on “Peur, frayeur, terreur.” In the former, Jaucourt seeks to identify the debilitating effects of crainte, which he does by contrasting them to the healthy effects of peur. The claim that peur springs from a “love of self-preservation” (amour de notre conservation) is contained in the article on “Crainte.”

²⁴ Jaucourt, “Crainte.” It must be admitted, however, that the Encyclopédie as a whole was not perfectly consistent in its definitions. Diderot contributed an entry on “allarme, terreur, effroi, frayeur, épouvante, crainte, peur, appréhension” (1: 277–8), the definitions of which did not correspond to those given by Jaucourt.

²⁵ Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, Emile ou De l’éducation, vol. 4 of Rousseau, Oeuvres complètes, ed. Gagnebin, Bernard and Raymond, Marcel (Paris, 1969), 1: 269–70Google Scholar. The English translation cited in the text comes from Rousseau, Emile or On Education, trans. Bloom, Allan (New York, 1979), 54 Google ScholarPubMed.

²⁶ Rousseau, Emile, in Oeuvres complètes, 2: 381–5. Rousseau did not, however, propose that children should be exposed to the night individually. The technique he advocated was to organize some kind of night game in which children would participate as a group. On the counterphobic strategies in Rousseau's pedagogy see Jean Starobinski, “Surmonter la peur,” in Berchtold and Porret, La peur au XVIIIe siècle, 87–95, esp. 92–5.

²⁷ Cited in Richard Alewyn, “Die Lust an der Angst,” in Alewyn, Probleme und Gestalten: Essays (Frankfurt am Main, 1974), 307–30, at 316. Unfortunately, Alewyn does not supply a reference for Mme du Deffand's boutade.

²⁸ Baker, Keith, “Public Opinion as Political Invention,” in Baker, Inventing the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1990), 167–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ozouf, Mona, “L’opinion publique,” in Baker, Keith, ed., The Political Culture of the Old Regime (Oxford, 1987), 419–34Google Scholar. For a somewhat different approach, which criticizes Baker and Ozouf for treating “public opinion” as merely a discursive construct, see Darnton, Robert, The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France (New York, 1995), esp. 232–46Google Scholar.

²⁹ On the multiplication of lettres de cachet beginning in the reign of Louis XIV see Quétel, Claude, Les lettres de cachet: Une légende noire (Paris, 2011)Google Scholar. According to Quétel's estimates (ibid., 318), anywhere between one and two hundred thousand French subjects were imprisoned for an average duration of two to three years in the period stretching from the reign of Louis XIV to the outbreak of the Revolution. The vast majority of them would have been held in a religious community, house of confinement (hôpital général), or beggars’ hospice (dépôt de mendicité) rather than in a famous state prison like the Bastille. There is no doubt, however, that lettres de cachet were closely associated, in the popular imagination, with the Bastille, the dark reputation of which is described by Cotret (La Bastille à prendre) and by Lüsebrink and Reichardt (Die “Bastille”). On the requests for lettres de cachet by families in Paris during the eighteenth century see, in particular, Farge, Arlette and Foucault, Michel, Le désordre des familles: Lettres de cachet des Archives de la Bastille (Paris, 1982)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Quétel, Les lettres de cachet, 318.

³¹ Vincent Milliot, Un policier des lumières, 294–7, discusses the defense of lettres de cachet offered by J. C. P. Lenoir, lieutenant general of police under Louis XVI.

³² On Malesherbes's criticisms of lettres de cachet see Chartier, Roger, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution, trans. Cochrane, Lydia G. (Durham, NC, 1991), 34–6Google Scholar; and Quétel, Les lettres de cachet, 323–5.

³³ The English translation of the 1775 remonstrance by the Cour des Aides is drawn from Baker, Keith Michael, ed., The Old Regime and the French Revolution, vol. 7 of University of Chicago Readings in Western Civilization, ed. Boyer, John W. and Kirscher, Julius (Chicago, 1987), 69–70 Google Scholar.

³⁴ Chartier, Roger, “Les représentations de l’écrit,” in Chartier, Culture écrite et société: L’ordre des livres (XIVe–XVIIIe siècle) (Paris, 1996), 17–44, at 20–26 Google Scholar; Eisenstein, Elizabeth, Divine Art, Infernal Machine: The Reception of Printing in the West from First Impression to the Sense of an Ending (Philadelphia, 2011), 149–51Google Scholar.

³⁵ Maza, Sarah, Private Lives and Public Affairs: The Causes Célèbres of Pre-Revolutionary France (Berkeley, 1993)Google Scholar.

³⁶ There is a large body of literature on Mirabeau, the hero of the Tennis Court Oath and leader of the Constituent Assembly during the early phase of the Revolution. For a brief sketch covering both “halves” of his life, before the Revolution and after, see the article by François Furet in Furet, François and Ozouf, Mona, eds., A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution, trans. Goldhammer, Arthur (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 265–71Google Scholar.

³⁷ Linguet was an enemy of most of the philosophes. A self-styled man of the people, he attacked (some would say “libeled”) the established philosophes in the manner of Rousseau for their complicity with privileged institutions. David Bell has described him as the embodiment of a new type of barrister who emerged during and after the Maupeou reforms at the end of the reign of Louis XV, the lawyer who aspired to a highly visible public role. See Bell, David, Lawyers and Citizens: The Making of a Political Elite in Old Regime France (Oxford, 1994), 134–63Google Scholar. What Linguet was not, despite his sometimes slanderous comments on the subject of the philosophes, was a counter-Enlightenment author of the kind described by McMahon, Darrin in his Enemies of the Enlightenment: The French Counter-Enlightenment and the Making of Modernity (Oxford, 2001)Google Scholar. For a general overview of Linguet's career see Levy, Darline, The Ideas and Careers of Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet: A Study in Eighteenth-Century French Politics (Urbana, IL, 1980)Google Scholar. Discussions of Mémoires sur la Bastille are contained in Cotret, La Bastille à prendre, 119–26; and Lüsebrink and Reichardt, Die “Bastille”, 29–33.

³⁸ According to Lüsebrink and Reichardt (Die “Bastille”, 28–9), the original edition of Lettres de cachet, published by Jonas Fauche in Neuchâtel, was printed at the staggeringly high pressrun of 15,000 copies; Mémoires sur la Bastille appeared in six different French-language editions as well as in Linguet's political journal, Annales politiques, civiles et littéraires du dix-huitième siècle. On the circulation of those works through the underground book trade in France see Robert Darnton, “A Clandestine Bookseller in the Provinces,” in Darnton, The Literary Underground, 122–47, at 139. Darnton's study analyzes the orders of a bookseller in Troyes, a clandestine dealer named Mauvelain who received books from the Société typographique de Neuchâtel (STN). The recently published online database devoted to the STN (Simon Burrows, Mark Curran, Vincent Hiribarren, Sarah Kattau, and Henry Merivale, The French Book Trade in Enlightenment Europe Project, 1769–1794 (FBTEE Project), at http://fbtee.uws.edu.au/stn, accessed 6 May 2014) reveals that the STN did not always fill Mauvelain's orders exactly: Mauvelain ordered thirty copies of the work by Linguet but received only ten; he ordered twenty-one of the work by Mirabeau but received only six. The STN did not fill the orders for the simple reason that it did not have enough copies of the books in stock. Neither of those books were its own editions. But that does not alter the fact that Mauvelain registered a strong demand for the works. Finally, it is worth noting that the works of Linguet and Mirabeau also circulated widely outside France. On their diffusion in Germany see Freedman, Jeffrey, Books without Borders in Enlightenment Europe: French Cosmopolitanism and German Literary Markets (Philadelphia, 2012), 227–30Google Scholar.

³⁹ The reference to the influence of “public opinion” is in Des lettres de cachet, 2: 95. Note that the first volume of Mirabeau's work is devoted primarily to attacking lettres de cachet on historical and philosophic grounds. It is in the second volume that Mirabeau draws on his personal experiences of imprisonment in order to depict the horrors of prison life.

⁴⁰ Foucault, Michel, Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason, trans. Howard, Richard (New York, 1965), 38–64 Google Scholar. Foucault's Grand Renfermement thesis has inspired a good deal of critical commentary. That debate, however, is not directly relevant to the subject of this article precisely because conditions in the hôpitaux were so profoundly different from those described by Mirabeau and Linguet. I am currently at work on a more general study of fear in Enlightenment France, one chapter of which will be devoted to the fear of incarceration in the hôpitaux among poor and working-class Parisians.

⁴¹ On the “hunger dungeon” (cachot de la faim) see Des lettres de cachet, 2: 25. Mirabeau complains repeatedly about the poor quality of the food, which he attributes to the financial peculations of the prison commander the Chevalier de Rougemont.

⁴² Linguet speaks of “tortures of the soul” (ces tortures de l’âme) and says that the goal of imprisonment in the Bastille is “to tear apart souls” (déchirer les âmes): Simon-Nicholas-Henri Linguet, Mémoires sur la Bastille, et la détention de l’auteur dans ce château royal depuis le 27 septembre 1780 jusqu’au 19 mai 1782 (London, 1783), 55, 57.

⁴³ Des lettres de cachet, 2: 43–45.

⁴⁴ Mémoires sur la Bastille, 64. Mirabeau also describes the shame and humiliation of the “search” (la fouille), an experience that he recalls with “indignation and pain.” See Des lettres de cachet, 2: 47.

⁴⁵ Des lettres de cachet, 2: 42, 60; Mémoires sur la Bastille, 76.

⁴⁶ Mémoires sur la Bastille, 71–73.

⁴⁷ Ibid., 54.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 75.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 86.

⁵⁰ Kant's preoccupation with the question of how to distinguish objective experience from mere fantasy went back to his pre-critical writings—above all, Träume eines Geistersehers (Dreams of a Spirit Seer) (1766), his response to the mystic Swedenborg. See Böhme und Böhme, Das Andere der Vernunft, 233–74; and Begemann, Furcht und Angst, 261–73.

⁵¹ Des lettres de cachet, 1: 267, 262.

⁵² Ibid., 1: 96. Mirabeau's appeal to l’homme sensible echoed the rhetoric of sentimentalism, an emotional style that set a high value on compassion. There is a vast and growing body of research devoted to sentimentalism. See, among others, Reddy, William, The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotions (Cambridge, 2001), 141–210 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jones, Colin, The Smile Revolution in Eighteenth-Century Paris (Oxford, 2014)Google Scholar; Vincent-Buffault, Anne, The History of Tears: Sensibility and Sentimentality in France (London, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Denby, David, Sentimental Narrative and the Social Order in France, 1760–1820 (Cambridge, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵³ Des lettres de cachet, 1: 94.

⁵⁴ Ibid., 2: 55, 95; Mémoires sur la Bastille, 48, 54.

⁵⁵ On the fear of premature burial in the second half of the eighteenth century see Freedman, Jeffrey, “The Limits of Tolerance: Jews, the Enlightenment, and the Fear of Premature Burial,” in Walton, Charles, ed., Into Print: Limits and Legacies of the Enlightenment: Essays in Honor of Robert Darnton (University Park, PA, 2011), 177–97Google Scholar. On Mme Necker see de Baecque, Antoine, Glory and Terror: Seven Deaths under the French Revolution, trans. Mandell, Charlotte (New York, 2001), 184–203 Google Scholar. On the fear of premature burial across the ages see Bondeson, Jan, Buried Alive: The Terrifying History of Our Most Primal Fear (New York, 2001)Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ That Linguet's work created quite a stir is clear from the pamphlet war it provoked—a reaction documented in the underground journal Correspondance secrete, politique et littéraire published by Louis-François Mettra in Cologne: Lüsebrink und Reichhardt, Die “Bastille”, 32. According to Sara Maza, Linguet and Mirabeau supplied many of the themes for the widely disseminated judicial mémoire published in 1786 by the lawyer Lacretelle on behalf of his client the comte de Sanois, a victim of lettre de cachet. To win sympathy for Sanois, Lacretelle described the sadistic jailers and the mental torments to which his client had been subject during his imprisonment. See Maza, Private Lives, 280. On the Sanois case see also Lüsebrink, Hans-Jürgen, Kriminalität und Literatur im Frankreich des 18. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1983), 227–8Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Quétel, Les lettres de cachet, 342. The “public” whose opinion the cahiers expressed should not be conflated with the entirety of the French population. According to Maza, Private Lives, 87, lawyers often made up between 70 and 90 percent of the members of the local committees that drafted the cahiers in the provinces. In such cases, one would expect the concerns of lawyers to have predominated.

⁵⁸ For a similar argument as applied to the doctrine of natural rights more generally see Hunt, Lynn, Inventing Human Rights: A History (New York, 2007)Google Scholar. According to Hunt, the emotional identification of readers with the characters in sentimental novels contributed to developing their sense of a common humanity, a feeling of kinship with unknown others that was a necessary condition for the emergent ideology of universal rights.

⁵⁹ Studies of the Terror are too numerous to be listed. The recently published study of Timothy Tackett evokes the atmosphere of fear prevailing in the capital at the height of the so-called Great Terror during the late spring and early summer of the Year II. By then, according to Tackett, The Coming of the Terror, 330, 334, some 300,000 “suspects” were either awaiting trial in prison or guarded in their homes. Of course, the fear of arrest during the Terror was a fear not just of imprisonment but also of the guillotine.

⁶⁰ Coittant, Philippe-Edme, Almanach des prisons (Paris, 1794)Google Scholar; and Nougaret, Pierre-Jean-Baptiste, Histoire des prisons de Paris, 4 vols. (Paris, 1797)Google Scholar. The references to Coittant and Nougaret I owe to Howard Brown of Binghamton University, who is working on the memory of the Terror during Thermidor and the Directory. My thanks to Prof. Brown for providing me with those references.

⁶¹ The most famous Gothic novels were, of course, English—notably Mathew Lewis's The Monk, published in 1796. But Lewis visited Paris in 1791, and his novel came out in a French translation just one year after its original publication in English. In the first half of the nineteenth century, French authors made some noteworthy contributions to the Gothic genre, from Victor Hugo's Notre-Dame de Paris (1831) to Pétrus Borel's Madame Putiphar (1838), a work inspired by the prison memoirs of the renowned escape artist Jean-Henri Latude. On Borel and the links connecting Old Regime prison literature to the Gothic imaginary, as well as the place of carceral images in French Romanticism more generally, see Brombert, Victor, “Pétrus Borel, Prison Horrors, and the Gothic Tradition,” Novel: A Forum on Fiction 2/2 (1969), 143–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Brombert, La prison romantique: Essai sur l’imaginaire (Paris, 1975).

⁶² Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 135–308. According to Foucault's analysis, “disciplinary institutions” are designed to facilitate surveillance, and thereby instill in their inhabitants the feeling of being perpetually watched. From that standpoint, neither the Bastille nor the Château de Vincennes as described by Linguet and Mirabeau would have qualified as “disciplinary institutions”: the two former prisoners evoked feelings of solitude but not of being subject to surveillance.

⁶³ Alewyn, “Die Lust an der Angst,” 307–30.

⁶⁴ Brooks, Peter, The Melodramatic Imagination: Balzac, Henry James, Melodrama, and the Mode of Excess (New Haven, 1995), 19 Google Scholar, 209 n. 26. See also, on representations of cloisters, Shackleton, Robert, “The Cloister Theme in French Preromanticism,” in Moore, Will, Sutherland, Rhoda, and Starkie, Enid, eds., The French Mind: Studies in Honour of Gustave Rudler (Oxford, 1952), 170–86Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Barthes, Roland, “Sade I,” in Barthes, Sade, Fourier, Loyola (Paris, 1971), 23 Google Scholar. The connection between Linguet and Sade is also noted by Cotret: Bastille à prendre, 121.