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Disaster, Heaven, and Political Responsibility: Mencius and Dong Zhongshu on Humane Government

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 November 2023

Abstract

This paper investigates the Confucian conception of political responsibility as a political virtue essential for an ordinary non-Confucian ruler's actualization of humane government by paying close attention to the early Confucian discourses of Heaven and disaster. After briefly discussing Confucius's seminal idea of responsibility, this paper shows how Mencius developed the political conception of responsibility, as a noncausal responsibility shared by the ruler and the virtuous ministers for a humane government, especially under the condition of natural disasters. It then discusses how the Han Confucian philosopher Dong Zhongshu reformulated the Mencian theory of responsibility and humane government under radically altered political circumstances by advancing a new version of Confucianism, central to which is the causal conception of political responsibility. This paper concludes by discussing how the evolution of Confucian political theory from Mencius to Dong Zhongshu should be understood with a view to the question of political legitimacy.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of University of Notre Dame

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References

1 I use the male pronoun for a ruler because the three early Confucians discussed in this paper—Confucius, Mencius, and Dong Zhongshu—took for granted that a ruler is a male.

2 It is commonly opposed to the Way of the Hegemon (badao 覇道), which Mencius defined as “[a rule by] one who, supported by force, pretends to being humane” (Mencius 2A3). English translations of the Mencius are adapted from Mencius, trans. Irene Bloom (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009).

3 See Loubna El Amine, Classical Confucian Political Thought: A New Interpretation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015), 136–37.

4 On the core premises of Confucian virtue politics, see my Theorizing Confucian Virtue Politics: The Political Philosophy of Mencius and Xunzi (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 5–10.

5 Angle, Stephen C., Contemporary Confucian Political Philosophy (Cambridge: Polity, 2012), 112–16Google Scholar; Ivanhoe, Philip J., “Character Consequentialism: An Early Confucian Contribution to Contemporary Ethical Theory,” Journal of Religious Ethics 19, no. 1 (1991): 55–70Google Scholar; Slingerland, Edward, “The Situationist Critique and Early Confucian Virtue Ethics,” Ethics 121, no. 2 (2011): 390–419Google Scholar.

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8 See Chan, Joseph, Confucian Perfectionism: A Political Philosophy for Modern Times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014)Google Scholar.

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10 Analects 9.5 (modified). The English translation of the Analects is adapted from Confucius, Analects, trans. Edward Slingerland (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 2003).

11 Analects 2.4.

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13 Ivanhoe, “Character Consequentialism,” 56 (emphasis original).

14 Ivanhoe, Philip J., Confucian Moral Self Cultivation (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 2000), 101Google Scholar.

15 Mencius 6B15.

16 Mencius 3B2.

17 Mencius 7A31.

18 Mencius 7A1.

19 It is impossible to eliminate the condition of contingency from human life. Mencius was clearly aware of this ineluctable human condition. See Mencius 7A1–2.

20 Mencius 1B5.

21 Mencius 1A4.

22 Mencius 1A3.

23 For my detailed analysis of Mencius 1A3 and Mencius's noncausal conception of responsibility, see Kim, Sungmoon, “Contingency and Responsibility in Confucian Political Theory,” Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, no. 6 (2018): 615–36Google Scholar.

24 Mencius's subscription to the doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven appears in Mencius 5A5–6. Also see Nuyen, A. T., “The ‘Mandate of Heaven’: Mencius and the Divine Command Theory of Political Legitimacy,” Philosophy East and West 63, no. 2 (2013): 113–26Google Scholar.

25 On Mencius's discussion of “Heaven's delegated officer,” see Mencius 2B8. Also see Tiwald, Justin, “A Right of Rebellion in the Mengzi?,” Dao 7, no. 3 (2008): 269–82Google Scholar.

26 Mencius 1A3.

27 Nivison, David S., The Ways of Confucianism: Investigations in Chinese Philosophy (Chicago: Open Court, 1996), 96106Google Scholar; Philip J. Ivanhoe, “Confucian Self Cultivation and Mengzi's Notion of Extension,” in Liu and Invanhoe, Essays on the Moral Philosophy of Mengzi, 221–41; David B. Wong, “Reasons and Analogical Reasoning in Mengzi,” in Essays on the Moral Philosophy of Mengzi, 187–220.

28 Mencius 1A7.

29 Chan, Confucian Perfectionism, 30.

30 Wu is Wen's son who brought to an end the punitive expedition against Zhou Xin, the last ruler of the Shang dynasty, which had been initiated by Wen. In the Confucian tradition, Wu is commonly understood as the cofounder of the Zhou dynasty.

31 Twiss, Sumner B. and Chan, Jonathan, “Classical Confucianism, Punitive Expeditions, and Humanitarian Intervention,” Journal of Military Ethics 11, no. 2 (2012): 81–96Google Scholar.

32 Henry Rosemont Jr., “State and Society in the Xunzi: A Philosophical Commentary,” in Virtue, Nature, and Moral Agency in the “Xunzi, ed. T. C. Kline III and Philip J. Ivanhoe (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 2000), 1–38; Kim, Sungmoon, “Confucian Constitutionalism: Mencius and Xunzi on Virtue, Ritual, and Royal Transmission,” Review of Politics 73, no. 3 (2011): 371–99Google Scholar.

33 Kurtis Hagen, “Xunzi and the Prudence of Dao: Desire as the Motive to Become Good,” Dao 10, no. 1 (2011): 53–70; David B. Wong, “Xunzi and Moral Motivation,” in Kline and Ivanhoe, Virtue, Nature, and Moral Agency, 135–54.

34 This does not mean that Mencius's political theory has no prudential ground. For example, Mencius persuades King Xuan of Qi to share his pleasure of enjoying material goods with the people because it would benefit him and further help him become a universal ruler (Mencius 1A7).

35 Mencius 4A2; 7B1.

36 Arguably, Duke Wen of Teng seems to be the only ruler that Mencius found decent or sufficiently humane (Mencius 3A2), but as a ruler of a small state squeezed between two powerful states, Duke Wen's most eminent concern was how to protect his people from Teng's aggressive neighbors.

37 Mencius 5A7.

38 Ibid. (emphasis added).

39 Mencius 6B15.

40 According to the Mencius, Tai Jia, Tang's grandson, was banished by Yi Yin and restored to kingship only after he reformed himself. King Cheng, too, was sidelined by the Duke of Zhou, his uncle, to return to power after self-reform.

41 Yichun Liu and Xiaoye You, “Reading the Heavenly Mandate: Dong Zhongshu's Rhetoric of the Way (Dao),” in Ancient Non-Greek Rhetorics, ed. Carol S. Lipson and Roberta A. Binkley (West Lafayette, IN: Parlor, 2009), 153–75; Ren, Jiantao, “Beyond Mencius and Xunzi: A Third Approach to Confucianism,” Journal of Chinese Humanities 6 (2020): 7791CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42 Kung-chuan Hsiao, A History of Chinese Political Thought, vol. 1, From the Beginnings to the Sixth Century A.D., trans. F. W. Mote (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 484–503. Also see Wang, Robin R., “Dong Zhongshu's Transformation of ‘Yin-Yang’ Theory and Contesting of Gender Identity,” Philosophy East and West 55, no. 2 (2005): 209–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 For a useful introduction of Dong's idea of humane government, see Han Jinjun, “Dong zhongshu wangdao zhengzhi zhexue de jiben jiagou” [The basic structure of Dong Zhongshu's political philosophy of the Kingly Way], Hengshui xueyuan xuebao 19, no. 5 (2017): 23–28.

44 CQFL 44.1. The English translations of the Chunqiu Fanlu (CQFL) were adapted from Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn, trans. Sarah A. Queen and John S. Major (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016).

45 Dong says, “Heaven has Five Phases. [They are] Wood, Fire, Earth, Metal, and Water. Wood gives birth to Fire; Fire gives birth to Earth; Earth gives birth to Metal; Metal gives birth to Water. Water makes winter; Metal makes autumn; Earth makes midsummer; Fire makes summer; Wood makes spring” (CQFL 38.1).

46 CQFL 44.1.

47 For an explanation of the commandery system, see Angle, Stephen C. and Tiwald, Justin, Neo-Confucianism: A Philosophical Introduction (Cambridge: Polity, 2017), 201Google Scholar.

48 Lee, Shu-Shan, “Paternalistic Gratitude: The Theory and Politics of Confucian Political Obligation,” Dao 20, no. 4 (2021): 635–59Google Scholar.

49 CQFL 19.1

50 CQFL 7.1. The authors of the Chunqiu Fanlu employ “king” and “ruler” interchangeably. As the English translators of the Chunqiu Fanlu rightly note (Queen and Major, Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn, 153n1), the statement contains puns: between “king” (wang 王) and “move toward” (wang 往) and between “ruler” (jun 君) and “following” (qun 群, in the sense of the people gathering around the ruler).

51 Mencius 5B7.

52 CQFL 29.2.

54 See, for instance, Huang Yushun, “Dong zhongshu sixiang xitong de jiegou xing huanyuan: ‘Tian ren san ce’ de zhengzhi zhexue jiedu” [The restoration of Dong Zhongshu's system of thought: A political philosophical reading of the Three Strategies of Heaven and Human Beings], Sichuan daxue xuebao 5 (2020): 39–50; Gan Chunsong, “Cong tiandao pubian xing lai jiangou da yītong zhixu de zhengzhi yuanze: Dong zhongshu ‘tian’ guannian shujie” [Constructing the political doctrine of the Grand Unity from the universalism of the Way of Heaven: Interpreting Dong Zhongshu's notion of “Heaven”], Zhexue dongtai 1 (2021): 74–83.

55 Pines, Yuri, The Everlasting Empire: The Political Culture of Ancient China and Its Imperial Legacy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 87Google Scholar.

56 Mencius 4A20.

57 CQFL 3.2

58 CQFL 30.2.

59 In CQFL 44.1, Dong states that “the beauty of humaneness rests with Heaven. Heaven is humane. . . . Human beings receive their destiny [ming 命] from Heaven. Human beings derive their humaneness from Heaven and thereby are humane. . . . It is the Way of humankind alone that is able to connect with Heaven.”

60 CQFL 56.1.

61 CQFL 30.2.

62 Mencius attributes the longevity of the Shang dynasty to the existence of the virtuous ministers as well as “the inherited customs of the old families and the legacy of good government” (Mencius 2A1).

63 Indeed, the ruler's anxiety over the usurpation of the throne by powerful ministers was the most eminent concern of Han Fei, the iconic advocate of Legalism in ancient China. See Yuri Pines, “Submerged by Absolute Power: The Ruler's Predicament in the Han Feizi,” in Dao Companion to the Philosophy of Han Fei, ed. Paul R. Goldin (Dordrecht: Springer, 2013), 67–86. For the manipulations of the doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven during the Warring States period, see Waley, Arthur, Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China (London: Allen and Unwin, 1939), 153–54Google Scholar.

64 Arbuckle, Gary, “Inevitable Treason: Dong Zhongshu's Theory of Historical Cycles and Early Attempts to Invalidate the Han Mandate,” Journal of American Oriental Society 115, no. 4 (1995): 585–97Google Scholar.

65 CQFL 3.1.

66 CQFL 74–76.

67 CQFL 60.1.

69 Tan, Sor-hoon, Confucian Democracy: A Deweyan Reconstruction (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2004)Google Scholar.