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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 November 2019
Through an Anglo-Norman case study, this article highlights the value of normative liturgical material for scholars interested in the role that saints’ cults played in the history and identity of religious communities. The records of Anglo-Saxon cults are largely the work of Anglo-Norman monks. Historians exploring why this was the case have therefore concentrated upon hagiographical texts about individual Anglo-Saxon saints composed in and for monastic communities in the post-Conquest period. This article shifts the focus away from the monastic to those secular clerical communities that did not commission specific accounts, and away from individual cults, to uncover the potential of historical martyrologies for showing how such secular communities remembered and understood their own past through the cult of saints. Exeter Cathedral Library, MS 3518, is a copy of the martyrology by the ninth-century Frankish monk, Usuard of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, written in and for Exeter cathedral's canons in the mid-twelfth century. Through investigation of the context in which it was produced and how its contents were adapted to this locality, this article uncovers the various different layers of the past behind its compilation. It further suggests that this manuscript is based on a pre-Conquest model, pointing to the textual debt Anglo-Norman churchmen owed to their Anglo-Saxon predecessors.
The research for this paper was conducted with the support of the Humanities in the European Research Area funded project, After Empire: Using and not Using the Past in the Crisis of the Carolingian World, c. 900–c. 1050 (UNUP), funded from the European Union's Research and Innovation Horizon 2020 program under grant agreement no. 649387. I began research whilst part of the European Research Council-funded The Past in Its Place project (2012–16; grant agreement no. 284085). I should like to thank my fellow team members and the anonymous reviewers for this journal for their generous and careful criticisms.
1 “Rumonus ibi sanctus predicatur et iacet episcopus, pulchritudine decoratus scrinii, ubi nulla scriptorum fides assistit opinioni. Quod non solum ibi sed in multis locis Angliae inuenies, uiolentia (credo) hostilitatis abolitam omnem gestorum notitiam, nuda tantum sanctorum nomina et si quae modo pretendunt miracula tantum sciri.” William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum Anglorum, 2.95, ed. and trans. M. Winterbottom with R. M. Thomson, 2 vols. (Oxford, 2007), 1: 316. This passage is well known: Campbell, James, “Some Twelfth-Century Views of the Anglo-Saxon Past,” in his Essays in Anglo-Saxon History (London, 1986), 209–28Google Scholar at 218; Blair, John, “A Saint for Every Minster? Local Cults in Anglo-Saxon England,” in Local Saints and Local Churches in the Early Medieval West, ed. Thacker, Alan and Sharpe, Richard (Oxford, 2002), 455–94Google Scholar at 455; Hayward, Paul Antony, “Saints and Cults,” in A Social History of England 900–1200, ed. Crick, Julia and van Houts, Elisabeth (Cambridge, 2011), 309–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 319; and Bartlett, Robert, “The Viking Hiatus in the Cult of Saints as Seen in the Twelfth Century,” in The Long Twelfth-century View of the Anglo-Saxon Past, ed. Brett, Martin and Woodman, David A. (Aldershot, 2015), 13–26Google Scholar at 16.
2 Bartlett, “The Viking Hiatus,” Julia Barrow, “Danish Ferocity and Abandoned Monasteries: The Twelfth-century View,” in The Long Twelfth-century View, ed. Brett and Woodman, 77–93, especially discussion of European use of this trope at 92; Trumbore-Jones, Anna, “Pitying the Desolation of Such a Place: Rebuilding Religious Houses and Constructing Memory in the Wake of the Viking Invasions,” Viator: Medieval and Renaissance Studies 37 (2006): 85–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This trope is part of wider developments in historical memory at this time, that is “the new past forged in the eleventh century” by writers across continental Europe, “with its emphasis on radical discontinuity” and based on “the image of destruction, disintegration and confusion in the tenth century,” which Geary, Patrick J. identified: Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millenium (Princeton, NJ, 1994), 23Google Scholar.
3 For the dependence on oral traditions elsewhere see Smith, Julia M. H., “Oral and Written: Saints, Relics and Miracles in Brittany, c. 850–1250,” Speculum 65 (1990): 309–43Google Scholar.
4 Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, ed. Michael Lapidge, Henry Bradshaw Society (hereinafter HBS) 106 (London, 1991); English Monastic Litanies of the Saints after 1100, ed. Nigel J. Morgan, 2 vols., HBS 119–20 (London, 2012–13); England Kalendars before A.D. 1100, ed. Francis Wormald, HBS 72 (London, 1934); Rebecca Rushforth, Saints in English Kalendars before A.D. 1100, HBS 117 (London, 2008). For relic lists see the Exeter relic list edited by Patrick W. Conner in his Anglo-Saxon Exeter: A Tenth-century Cultural History, Appendix II (Woodbridge, 1993), 171–209; for the Waltham Abbey relic list see the edition by Paul G. Schmidt in his “König Harold und die Reliquien von Waltham Abbey, Essex: Die Reliquienliste in B. L.Harley 3776,” in Festschrift für Hans Schabram zu 65. Geburtstag, ed. K. R. Grinda and C.-D.Wetzel (Munich, 1993), 75–90 and N. Rogers, “The Waltham Abbey Relic-list,” in England in the Eleventh Century: Proceedings of the 1990 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Carola Hicks (Stamford, 1992), 157–81.
5 Susan Boynton, Shaping a Monastic Identity: Liturgy and History at the Imperial Abbey of Farfa, 1000–1125 (Ithaca, NY, 2006); Margot E. Fassler, The Virgin of Chartres: Making History through Liturgy and the Arts (New Haven, CT, 2010).
6 Medieval Cantors and Their Craft: Music, Liturgy and the Shaping of History, 800–1500, ed. Katie Ann-Marie Bugyis, A.-R. Kraebel and Margot E. Fassler (Woodbridge, 2017).
7 Fassler acknowledges the importance of the surviving martyrology/necrology for the history of eleventh-century Chartres but does not investigate it in any detail: The Virgin of Chartres, 96–97.
8 Michael Lapidge and Rosalind C. Love, “The Latin Hagiography of England and Wales (600–1550),” in Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de la littérature hagiographique latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines à 1550, ed. Guy Philippart, 6 vols. (Turnhout, 1994–2010), 3: 203–325. David Rollason, Saints and Relics in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 1989). The first phase of Anglo-Saxon hagiographical writing took place in the seventh and early eighth centuries.
9 Campbell, “Some Twelfth-Century Views,” 218–19; Blair, “A Saint for Every Minster?,” 459. For evidence of the participation of late Anglo-Saxon female religious houses in this revival see the works by Stephanie Hollis: “St. Edith and the Wilton Community” and “Wilton as a Centre of Learning,” in Writing the Wilton Women: Goscelin's “Legend of Edith” and “Liber Confortarius,” ed. W. R. Barnes and Stephanie Hollis (Turnhout, 2005), 245–80, 307–40; “Barking's Monastic School, Late Seventh to Twelfth Century: History, Saint-Making and Literary Culture,” in Barking Abbey and Its Anglo-Saxon Context, ed. Jennifer N. Brown and Donna Alfano Bussell (Woodbridge, 2012), 33–55 at 40–53; “The Literary Culture of the Anglo-Saxon Royal Nunneries: Romsey and London, British Library, MS Lansdowne 436,” in Nuns’ Literacies in Medieval Europe: The Hull Dialogue, ed. Virginia Blanton, Veronica O'Mara, and Patricia Stoop (Turnhout, 2013), 169–83. For Goscelin of Saint-Bertin's debt to written as well as oral traditions at Wilton see Katie Ann-Marie Bugyis, “Recovering the Histories of Women Religious in England in the Central Middle Ages: Wilton Abbey and Goscelin of Saint-Bertin,” Journal of Medieval History 42 (2016): 285–303.
10 D. W. Rollason, “Lists of Saints’ Resting Places in Anglo-Saxon England,” Anglo-Saxon England 7 (1978): 61–93; Max Förster, Zur Geschichte des Reliquienkultus in Altengland (Munich, 1943).
11 Campbell, “Some Twelfth-Century Views,” 219.
12 David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (Cambridge, 1940), 118; R. W. Southern, “Aspects of the European Tradition in Historical Writing IV: The Senses of the Past,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, series 5, 23 (1973): 243–63.
13 S. J. Ridyard, “Condigna Veneratio: Norman Attitudes to Anglo-Saxon Saints,” Anglo-Norman Studies 9 (1987): 179–206.
14 Three Eleventh-century Anglo-Latin Lives: Vita S. Birini, Vita et Miracula S. Kenelmi and Vita S. Rumwoldi, ed. and trans. Rosalind C. Love (Oxford, 1996), xxxiii–xxxix.
15 Jay Rubenstein, “Liturgy against History: The Competing Visions Of Eadmer and Lanfranc of Canterbury,” Speculum 47 (1999): 279–309; Paul Antony Hayward, “Translation-narratives in Post-Conquest Hagiography and English Resistance to the Norman Conquest,” Anglo-Norman Studies 21 (1998): 67–93; idem, “Saints and Cults”; Tom Licence, “The Cult of St Edmund,” in Bury St Edmunds and the Norman Conquest, ed. Tom Licence (Woodbridge, 2014), 104–30; Rebecca Browett, “The Fate of Anglo-Saxon Saints,” History 101 (2016): 183–200.
16 For a case study of the different sorts of materials that survive for one cult see Michael Lapidge with contributions by John Crook, Robert Deshman, and Susan Rankin, The Cult of St. Swithun, Winchester Studies 4 (Oxford, 2003).
17 See n. 4 above.
18 Rubenstein, “Liturgy against History.” He cites T. A. Heslop, “The Canterbury Calendars and the Norman Conquest,” in Canterbury and the Norman Conquest, ed. Richard Eales and Richard Sharpe (London, 1995), 53–86, contra Richard Pfaff, “Lanfranc's Supposed Purge of the Anglo-Saxon Calendar,” in Warriors and Churchmen in the High Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Karl Leyser, ed. Timothy Reuter (London, 2002), 95–108.
19 Benjamin Pohl, “The ‘Bec Liber Vitae’: Robert of Torigni's Sources for Writing the History of the Clare Family at Le Bec, c. 1128–54,” Revue Bénédictine 126 (2016): 324–72.
20 “Historical Martyrologies in the Benedictine Cultural Tradition,” in Benedictine Culture, 750–1050, ed. W. Lourdaux and D. Verhelst (Leuven, 1983), 114–31. See also the more recent comments by Felice Lifshitz, The Name of the Saint: The Martyrology of Jerome and Access to the Sacred in Francia, 627–827 (Notre Dame, IN, 2006), 3: “Both martyrologies and calendars have been virtually ignored by non-liturgists, despite the importance of such documents to medieval life and the insights into that life which their exploration can be made to yield.” The earliest, “Hieronymian” martyrologies, seemingly compiled in the fifth or sixth centuries, contained entries for days of the year listing the name and place of burial of the saints remembered on that day; historical martyrologies, a seemingly eighth-century development, retain this format but incorporate a brief history of the saint into the entry: Jacques Dubois, Les Martyrologes du moyen âge latin, Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 26 (Turnhout, 1978).
21 Memoriale Qualiter, c. 2, ed. D. C. Morgand and Synodi Secundae Aquisgranensis Decreta Authentica (817), c. 36, ed. Josef Semmler, both in Initia Consuetudinis Benedictinae: Consuetudines saeculi octavi et noni, Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum 1, ed. Kassius Hallinger (Siegburg, 1963), 235, 480. For wider discussion of books used in monastic chapter see Teresa Webber, “Monastic Space and the Use of Books in the Anglo-Norman Period,” Proceedings of the Battle Conference 2013, ed. David Bates, Anglo-Norman Studies 36 (Woodbridge, 2014), 221–40 at 231–34. See also n. 69 below.
22 Lifshitz, The Name of the Saint, 129: “The ultimate triumph of the narrative martyrology as an instrument of daily recitation was a function not only of narrativity but also of historicity”; Rosamond McKitterick, Perceptions of the Past in the Early Middle Ages (Notre Dame, IN, 2006), 52–54; Alan Thacker, “Bede and His Martyrology,” in Listen, O Isles, unto Me: Studies in Medieval Word and Image in Honour of Jennifer O'Reilly, ed. Elizabeth Mullins and Diarmuid Scully (Cork, 2010), 126–41.
23 The Old English Martyrology: Edition, Translation and Commentary, ed. Christine Rauer (Cambridge, 2013); Christine Rauer, The Old English Martyrology: An Annotated Bibliography, accessed 31st March 2017, available at https://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/~cr30/martyrology/.
24 Eef Overgaauw has identified some fifty eleventh- and twelfth-century versions of the first recension of Usuard's martyrology in the dioceses of Utrecht and Liège: Les Martyrologes manuscrits des anciens diocèses d'Utrecht et de Liège (Hilversum, 1993). On its popularity in England see discussion below.
25 Mechthild Gretsch, “Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 57: A Witness to the Early Stages of the Benedictine Reform in England?,” Anglo-Saxon England 32 (2003): 111–46. On this manuscript see also Timothy Graham, “Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 57 and Its Anglo-Saxon Users,” in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts and Their Heritage, ed. Phillip Pulsiano and Elaine M. Treharne (Aldershot, 1998), 21–69; Helmut Gneuss and Michael Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts: A Bibliographical Handlist of Manuscripts and Manuscript Fragments Written or Owned in England up to 1100 (Toronto, 2014), no. 41, 51–52. A digital copy of this manuscript is available at the Parker Library on the Web, accessed 22nd June 2017, https://parker.stanford.edu.
26 Jan Gerchow, Die Gedenküberlieferung der Angelsachsen: Mit einem Katalog der libri vitae und Necrologien (Berlin, 1988), 233–52.
27 For an overview see Dubois, Les Martyrologes. On the methodological challenges inherent in the study of martyrologies the work of Henri Quentin also remains fundamental: Le Martyrologe historique du moyen âge: Étude sur la formation du martyrologe romain (Paris, 1908).
28 The authorial copy of Usuard is known as the second recension: Paris, BNF, MS lat. 13745, a digital facsimile of which is available at Gallica: accessed 31 March 2017, http://gallica.bnf.fr; it is edited in Le Martyrologe d'Usuard: Texte et commentaire, ed. Jacques Dubois, Subsidia hagiographica 40 (Brussels, 1965). Usuard's text has not been much studied by Carolingianists with the exception of the brief comments by J. M. Wallace-Hadrill in The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983), 355, and the article by Janet L. Nelson, “The Franks, the Martyrology of Usuard and the Martyrs of Cordoba,” in Martyrs and Martyrologies, ed. Diana Wood, Studies in Church History 30 (Oxford, 1993), 67–80.
29 Frank Barlow, “Leofric and His Times,” in Leofric of Exeter: Essays in Commemoration of the Foundation of Exeter Cathedral Library in A.D.1072, ed. Frank Barlow (Exeter, 1972), 1–16; Christopher J. Holdsworth, “From 1050 to 1307,” in Unity and Variety. A History of the Church in Devon and Cornwall, ed. Nicholas Orme (Exeter, 1991), 23–52.
30 Elaine Drage, “Bishop Leofric and the Exeter Cathedral Chapter (1052–1072): A Reassessment of the Manuscript Evidence” (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 1978); Joyce Hill, “Leofric of Exeter and the Practical Politics of Book Collecting,” in Imagining the Book, ed. Stephen Kelly and John J. Thompson (Turnhout, 2006), 77–97; Elaine Treharne, “Producing a Library in Late Anglo-Saxon England,” Review of English Studies 54 (2003): 155–72; eadem, “The Bishop's Book: Leofric's Homiliary and Eleventh-Century Exeter,” in Early Medieval Studies in Memory of Patrick Wormald, ed. Stephen Baxter et al. (Farnham, 2009), 521–37; Richard Gameson, “The Origin of the Exeter Book of Old English Poetry,” Anglo–Saxon England 25 (1996): 135–85; idem, “Manuscrits normands à Exeter aux XIe et XIIe siècles,” in Manuscrits et enluminures dans le monde normand (Xe–XVe siècles): Colloque de Cerisy-la-Salle (Octobre, 1995), ed. Pierre Bouet and Monique Dosdat (Caen, 1999), 107–28; R. M. Thomson, Books and Learning in Twelfth–century England: The Ending of “Alter Orbis”: The Lyell Lectures 2000–2001 (Walkern, Herts, 2006), 50–51, 58–59, 101–4; Jesse D. Billett, “The Divine Office and the Secular Clergy in Later Anglo-Saxon England,” in England and the Continent in the Tenth Century: Studies in Honour of Wilhelm Levison (1876–1947), ed. David Rollason et al. (Turnhout, 2010), 429–71. For a slightly earlier period see Peter Stokes, English Vernacular Minuscule from Æthelred to Cnut, circa 990–circa 1035 (Cambridge, 2014).
31 Gameson, “Manuscrits normands”; Thomson, Books and Learning.
32 Billett, “The Divine Office,” 436–40.
33 For a full description see Neil R. Ker, Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1969–2002), 2: 828. J. N. Dalton asserted that the boards are fourteenth-century, without giving his reasons: see the description in Ordinale Exon. (Exeter Chapter MS 3502 Collated with Parker MS 93), ed. J. N. Dalton, 2 vols., HBS (London, 1909), 1: xxv.
34 All dates, which are given in all copies of Usuard according to the Roman calendar, have been adapted to those of the Gregorian calendar.
35 Julia Crick, personal communication; I am extremely grateful to her for looking at this manuscript with me and also to Francisco Alvarez-Lopez for pointing out that the salmon pink and blue used for the initials are a feature of other twelfth-century Exeter manuscripts. Ker, Medieval Manuscripts, 2: 828, dates Exeter 3518 s. xii1 but Richard Gameson did not include it in his study of pre-1125 manuscripts at Exeter: see “Manuscrits normands.”
36 Unfortunately the text of these entries is no longer legible. For the possibility that such erasures may result from sentences of excommunication see Sarah Hamilton, “Medieval Cursing and Its Uses,” Haskins Society Journal 30 (forthcoming).
37 See historical texts and obituary for Leofric added at Exeter in s. xi2 to a sacramentary which was seemingly at Canterbury in the tenth century: The Leofric Missal, ed. Nicholas Orchard, 2 vols., HBS 113–14 (London, 2002), 2: 2–6.
38 “Lefricus, apud Lotharingos altus et doctus”: William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum, 2. 94. 4–5, at 1: 314.
39 “Hic Lefricus … episcopatum et canonicos statuit, qui contra morem Anglorum ad formam Lotharingorum uno triclinio comederent, uno cubiculo cuitarent,” ibid., 1: 314. On the Rule of Chrodegang see Jerome Bertram, The Chrodegang Rules: The Rules for the Common Life of the Secular Clergy from the Eighth and Ninth Centuries; Critical Texts with Translations and Commentary (Aldershot, 2005); for the Rule of Chrodegang in this period, with some important criticisms of Bertram, see J. Barrow, “Review Article: Chrodegang, His Rule and Its Successors,” Early Medieval Europe 14 (2006): 201–12. A bilingual version of the Rule was copied for Leofric: The Old English Version of the Enlarged Rule of Chrodegang: Edited Together with the Latin and an English Translation, ed. Brigitte Langefeld (Frankfurt am Main, 2003); on which see n. 70 below.
40 His inventory, in Latin and Old English, survives in two manuscripts from Exeter and is edited in Conner, Anglo-Saxon Exeter, 226–35.
41 See n. 30 above.
42 Ordinale Exon, ed. J. N. Dalton and G. H. Doble, 4 vols., HBS 37–38, 43, 79 (London, 1909–40), 2: 371–459.
43 Ordinale Exon, ed. Dalton et al., 4: 1–105.
44 E.g., Lynette Olson, Early Monasteries in Cornwall (Woodbridge, 1989); O. J. Padel, “Local Saints and Place-Names in Cornwall,” in Local Saints, ed. Thacker and Sharpe, 303–60; Nicholas Orme, The Saints of Cornwall (Oxford, 2000).
45 David Lepine and Nicholas Orme, Death and Memory in Medieval Exeter, Devon and Cornwall Record Society, n.s. 46 (Exeter, 2003), 251–58; Robert Bartlett, Why Can the Dead Do Such Great Things? Saints and Worshippers from the Martyrs to the Reformation (Princeton, 2013), 131.
46 For an account of all the recensions and an edition of this text see Jacques Dubois, Le Martyrologe d'Usuard: Texte et commentaire, Subsidia hagiographica 40 (Brussels, 1965), supplemented by his subsequent establishment of a third, primitive, recension: Jacques Dubois, “À la recherche de l’état primitif du martyrologe d'Usuard: Le manuscrit de Fécamp,” Analecta Bollandiana 95 (1977): 43–72.
47 Dubois suggests Usuard composed his text across the years ca. 850 until his death ca. 877: Le Martyrologe d'Usuard, 134–39. On the popularity of his text see nn. 49 and 52 below.
48 Dubois, “À la recherche de l’état primitif”; Eef A. Overgaauw, “Les deux recensions de la lettre-préface d'Usuard à Charles le Chauve et les trois recensions de son martyrologe,” Bulletin du Cange 48–49 (1990): 85–101 at 93–95.
49 Dubois, Le Martyrologe d'Usuard, 134–37. In addition to works cited below see Jean-Loup Lemaître, “L’édition du martyrologe d'Usuard publiées à Cologne en 1515 et en 1521 par Johann Landen,” Analecta Bollandiana 131 (2013): 375–402. For a case study of its popularity see Overgaauw, Les Martyrologes manuscrits.
50 The letter-preface survives in two versions; Overgaauw shows how what was identified by Henri Quentin as a later version is in fact the original text as it accompanies six manuscripts of the “primitive recension”: “Les deux recensions.”
51 Cf. Augustine, Contra Faustum Manichaeum, 20.21, PL 42, 384–85. For editions of all three prefaces see Dubois, Martyrologe d'Usuard, 144–46.
52 Dubois, Martyrologe d'Usuard, 13–37; M. G. Andersen, “The Second Recension of the Martyrology of Usuardus,” Revue Bénédictine 121 (2011): 382–92.
53 Graham, “Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 57,” in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, ed. Pulsiano and Treharne, 21–69; Gretsch, “Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 57.”
54 On the obits see Gerchow, Die Gedenküberlieferung der Angelsachsen, 233–52. For the attribution to late tenth-century Christ Church, Canterbury see Gameson, “The Origins of the Exeter Book,” 175–76, on the grounds of its relationship to texts in other Canterbury early eleventh-century manuscripts as well as its script, contra Gretsch who suggests it may have been made either at Canterbury or Abingdon: “Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 57,” 113. Note the caveat of David Ganz that it is often impossible to date and localize Square Minuscule hands, such as that found in CCCC 57, on solely palaeographical grounds: “Latin Script in England c. 900–1100 a) Square Minuscule,” in Cambridge History of the Book, Volume 1. c. 400–1100, ed. Richard Gameson (Cambridge, 2012), 188–96.
55 David N. Dumville, “St Patrick in an Anglo-Saxon Martyrology,” in Saint Patrick A.D. 493–1993, ed. David N. Dumville (Woodbridge, 1993), 243–44; Gretsch, “Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 57,” 135–36.
56 On which see the contributions in St Dunstan: His Life, Times and Cult, ed. Nigel Ramsay et al.(Woodbridge, 1992).
57 Andersen, “The Second Recension,” 384–85.
58 Andersen, “The Second Recension,” 384–85; Gneuss, “Liturgical Books,” 128. On the attribution of the scribe of the martyrology in Durham B.IV.24 to the cantor and historian Symeon of Durham see Michael Gullick, “The Scribes of the Durham Cantor's Book (Durham, Dean and Cathedral Library, MS B. IV. 24) and the Durham Martyrology Scribe,” in Anglo-Norman Durham 1093–1193, ed. David Rollason et al. (Woodbridge, 1994), 93–110; idem, “The Hand of Symeon of Durham: Further Observations on the Durham Martyrology Scribe,” in Symeon of Durham: Historian of Durham and the North, ed. David Rollason (Stamford, 1998), 14–31.
59 Andersen, “The Second Recension”; to her list should be added the fragment written in an English, Norman, or French s. xii1 hand, now Canterbury, Cathedral Library, MS Add. 127/20: Richard Gameson, The Earliest Books of Canterbury Cathedral: Manuscripts and Fragments to c. 1200 (London, 2008), 221–25.
60 Lapidge, The Cult of St Swithun, 30: “No doubt many monastic foundations had similarly annotated copies of Usuard in the later Anglo-Saxon period.”
61 Andersen, “The Second Recension,” 388.
62 Symeon of Durham: Historian of Durham and the North, ed. David W. Rollason (Stamford, 1998).
63 F. Barlow, “William of St Calais,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004–16), last accessed 21st March 2017, at www.oxforddnb.com.
64 Thomson, Books and Learning, 59.
65 London, British Library, MS Cotton Vitellius C.xii, fols. 114–57. On the cult of St. Augustine at St. Augustine's see Richard Sharpe, “The Setting of St Augustine's Translation, 1091,” Canterbury and the Norman Conquest: Churches, Saints and Scholars, 1066–1109, ed. Richard Eales and Richard Sharpe (London, 1995), 1–13; on Lanfranc's relations with St. Augustine's see H. E. J. Cowdrey, Lanfranc: Scholar, Monk, and Archbishop (Oxford, 2003), 167–72.
66 N. R. Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo–Saxon (Oxford, 1957), no. 50, 90–91; Gneuss and Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, no. 66, 88.
67 The digital images are available at the Parker Library On the Web: https://parker.stanford.edu/ (last accessed 21 March 2017).
68 Conner, Anglo-Saxon Exeter, 232.
69 Baudoin de Gaiffier, “De l'usage et de la lecture du martyrologe: témoignages antérieurs au XIe siècle,” Analecta Bollandiana 78 (1960): 40–59.
70 Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford, 1957), nos. 46–47, 74–76; The Old English Version of the Enlarged Rule of Chrodegang, ed. Langefeld.
71 Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon, nos. 47 and 50, 76–91.
72 Michael Lapidge, “Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England,” in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England: Studies Presented to Peter Clemoes on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Michael Lapidge and Helmut Gneuss (Cambridge, 1985), 33–89 at 67; Gameson, “The Origins of the Exeter Book,” 141; Christine Rauer, The Old English Martyrology: Edition, Translation and Commentary (Cambridge, 2013), 20–21; Gneuss and Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, nos. 60 and 66, 75, 88; Elaine Treharne's description of CCCC 196 for The Production and Use of English Manuscripts 1060 to 1220, last accessed 20 March 2017, at http://www.le.ac.uk/english/em1060to1220/.
73 Helmut Gneuss, “Liturgical Books in Anglo-Saxon England and Their Old English Terminology,” in Learning and Literature, ed. Lapidge and Gneuss, 91–141 at 128–29.
74 Conner, Anglo-Saxon Exeter, 232.
75 “Et post lectionem recitetur, etas mensis et lune, et nomina sanctorum quorum festa crastinus excipiet dies”: The Old English Version of the Enlarged Rule of Chrodegang, ed. Langefeld, c. 16, 206. Cf. the practice enjoined by the Aachen legislation which makes the use of the martyrology clearer: “Ut ad capitulum primitus martryologium legatur et dicatur uersus, deinde regula aut omelia quaelibet legatur,” Synodi secundae Aquigranensis decreta authentica (817), c. 36, ed. Semmler, in Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum 1, ed. Hallinger, 480.
76 Rauer, The Old English Martyrology, 17. She refines here the position she took in 2007 when, having argued for the hybrid nature of the text, she suggested that the reading of Usuard's text “is more likely to have been the norm” in the chapter of later Benedictine houses although the “secular clerics of later Anglo-Saxon England, specifically of Exeter and Glastonbury, may indeed have used the Old English Martyrology for a similar kind of ceremonial purpose, as well as for field-trip preaching”: Rauer, “Usage of the Old English Martyrology,” in Foundations of Learning. The Transfer of Encyclopaedic Knowledge in the Early Middle Ages, ed. R. H. Bremmer Jr. and K. Dekker (Paris, 2007), 125–46 at 144.
77 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 41, pp. 122–32 on which see Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon, no. 32; Rauer, The Old English Martyrology, 21–22. See Jesse Billett's forthcoming Henry Bradshaw Society edition of the marginalia in CCCC 41.
78 G. Oliver, Lives of the Bishops of Exeter and a History of the Cathedral (Exeter, 1861), 304.
79 CCCC 196 measures 285 × 170 mm, Exeter 3518 measures 220 × 162 mm, although its margins have been cropped by a later binder it is therefore improbable that they were bound together in the fourteenth century.
80 Frank Barlow, “William de Warelwast (d. 1137),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; D. W. Blake, “Bishop William Warelwast,” The Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art: Report and Transactions 104 (1972): 15–33; idem, “The Bishops of Exeter 1138–1160,” The Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art: Report and Transactions 114 (1982): 71–78 at 71–74.
81 Oliver, Lives, 305; Richard W. Pfaff, The Liturgy in Medieval England: A History (Cambridge, 2009), 389–90.
82 Stephen Marritt, “Bishop William de Warelwast and the Churches and Saints of Devon and Cornwall” (unpublished paper). I should like to thank Dr. Marritt for sending me a copy of his work.
83 Rushforth, Saints in English Kalendars, Table VIII.
84 Rushforth, Saints in English Kalendars, Table VIII.
85 London, British Library, MS Cotton Vitellius A. xviii; Rushforth, Saints in English Kalendars, Tables II and IX.
86 Simon Keynes, “Giso, Bishop of Wells (1061–88),” Anglo-Norman Studies 19 (1997): 203–71, who describes the calendar in Giso's sacrementary as “reek(ing) of nothing more distinctive than the inter-connected world of the eleventh-century English church” as well as including “several unusual feasts likely to be of interest to a man from Lorraine” at 253.
87 Exeter 3518, fols. 5r (Oswald of Worcester), 13v (Ælfheah), 22r (Dunstan), 16r (Wulfsige), 39v (Æthelwold).
88 They appear in the calendars from before 1100 catalogued by Rushforth in Saints in English Kalendars, and in Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, ed. Lapidge, as well as the martyrologies analyzed in Tables 1 and 2 as follows: Edward (March 18) — seventeen calendars before 1100, fifteen Anglo-Saxon litanies and five martyrologies; Edith/Eadgyth (September 16) — three calendars, seven litanies, four martyrologies; translation of Swithun (July 15) — eighteen calendars, fourteen litanies, three martyrologies; Kenelm (July 17) — eighteen calendars, fourteen litanies, three martyrologies; Neot (July 31) — three calendars, four litanies, two martyrologies.
89 E.g. “In Britannia sancti Albani martyris”: Le Martyrologe d'Usuard, ed. Dubois, 252.
90 I would like to thank the anonymous reviewer who suggested this interpretation.
91 Fol. 28r: “In brittannia maiori prouincia cantia loco qui dicitur limbiacum sanctae eadburgae uirginis,” fol. 36r: “Item translatio sanctae eadburgae uirginis.” Cf. the entries in the twelfth-century martyrology from the secular community of St. Chad's, Shrewsbury, now Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson D 1225, fols. 70r, 80r: (15 June) “XVII Kalends Iulii… . Eodem die sanctae eadburge uirginis in uuentana ciuitate sanctae marie monasterio quiescentis cuius uitae sanctitas multiplex post mortem fulsit sanctitate”; (18 July) “XV Kalends Aug… . Ipso die translatio sanctae eadburgae uirginis.” There is no entry for the cult of any Eadburh on these dates, by contrast, in London, British Library, MS Royal 7 E.vi.
92 Ordinale Exon., IV. 56, n. 1. John Blair records five different saints by that name: John Blair, “A Handlist of Anglo-Saxon Saints,” in Local Saints, ed. Thacker and Sharpe, 495–565 at 525–27.
93 Rushforth, Saints in English Kalendars, Table VI (14/27 calendars). This is the feast recorded in the twelfth-century martyrology from St. Chad's, Shrewsbury, for example see n. 92 above.
94 Blair, “Handlist,” 526.
95 Fol. 35r: “In britannia maiori loco qui dicitur weneloc sanctae mildridae uirginis” (13 July). See also the account by Blair, “Handlist,” 545.
96 Simon Yarrow, “The Invention of St Mildburg of Wenlock: Community and Cult in an Anglo-Norman Shropshire Town,” Midland History 38 (2013): 1–15.
97 Saints, ed. Rushforth, Table VII. On her cult see David W. Rollason, The Mildrith Legend: A Study in Early Medieval Hagiography (Leicester, 1982). E.g., The Christ Church martyrology includes the following entry for 13 July: London, British Library, MS Royal 7 E.vi, fol. 39v: “Cantuariae sanctae MILDRITHE uirginis”; there is no entry in either June or February for Mildburga.
98 Fol. 4r: “Item sanctae mildburgae uirginis” (23 February); Rushforth, Saints in English Kalendars, Table II; Blair, “Handlist,” 544–45.
99 Richard Sharpe, “Goscelin's St Augustine and St Mildreth: Hagiography and Liturgy in Context,” Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 41 (1990): 502–16; Richard Sharpe, “The Date of St Mildrith's Translation from Minster-in-Thanet to Canterbury,” Mediaeval Studies 53 (1991): 349–54; Rollason, The Mildrith Legend.
100 Fol. 19v: “Item ipso die translatio beatissimi archepiscopi nicholai quando sacratissimum eius corpus de mirrea ciuitate in uarensem urbem translatum est.”
101 Marjorie Chibnall, “The Translation of the Relics of Saint Nicholas and the Norman Historical Tradition,” in her Piety, Power and History in Medieval England and Normandy (Aldershot, 2000), no. III. See also Karl Meisen, Nikolauskult und Nikolausbrauch im Abendlande: Eine kultgeographische-volkskundliche Untersuchung (Düsseldorf, 1931); Patrick Geary, Furta Sacra: Theft of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ, 1978), 94–103.
102 See n. 80 above.
103 Marginal addition in s. xii hand in both Durham, Cathedral Library, MS B. IV. 24, fol. 22r, “Eodem die translatio sancti Nicholaii,” and Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson D. 1225, fol. 56v: “Eodem die translatio sancti nicholaii episcopi preciosi confessoris ad barum.” No reference to Nicholas of Bari (nor room for it to have been erased) from entry for 8, 9, or 10 May: London, British Library, MS Royal 7 E.vi, fol. 26r–v.
104 Exeter 3518, fol. 45r: “Ciuitate rotamago sancti audoeni confessoris qui saeculum salubriter despiciens sanctitatis merito episcopii adeptus est honorem.” Cf. Le Martyrologe d'Usuard, ed. Dubois, 289. Audoenus's cult is recorded in some nine English calendars from before 1100, mostly from houses linked to the reform centre of Winchester: Saints in English Kalendars, ed. Rushforth, Table VIII.
105 “Ciuitate rotamagensi ordinatio sancti audoeni episcopi et confessoris,” fol. 20v.
106 Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale, MS Y.21 (s. xiex, St. Ouen); Paris, BNF, MS lat. 15697 (s. xii, prob. St. Ouen). I owe these references to Dr. Christopher Hodkinson (personal communication, 13 May 2017), whom I should like to thank for his detailed advice on the medieval liturgical evidence for the cult of St. Audoenus in the diocese of Rouen. This feast was not observed in any of the surviving manuscripts for the secular use of Rouen.
107 See n. 81 above.
108 Eadmer (d. ca. 1126) reports that Audoenus's relics were translated from Rouen to Christ Church, Canterbury 957–58, and that the mid-tenth-century scholar Frithegod wrote a now lost Life of St. Ouen; he goes on to record that Osbern, praecentor of Canterbury (d. 1093) rediscovered a complete skeleton in a reliquary in the 1090s helpfully labeled “The relics of holy confessor Audoenus”: Eadmer, De reliquiis sancti Audeoni et quorundam aliorum sanctorum quae in Cantuariae in Aecclesia Domini Salvatoris habentur, ed. Andre Wilmart, Revue des sciences religieuses 15 (1935): 364–65. That this tradition has some grounding in reality: Michael Lapidge, “A Frankish Scholar in Tenth-century England: Frithegod of Canterbury/Fridegaude of Brioude,” in his Anglo-Latin Literature, 2 vols. (London, 1993), 2:157–81. William of Malmesbury, however, reported that Queen Emma purchased the relics from the church of St. Ouen during her exile in Normandy in the early eleventh century, and brought them to Canterbury upon her return, but kept the skull which was in Malmesbury by his time: Gesta Pontificum, 1: 626–28. The feast is not recorded on this date in the Christ Church martyrology, London, British Library, MS Royal 7 E.vi.
109 For the suggestion that Warelwast took his name from Ver-à-Val in the demesne of the Rouen abbey of St. Wandrille see Frank Barlow, “William de Warelwast,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.
110 Fols. 25r, 27v, 57v. See n. 38 above for Leofric's upbringing.
111 Fols. 8r (“Ciuitate colonia depositio sancti hereberti episcopi et confessoris”), 32v (“Eodem die ciuitate augusta sancti odolrici episcopi et confessoris”), 54r (“Item eodem die sancti wenezlai”), 35v (“Item romae sancti alexi confessoris”). Heribert's cult was largely confined to the diocese of Cologne and did not spread across the province nor more widely across the empire in this period: H. Müller, Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln (Cologne, 1977), 306–32. Otto III donated his coronation robe to St. Alexius in Rome: Louk J. Engels, “The West European Alexius Legend with an Appendix Presenting the Medieval Latin Text Corpus in Its Context,” in The Invention of Saintliness, ed. Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker (London, 2002), 93–144.
112 Chronicon Abbatiae de Evesham, ed. William D. Macray, Rolls Series 29 (London, 1863), 83, 313–20; Blair, “Handlist,” 548.
113 Durham, MS B.IV.4, fol. 18v: “Coloniae sancti heriberti archiepiscopi eiusdem ciuitatis cuius uitam inclitam miracula post obitum eius facta testantur.” Cf. text in Exeter 3518 at n. 111 above.
114 Eucharius is mentioned in a calendar compiled at eighth-century Echternach in the diocese of Trier by a scribe associated with the Anglo-Saxon mission. Whilst it includes various early Anglo-Saxon cults, this entry is likely to be a continental addition: Saints, ed. Rushforth, Table XII.
115 Anglo-Saxon Litanies, ed. Lapidge, no. XXIII, 193–202, lines 226 (Symeon), 238 (Odwulf), 193 (Udalrich), 200 (Eucharius). Heribert also features in a litany in a copy of the Romano-German pontifical made in England, possibly from a Cologne exemplum, now Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 163: ibid., 107, no. IV.i.58. Symeon (possibly of Trier) also features in two other litanies edited by Lapidge: the first is a litany containing only one Anglo-Saxon saint amongst a list of Frankish names in an English sacramentary taken to Fleury: Orléans, Bibliothèque municipal 127, ibid., 221, no. XXVIII.112; the second in what is probably the longest litany surviving from Anglo-Saxon England in a prayer collection written in the late tenth or early eleventh century, now London, British Library, MS Cotton Galba A.xiv, ibid., 168, no. XVI.ii.276. The provenance of MS Cotton Galba A.xiv is much debated. For the most recent account, and a survey of earlier scholarship, see Julia Crick, “An Eleventh-century Prayer-Book for Women? The Origins and History of the Galba Prayer-Book,” in Writing, Kingship and Power in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Rory Naismith and David A. Woodman (Cambridge, 2018), 281–302; her palaeographical analysis suggests a western English provenance and raises doubts about the palaeographical credibility of Joe Hillaby's suggestion of a Leominster provenance made across various publications: “Early Christian and Pre-Conquest Leominster: An Exploration of the Sources,” Transactions of the Woolhope Naturalists’ Field Club 45 (1987), 557–685; “Leominster and Hereford: The Origins of the Diocese,” in Medieval Art, Architecture and Archaeology at Hereford, British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions 15, ed. David Whitehead (Leeds, 1995), 1–14 at 6–8; “The Early Church in Herefordshire: Columban and Roman,” in The Early Church in Herefordshire: Proceedings of a Conference Held in Leominster in June 2000, ed. Ann Malpas (Leominster, 2001), 41–76 at 45–47, 59–60. Eucharius features also in a fifteenth-century litany added to an eleventh-century psalter (Anglo-Saxon Litanies, ed. Lapidge, 215, no. XXVII.76 [Eutharius]), and in a litany in a psalter written in Brittany in the early tenth century and brought to England in the Anglo-Saxon period, now Salisbury, Cathedral Library, MS 180 (ibid., 291, no. XLIV.141).
116 Anglo-Saxon Litanies, ed. Lapidge, 74.
117 Fol. 13v: “Item romae sancti leonis papae et confessoris.”
118 Franz Neiske, “La memoria de Léon IX dans les nécrologes et les martyrologes,” in Léon IX et son temps, ed. Georges Bischoff and Benoît-Michel Tock (Turnhout, 2006), 633–45.
119 His entry is added interlinearly in a hand from s. xi2: Anglo-Saxon Litanies, ed. Lapidge, 199, no. XXIII.267.
120 Leofric Missal, ed. Orchard, 2: 4–5.
121 Bede may be the source of many but not all of Durham's local entries: Benedict Biscop (12 January), Cuthbert (20 February), John of Beverley (7 May), Bede (26 May), Oswald king and martyr (August 5), Aidan of Lindisfarne (August 31), translation of Cuthbert (September 4), Wilfrid (12 October), Hilda (20 November); the other additions relate to Anglo-Saxon cults outside the northeast: Piper, “The Durham Cantor's Book,” 90–92.
122 Fol. 22v: “In brittannia maiori ciuitate exonia translatio sanctarum reliquiarum quarum translatio magnis et multis commendatur miraculis.” Nothing is known of these miracles; so far as I am aware, the only report of miracles in Exeter in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is that of Hermann of Tournai, writing in the 1140s about a fund-raising relic tour of southern England undertaken by the canons of Laon in 1113, who reports that Laon's relics of the Virgin Mary cured seventeen sick people in Exeter: De miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis, PL 156, 961–1018 at 982. On this account see Simon Yarrow, Saints and Their Communities: Miracle Stories in Twelfth-Century England (Oxford, 2006), chap. 3; also Pierre-André Sigal, “Les voyages de reliques aux onzième et douzième siècles,” in Voyage, quête, pélerinage dans la littérature et la civilisation médiévales (Aix-en-Provence, 1976), 73–104; Reinhold Kaiser, “Quêtes itinérantes avec des reliques pour financer la construction des églises (XIe–XIIe siècles),” Le moyen âge 101 (1995): 205–25.
123 Anglo-Saxon Exeter, ed. Conner, 171–209. For the role of Æthelstan in the historical memory of the Exeter community in the 1050s see Charles Insley, “Remembering Communities Past: Exeter Cathedral in the Eleventh Century,” in Cathedrals, Communities and Conflict in the Anglo-Norman World, ed. Paul Dalton et al. (Woodbridge, 2011), 41–60. On the role of the relic collection see Julia M. H. Smith, “Rulers and Relics c. 750–c.950: Treasure on Earth, Treasure in Heaven,” in Relics and Remains, ed. Alexandra Walsham, Past and Present Supplements n.s. 5 (Oxford, 2010), 73–96.
124 Annals of Tavistock, a. 1114, 1133 cited by Frances Rose-Troup, Exeter Vignettes (Manchester, 1942), 24.
125 Fol. 39v: “In brittannia foras murum ciuitatis exoniae sanctae satiuolae uirginis et martyris.”
126 Old English Relic List (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Auct. D. 2.16, fols. 8r–14r), Anglo-Saxon Exeter, ed. Conner, 187.
127 M. Förster, “Die heilige Sativola oder Sidwell,” Anglia 62 (1938): 33–80; Paul Grosjean, “Legenda S. Sativolae Exoniensis,” Analecta Bollandiana 53 (1935): 359–65.
128 Fol. 35r: “In britannia quod apud sireburniam translatio sanctae iuthuarae uirginis sororis sanctae satiuolae uirginis.”
129 Blair, “Handlist,” 542–43. Rosalind Love, “The Life of St. Wulfsige of Sherborne by Goscelin of Saint-Bertin: A New Translation with Introduction, Appendix and Notes,” in St. Wulfsige and Sherborne: Essays to Celebrate the Millennium of the Benedictine Abbey 998–1998, ed. Katherine Barker et al. (Oxford, 2005), 98–117 at 101–2, 115–17.
130 The evidence of Exeter 3518 for Cornish cults has received more attention from scholars than that for Devonian cults; for a summary of this work see the relevant entries in Orme, Saints in Cornwall.
131 Fols. 46v–47r: “In brittannia maiori loco qui dicitur tauistoca depositio sancti rumoni confessoris.”
132 Christopher Holdsworth, “Tavistock Abbey in Its Late Tenth-century Context,” Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art: Report and Transactions 135 (2003): 31–58. For the argument that the foundation charter, which is dated to 981 and presumes a preexisting community, was actually written after 997, see Levi Roach, “The Privilege of Liberty in Anglo-Saxon England,” in Magna Carta, eds. Sophie Ambler and Nick Vincent (Woodbridge, forthcoming).
133 Rollason, “List of Saints’ Resting Places,” 92 (no. 39). On the cult see G. H. Doble, “Saint Rumon,” Cornish Saints Series, no. 42 (Long Compton, 1939), repr. in idem, The Saints of Cornwall, 5 vols. (Oxford, 1960–70), 2: 120–34; Paul Grosjean, “Vie de S. Rumon: Vie, invention et miracles de S. Nectan,” Analecta Bollandiana 71 (1953): 359–414 at 361–75 and 393–97.
134 Frank Barlow, “Lyfing (d. 1046),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography On-line (accessed 14 June 2017). Some ten manumissions for servi living on Tavistock's estates are recorded on a singleton sheet added to the Leofric Missal sometime in the second quarter of the eleventh century, which suggests that by the 1040s that codex was owned by the community at Crediton (where the see was located prior to its move to Exeter in 1050) and that the bishopric had close ties to Tavistock: The Leofric Missal, ed. Orchard, 2: 14–15.
135 It is also feasible, if less likely, that Rumon came to Exeter via a text from Glastonbury, as David Rollason has suggested his cult may have been known there in the early Middle Ages because Glastonbury possessed an arm relic of Rumon in the fourteenth century. Rollason thus suggests Glastonbury took on the Cornish cults of Sts. Rumon and Kea as part of its attempts to consolidate its political authority in the southwest, as this fits with a wider pattern of political exploitation of relic cults: Saints and Relics, 154; also his “Relic-cults as an Instrument of Royal Piety,” Anglo-Saxon England 15 (1986): 91–103 at 101–2.
136 Fol. 28v: “In brittannia maiori prouincia deuonia sancti nectani martyris.”
137 Grosjean, “Vie,” 377.
138 Grosjean, “Vie,” 402–5 (Æthelstan), 408–8 (Gytha). Susan Pearce, “The Early Church in the Landscape: The Evidence from North Devon,” Archaeological Journal 142 (1981): 233–75.
139 Grosjean, “Vie,” 402–5.
140 Fols. 1r, 2v, and 23r.
141 Lepine and Orme, Death and Memory, 232.
142 Leofric Missal, ed. Orchard, 2: 59. Similarly Bishop Eadwulf, the first bishop of Crediton (ca. 909–?934) is recorded in the Missal but not the martyrology: ibid., 2: 67; see Prosopography of Anglo-Saxon England, accessed 22nd June 2017, http://pase.ac.uk.
143 Rose-Troup, Exeter Vignettes, 23–24.
144 Blake, “Bishop William Warelwast.”
145 Fols. 17r, 6v.
146 Edmund King, King Stephen (New Haven, 2010). Exeter was part of the dower of Mathilda, wife of Henry I, which might also explain her inclusion; I owe this suggestion to Judith Green.
147 Fol. 53v: “MLXVI Haraldus filius Godwini comitis rex anglorum occiso Haraldo rege normannorum omnique suo exerciti uictorissime triumphauit in quo etiam bello comes Tostis frater praedicti regis anglorum cum rege normannorum ab anglis occisus est.”
148 To my knowledge, I should like to thank the anonymous reviewer of this article for suggesting that the source may not have been in Latin but rather the vernacular, and drawing my attention to the parallels with the C-text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s. a. 1066, which mentions the deaths of Harold of Norway and Tostig in the same order: The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, general ed. David Dumville and Simon Keynes, volume 5, MS C: A Semi-Diplomatic Edition with Introduction and Indices, ed. Katherine O'Brien O'Keefe (Cambridge, 2001), 122. To my mind, the parallels are not sufficiently close to suggest a close relationship. By publishing the text here I hope that others may be able to identify its source.
149 The Durham Liber Vitae: MS Cotton Domitian A.VII: Edition and Digital Facsimile with Introduction, Codicological, Prosopographical and Linguistic Commentary, and Indices, ed. David Rollason and Lynda Rollason, 3 vols. (London: British Library, 2007), 1: 92. On Tostig's life and reputation see William M. Aird, “Tostig, Earl of Northumbria,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004–16), at www.oxforddnb.com, last accessed 29th November 2018.
150 The acknowledgement of Harold as king in a mid-twelfth-century text without any obvious polemical purpose may be of interest to scholars interested in the ways in which twelfth-century Norman rulers set out to claim political legitimacy e.g., George Garnett, Conquered England: Kingship, Succession and Tenure, 1066–1166 (Oxford, 2007). For reservations about Garnett's argument see Nick Vincent's review in History 95 (2010): 106–8.
151 London, British Library, MS Cotton Vitellius C. xii, fol. 145v. For an image of this entry and brief description of this manuscript see Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms: Art, Word, War, ed. Claire Breay and Joanna Story (London, 2018), 388–89 (no. 158). On evidence for Anglo-Saxon scribes at work on this manuscript, as evidenced by continuity of Anglo-Saxon drawing styles, see Richard Gameson, “English Manuscript Art in Late Eleventh-century Canterbury and Its Context,” in Canterbury and the Norman Conquest: Churches, Saints and Scholars, 1066–1109, ed. Richard Eales and Richard Sharpe (London, 1995), 95–144 at 101–2, 126 n. 114.
152 The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ed. R. R. Darlington and P. McGurk, trans. Jennifer Bray and P. McGurk, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1995–98), 3: 4–7; Tara Gale, John Langdon, and Natalie Leishman, “Piety and Political Accommodation in Norman England: The Case of the South West,” Haskins Society Journal 18 (2006): 110–31 at 112–14; Robert Higham, “William the Conqueror's Siege of Exeter in 1068,” The Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and the Arts: Report and Transactions 145 (2013): 93–132 at 101–2.
153 The sacramentary-pontifical known as the Leofric Missal came to eleventh-century Crediton from Canterbury: Leofric Missal, ed. Orchard, 1:206–8. That the mid-twelfth-century pontifical, now London, British Library, MS Cotton Vespasian D.xv made a similar journey is clear from the rite for ordaining an abbot, where the abbot's promise of obedience made to the see of Canterbury, Dorobernensi, has been erased and emended to read Exoniensi (fol. 22r), on which see Sarah Hamilton, “Absoluimus uos uice beati petri apostolorum principis: Episcopal Authority and the Reconciliation of Excommunicants in England and Francia, c. 900–c.1150,” in Frankland: The Franks and the World of the Early Middle Ages; Essays in Honour of Dame Jinty Nelson, ed. Paul Fouracre and David Ganz (Manchester, 2008), 209–41 at 210–11; Helen Gittos suggested that the benedictional text of the late eleventh-century Exeter pontifical-benedictional, now London, British Library, MS Additional 28188 might also have immediate roots in Canterbury, based on a suggestion by C. A. Jones (personal communication), rather than the more usually accepted arguments for Winchester influence e.g., those of Andrew Prescott, “The Structure of English Pre-Conquest Benedictionals,” British Library Journal 13 (1987): 118–58. Richard Gameson has identified various other manuscripts which were acquired by Exeter from both St. Augustine's and Christ Church, Canterbury in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries including Amalarius (St. Augustine's), Boethius (St. Augustine's/Christ Church), Persius (St. Augustine's/Christ Church), Gregory the Great's Regula Pastoralis (St. Augustine's/Christ Church): “The Origins of the Exeter Book,” 148–51.
154 Helen Gittos, Liturgy, Architecture, and Sacred Places in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 2013), 123, 128–29, 229–30.
155 Christopher A. Jones, “Performing Christianity: Liturgical and Devotional Works,” in Clare A. Lees, ed., The Cambridge History of Early Medieval English Literature (Cambridge, 2013), 427–50 at 430–31.
156 Gameson, “The Origins of the Exeter Book,” 184.
157 See other references in n. 30 above.
158 Rollason, David W., “Relic-Cults as Instrument of Royal Policy, 900–1050,” Anglo-Saxon England 15 (1986): 91–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wagner, Anne, “Collection de reliques et pouvoir épiscopal au Xe siècle: L'exemple de l’évêque Thierry Ier de Metz,” Revue d'histoire de l’Église de France 83 (1997): 317–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Meijns, Brigitte, “Les premières collégiales des comtes de Flandre, leur reliques et les conséquences des invasions normandes (IXe–Xe siècles),” Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 85 (2007): 539–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
159 Rubenstein, “Liturgy Against History.”
160 Lapidge's Cult of St Swithun succeeds in presenting the wide range of different evidence for this cult but is still dominated by narrative and poetic texts.
161 On the general significance of martyrological and obituary evidence see Fassler, Margot, “The Liturgical Framework of Time and the Representation of History,” in Representing History, 900–1300: Art, Music, History, ed. Maxwell, Robert (Philadelphia, 2010), 149–72Google Scholar; eadem, The Virgin of Chartres: Making History through Liturgy and the Arts (New Haven, 2010), 23–24: “alongside the legends another kind of historical understanding brewed within the liturgy itself, an elemental historical process that conditioned the minds not only of medieval cantors but of all learned medieval Christians. In case after case — eleventh-century Chartres is but one example — cantors and the scribes who were normally under their auspices had charge of two essential kinds of materials: those that belonged to the liturgy including obituaries and martyrologies, and the chronicles and other written histories.”
162 For a parallel exercise demonstrating the ways in which the Anglo-Norman community of Christ Church, Canterbury drew upon and revised the rites for church dedication and the Chrism Mass see Gittos, Helen, “Sources for the Liturgy of Canterbury Cathedral in the Central Middle Ages,” in Medieval Art, Architecture and Archaeology at Canterbury, ed. Bovey, Alixe, Transactions of the British Archaeological Association 35 (2013), 41–58Google Scholar, at 46: “The liturgists who put together Anselm's and Lanfranc's own pontificals based them on late Anglo-Saxon manuscripts”; Jones, Christopher A., “The Origins of the ‘Sarum’ Chrism Mass at Eleventh-century Canterbury,” Mediaeval Studies 67 (2005): 219–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
