237 results in Bristol University Press
Contents
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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3 - New Directions Please! Veganising Green Criminology
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- By Kay Peggs
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Summary
Introduction
This chapter calls for a new direction in green criminology – an ethical veganising of the field. Ethical veganism opposes speciesism and the commodity status of nonhuman animals. Through the lens of ethical veganism, this chapter offers a critical consideration of gendering green criminology by drawing in issues associated with species and with human–nonhuman animal entanglements. I seek to address (the occlusion of) the enormity of nonhuman animals’ victimisation by proposing a veganising of the field of green criminology within the context of a mainstreaming of non-anthropocentric, and preferably non-speciesist, criminology. Although some green criminologists have overlooked or marginalised the position of nonhuman animals, especially nonhuman animals who live outside of what is usually conceived to be ‘the environment’, green criminology can encourage thinking about and alleviating the human exploitation of nonhuman animals within and beyond the bounds of ‘the environment’. As well, criminology that is not ‘green’ has the tools and perspectives to study more effectively harms and crimes to all species, thus shifting away from the largely anthropocentric focus that is currently evident.
To reflect on how to fulfil these goals, where appropriate this chapter draws on lessons from feminist criminological thought and from intersectional analysis. Because the chapter embraces a non-speciesist intersectional approach, speciesism and the place of species within intersectionality and within green criminology are discussed at length. As veganism is the driver for this chapter, there is a section on what constitutes veganism. By employing both intersectionality (Hill Collins and Bilge, 2016) and veganism as forms of critical praxis the chapter concludes with a call to veganise and gender green criminology via activism, with the aim of changing the world for the better (see Belknap, 2015). I begin with a discussion about speciesism and its place within multiple axes of inequalities, inequalities that are at the heart of much criminological theorising and research (Heimer, 2019).
Speciesism, intersectionality and criminology
Although generally marginalised in the social sciences, ‘species is a foundational identifier of difference’ (Hovorka, 2012: 876). Species classifications are based in essentialist assumptions about purported natural and intrinsic properties that are considered to be impervious to change (for discussion see de Vel-Palumbo et al, 2019).
13 - Vegan Feminism Then and Now: Women’s Resistance to Legalised Speciesism across Three Waves of Activism
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Introduction
There is an implicit deviance in women's activism, exemplified in the popular adage: ‘Well-behaved women seldom make history’ (Ulrich, 2007). This is certainly the case in anti-speciesism work beginning in late-18th and early 19th-century Britain and Europe. Advocacy on behalf of other animals was stealthily adopted by women who played on gender stereotypes such as ‘angels of the home’ and ‘nature's caretakers’ in order to enter the patriarchal public sphere and resist anthroparchal oppression (Unger, 2012). Originally, these campaigns focused on especially male pursuits, such as ‘hunting’ (a euphemism for male violence against other animals) and vivisection. Women's contributions to campaigns, funding and public support were invaluable to early efforts. Yet, as was typical of the time, women were also frequently prevented from leadership positions due to Victorian mores and concerns that the cause might face delegitimisation via feminisation (a fear that persists today) (Groves, 2001).
A small but significant body of research has documented the efforts of women in the nonhuman animal rights movement as founders of leading charities, authors of seminal texts, and community organising and education (Ferguson, 1998; Kean, 1998; Gaarder, 2011; Donald, 2020), but this chapter is interested in the extra-institutional ingenuity of women who eschewed prevailing laws, tactfully adopted the deviant mantle, and advanced anti-speciesist practice and theory through their actions. To achieve this, we highlight the efforts of one notable woman in each of the three waves of Western anti-speciesist activism. Charlotte Despard is offered as a representative of the first wave. This initial wave transpired over the Victorian and early Edwardian eras, emphasising humane education and challenging vivisection head on. Next, Patty Mark is chosen as a representative of the second wave which rose in the mid-20th century, inspired by goals and strategies of the civil rights movement and characterised by increased attention to ‘farmed’ animal welfare. Lastly, we examine Sarah Kistle as a representative of the current wave of nonhuman animal rights activism. This third wave is distinguished by a commitment to veganism, conscious attention to intersectionality, and access to new social media technologies. These three women are not only interesting in their explicit challenge to the legal system to advance nonhuman animal interests; they also demonstrate the deeply entangled nature of oppression in their resistance to speciesist subjugation through explicitly gendered (and sometimes racialised) lenses.
15 - David and Goliath: Exploring the Male Burdens of Patriarchal Capitalism
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- By Rob White
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Summary
Introduction
This chapter provides commentary on the burdens experienced by men in combating ecological destruction and in particular contesting the pressures and limits of patriarchal capitalism. A central focus is climate change and the responses of men to the challenges and burdens generated by global warming. There are rapid transformations occurring in the social, political and environmental landscape. This is a global process which is experienced differentially within the world's male population depending on social status, economic resources and geographical location. Precisely because material circumstances vary, the responses of men to climate crises likewise varies. Why and how this is the case informs the main discussions in this chapter.
At the heart of the chapter are two central conceptual considerations. The first relates to gender inequality and gender difference; the second to the materiality of masculinity as a lived practice. In relation to the first consideration, there is ample evidence that climate change is not genderneutral. This is demonstrated by its effects on farming. For example, in the least affluent countries, in Africa and elsewhere, 79 per cent of women who are economically active report agriculture as their primary economic activity. Yet, only between 10 and 20 per cent of all landholders are women (UNDP, 2013). Women are especially vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, in part due to the prior disadvantages they suffer generally. For instance, compared with men, women have less access to land, financial services, livestock, social capital and technology. Impoverishment and lower social status weaken the ability of women to be resilient in the face of the burdens associated with climate change. These are compounded by the extra responsibilities associated with caring work for children, the ill and the elderly. Dramatic changes in temperature, climate and seasons exacerbate existing inequalities and hardships (United Nations Women Watch, 2009; UNDP, 2013).
Women who farm in the advanced capitalist countries likewise suffer from the consequences of entrenched gender inequalities. A major outcome of years of drought in Australia, for example, is an increase in women's labour on and off the farms. It is anticipated that with further global warming, the nature of agricultural labour will continue to change, including greater contributions being asked of farming women. Yet, women's labour remains largely taken-for-granted and is largely invisible in relation to policy development and national responses to climate change (Alston et al, 2018).
Acknowledgements
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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1 - Why Gendering Green Criminology Matters
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Summary
Introduction
Our ambition for this book is to bring together feminist and green criminology for the first time in a scholarly volume where all contributions are devoted to the project of gendering green criminology. The editorial team is comprised of experts in gender and crime and in green criminology/environmental harm. The idea for the edited collection, and some of the chapters, arose from a conference organised by the editors through the ‘Green Criminology’ and ‘Women, Crime and Criminal Justice’ Networks of the British Society of Criminology. That conference inspired us to expand the discussion and scope of inquiry into the gendering of green criminology.
As a collective of scholars, we cannot help but observe how research in the green criminological field has proliferated. There is a growing body of theoretical thinking and imaginative and robust research arising out of thick descriptive and in-depth narrative accounts, ethnographies and visual methodologies. Much of this newfound knowledge and emerging qualitative data flows from a variety of sources in support of the often distinct, but nevertheless complex, developing picture of the patterns to environmental harms and green crimes and victimisations. The gendered nature of these patterns is especially evident, concerning and often exacerbated by a range of factors. Our starting point – gendering the problems – demands that we properly situate our thinking within a broader intersectional framework where these complex patterns are excavated early in the life of this new direction for green criminology. Consequently, we are confident that this book, Gendering Green Criminology, is a timely publication. Our theoretical perspective thus starts out as feminist and green, and this informs our trilogy of aims. First, while the contents of the volume inevitably present compelling evidence attesting to the gender patterning to, and gendered nature of, green crimes and environmental harms, our aim goes well beyond illustrating these features. Second, we illustrate the gendered impacts of these problems and the gendered nature of harm and victimisation caused and experienced in different contexts and in different parts of the globe. Our ambition extends further so that, third, we examine the gendered nature of resistance and aftermath recovery, thus allowing us to offer an informed critical understanding and appreciation of how to ameliorate the harms currently being experienced.
7 - Queering Green Criminology: The Impacts of Zoonotic Diseases on the LGBTQ Community
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Introduction
As the effects of climate change continue to grow and become more evident across the globe, it becomes increasingly important to recognise how the effects of the climate disaster affect different groups. While green criminology has created expansive literature examining the differing effects of climate change across different geographies, racial groups and gender, it has so far under-examined the effects on queer people. This under-examination ignores how queer people disproportionately experience climate change and disasters (Goldsmith et al, 2021). This chapter explores the potential and meaning of queering the field of green criminology. Given the lack of connection between queerness and green criminology (in theory or practice) we ask the open-ended question of how should we queer green criminology? The field of green criminology is important for understanding the connections between different forms of marginalisation, disasters and green crimes, but we argue that this inquiry is incomplete without a queer lens.
A queer feminist green criminology should draw on a plethora of fields and methods to strive to understand the experiences of queer peoples in relation to the environment and social harm. The impacts of environmental disasters exacerbate inequality and existing forms of social marginalisation. We draw on the literatures of green criminology, eco-feminism and necropolitics to consider what a queer green criminology could look like. We use zoonotic disease pandemics to model analyses of examples of disasters that uniquely impact queer peoples to support our claims that the state's disregard for queer peoples, especially trans women of colour, constitutes a green crime. To fully understand these green crimes, we argue that green criminology needs a queer lens. The intersectional impacts of environmental disasters are complex and it is imperative that the research is done with intentionality and care. However, up to this point, a gap in the field of green criminology is the lack of attention to the vicimisation of queer peoples.
To model queer feminist green criminology our analyses take a mixed methods approach that relies on statistics, policy analysis and the voices of queer peoples. For example, the narrative by Janet Mock, a trans woman of colour, supports the claims that how queer peoples experience the world and disasters is not only unique but needs to be considered in research and policy.
PART II - Gendered Impacts and Victimisation
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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14 - ‘To Preserve and Promote’: Gendering Harm in Green Cultural Criminology
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Summary
Introduction
Green criminology is an invitation to rethink how we conceptualise categories of harm and who the offenders or victims are (for example, Agnew, 2012; Sollund, 2017; Brisman and South, 2018). Accepting this invitation is no small feat. Feminist scholars have an established history of outlining the social and environmental repercussions of traditional, Western expressions of masculinities (Carson, 1962; Merchant, 1980; Plumwood, 1993; MacGregor, 2009). In this chapter I will take a cultural criminology approach to examine how masculinity serves to shape cultural understandings of harm while simultaneously justifying harmful activities associated with resource development in the oil and gas industry of the Canadian province of Alberta. I will illustrate how gendered cultural discourses ‘turn elite beliefs and values into common sense perceptions’ (Seiler and Seiler, 2004: 173–4) and foster public support for industrial development that is harmful both socially and environmentally.
Cultural green criminology
I begin this inquiry by considering what differentiates those harms which are criminalised under the law and those which scientific evidence would caution do have the potential to cause significant harm but are not yet criminalised. Cultural dynamics like the distribution of power within society determine the meaning of crime and, therefore, what harms will be criminalised (Ferrell et al, 2015). The distinction between political protest or civil disobedience, for example, is often a fine line. In many cases, scientific research recognises environmental harms that the law fails to capture (Lynch and Stretesky, 2001). In other situations, the law determines what counts as scientific evidence, often to the benefit of state interests (for example, Whitt, 2009). But as with the beginning of every apocalyptic film, the warnings of scientists often go unheeded, with environmental laws reflecting the economic interests that benefit from ecological withdrawals and additions (Stretesky et al, 2014). For example, ecological additions, like pollution, or the withdrawal of resources, are often framed as unfortunate but necessary costs of progress (Brulle and Pellow, 2006; Gould et al, 2008). Of course, this does not mean that environmental harms are never criminalised. After all, significant portions of both bureaucratic and corporate resources are devoted to navigating the immense regulatory processes meant to prevent unrestricted harm to the environment.Yet regulations rarely capture the full extent of harms, making trade-offs that require further scrutiny.
5 - Reconceptualising Gendered Dimensions of Illegal Wildlife Trade in Sub-Saharan Africa through Legal, Policy and Programmatic Means
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Summary
Introduction: Overview of illegal wildlife trade
Illegal wildlife trade (IWT) refers to the unlawful, unregulated and unsustainable catch, trafficking, utilisation, acquisition and extermination of animals or plants in violation of local and international laws, conventions and treaties (Kurland et al, 2017). These crimes constitute considerable business at local, national, regional and global scales, which maximally threaten natural balance, state and individual economic stability, human health and livelihood, as well as protection of natural resources and criminal jurisprudence. According to Elliott (2007), IWT is worth 25 per cent of the global wildlife trade, which significantly poses threat to biodiversity conservation and management. It has also been reported that IWT is worth an estimated US$20 billion annually, without including the unlawful timber trade and unlawful fishing (Barber-Meyer, 2010; Wilson-Wilde, 2010), while Fison (2011) and GFI (2011) reported estimated ranges of US$7.8–10 billion and US$10–20 billion respectively each year. The WWF (2012) observed that the combination of IWT, illegal forest trade, and fishing IWT constitute the fourth largest illegal business after human trafficking, drugs and adulterated goods and products. To provide more insight into the species-specific effect of IWT, the Annual Progress Assessment (2015) reported the depletion of approximately 20 per cent of the African elephant population to 400,000 in the past decades, while 20 wild rhinos were eliminated in one year alone through rustling, according to conservationists’ estimates.
Recently, emerging issues from research have suggested the existence of gender dimensions of wildlife crime, although limited or few empirical studies have emphasised the claim. In contrast, most authors have conceptualised wildlife crime from conservationists’ perspectives (Kareiva and Marvier, 2012), without considering the relevance of crime scientists in examining and determining the multivariate complexities in wildlife crime (cf Moreto, 2015), as well as the gender dimensions of these unlawful acts. Generally, the gender concept entails the sociocultural customs or rules relating to what are appropriate for men and women in any society. These rules or customs about men and women inherently determine the demand and supply of these products, which also underpin the sociocultural values associated with their purported natural attributes or properties (FAO, 2016). In essence, it is more or less a perspective based on stereotyped customary definition or relativist conditioning of male and female roles and responsibilities, as well as their rights and privileges in any society.
10 - The Green Road Project and Women’s Green Victimisation in Turkey
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Summary
Introduction
There have been criticisms that green criminology neglects women's green victimisation (WGV); and feminist criminology has paid little attention to the victimisation of women by green crimes (Lynch, 2018). It is argued that ‘the specific “green victimization experiences” varies across types/groups of victims, as well as across individuals in the same victim group’ (Lynch, 2018: 406). For example, environmental toxins affect children and adults differently. ‘Illustrating the importance of gender, medical studies of toxic exposure also indicate that women are affected differently than men’ (Lynch, 2018: 406). Taking gender inequalities into consideration, feminist green criminology seeks to address this ignorance and offers an understanding of WGV and conceptualises WGV as part of the broader social structure of gender relationships (Lynch, 2018). To understand the nature and extent of victimisation, feminist green criminology provides the needed empathy towards women victims of green crime.
One instance where such an approach may provide valuable insight is in the case of Turkey. Paving the way for transportation of minerals and other extracted sources between Turkey, Russia and Europe, in the Eastern Black Sea (EBS) region of Turkey, the controversial 2,600km ‘Green Road’ is planned to be constructed. The project also aims to connect tourism centres throughout the highlands of the provinces of Artvin, Rize, Trabzon, Giresun, Ordu, Gumushane, Bayburt and Samsun in the EBS region; all previously protected as conservation areas and public land. Environmentalists and people in this region are greatly concerned that the project may have a potentially devastating impact on the environment; local people are under threats of green crime from extractive industries. There are fears that the ‘Green Road’ will cause erosion, forest loss, habitat fragmentation, stream pollution and other ecological destruction. The project also threatens the traditional, seasonal migrations of people who bring their livestock up into the highland pastures to graze each summer (Bayraktar, 2022). These devastating developments cause WGV and put women's livelihoods at risk, ultimately forcibly removing them from their traditional living spaces (Akay, 2020).
Relevant studies in the Turkish context have so far focused only on environmental politics, local opposition movements (Eryılmaz, 2016; Erensu, 2018), climate justice, energy politics (Kaya, 2016; Turhan et al, 2016; Mazlum, 2017; Turhan, 2017), eco-feminism (Seckin, 2016) and other similar issues.
9 - Green Victims of the International Waste Industry: An Analysis from a Gender Perspective
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Summary
Introduction
The waste management industry has undergone a strong internationalisation process in recent decades. As a result, an export-import flow from countries of the Global North to specific regions and countries of the Global South has been established, which externalises waste management processes and, by extension, the risks and consequences. In many cases, receiving areas are not equipped with appropriate means for handling the waste and protecting both the population and the environment from the severe effects that may be caused by waste pollutants. Thus, despite the efforts of international institutions to prevent those hazards, the transfer of waste from the Global North to certain areas of the Global South still causes great ecological damage and has a major impact on the quality of life and health of the population of the receiving areas.
The international transfer of waste has been extensively studied, especially within the fields of green criminology and green victimology. These disciplines have addressed in depth a wide range of related issues, such as the dynamics of the criminal phenomenon, its relationships with criminal organisations and companies, its consequences from a perspective of ecological justice, social justice and species justice. However, they have overlooked gender.
In general terms, women experience green victimisation differently than men (Lynch, 2018: 408) and victimisation arising from waste crime is not an exception. The way in which waste crime affects women differs from the way in which it affects men for several reasons. First, the social dynamics and gender roles are also reflected in some irregular waste industries, causing different forms of victimisation for men and women. As long as their roles and participation in the waste industries are different, their degree of victimisation also varies. Second, the exposure to pollutants causes different illnesses among men and women. In this sense, the exposure to waste pollutants might have special implications for women's health, especially in terms of reproductive diseases and maternity (Dolk and Vrijheid, 2003; García-Pérez et al, 2015; Kresovich et al, 2019; Melody et al, 2020; Kanner et al, 2021).
The aim of this chapter is to critically analyse waste crime victimisation from a gender perspective in the context of the international waste industry.
4 - Men and the Climate Crisis: Why Masculinities Matter for Green Criminology
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Introduction
There is much for social scientists to examine when it comes to the climate emergency. Indeed, it is urgent that more start doing so – including criminologists. Irrespective of official definitions, can there be any crime greater than anthropogenic climate change – continuing to burn fossil fuels and release greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, while being fully aware of the massive harm this is causing to human populations across the globe, and to all life on earth (White, 2018)? Criminologists can use our knowledge of the causes, impacts and prevention of harmful human behaviour – as well as what can obstruct such solutions – to help advance efforts to mitigate and adapt to climate change, and bring about more just responses to it.
Central to this is understanding how global heating is shaped by social inequalities, including gender. It is becoming increasingly widely recognised that the climate crisis is gendered. There is a growing body of multidisciplinary research demonstrating the disproportionate impacts that climate breakdown is having on women and girls, as well as LGBTQ+ communities, in countries across the globe (Pearse, 2017). This is of much relevance to green criminology, as it means that women and girls are being inordinately affected by green crimes, of which climate change is the ultimate example.
There are a number of reasons for this. One of the biggest manifestations of gender inequality is that women, girls and LGBTQ+ groups tend to have fewer socioeconomic resources, which can make it harder to deal with and recover from natural disasters aggravated by global heating (WHO, 2014). They may also not be encouraged to the same extent as men and boys to develop skills which can aid survival in extreme weather events. For instance, research suggests that in countries which have faced extreme flooding, women have often been more likely to die, in part because they have not been taught how to swim (Sultana, 2014). The fact that women are more likely to have caregiving responsibilities can make it harder to escape disasters, as it means they are often left having to take care of others in addition to themselves, such as children or older family members (Pearse, 2017).
8 - Women and the Structural Violence of ‘Fast-Fashion’ Global Production: Victimisation, Poorcide and Environmental Harms
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Introduction
As Sollund (2020: 520) points out, ‘[w] omen, children and nature are typically positioned in contrast to man and masculinity, which creates the dualistic hierarchy so central to the organization of patriarchal thought and culture’ – and, importantly, also central to the organisation of work and labour. In this chapter we examine how the profit motivation of private corporations and the insatiable demand of Western consumerism for cheap goods result in the oppression of marginalised women in the Global South and a variety of effects leading to environmental damage. Our starting point is that textile production is a globally ‘outsourced’ industry based on manufacturing in the Global South to supply markets of the Global North, creating an industry that is structured in such a way that the local labour laws of hosting countries are either routinely ignored or do not apply to the subcontracted factories operating in special economic/manufacturing zone territories. This situation represents the inextricable linking of structural and slow violence (Galtung, 1969; Nixon, 2011; Davies, 2019) characteristic of the processes of production in the ‘fast fashion’ industry and the incubation of varied forms of disaster that lead to suffering, death and injury. In particular and applying the concepts of poorcide (Udayakumar, 1995) and victimisation, we discuss their impacts on two groups of women factory workers in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
The chapter first presents a review of relevant literature, then describes the situation of garment, textile and assembly line workers in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka who work within contexts of unregulated labour conditions and where the effects of resultant disasters and the adverse consequences of environmental damage are disproportionately borne by poor women. In particular, we highlight the negligence and denial that can lead to what Turner (1976) called the ‘incubation of disasters’, in this case the examples of the collapse of the eight-storey Rana Plaza garment factory in April 2013 in Bangladesh and its aftermath, and the three waves of the COVID-19 pandemic affecting global factory workers in Sri Lanka in 2020/21. Linking these cases to the everyday environmental degradation caused by the fashion industry at the lowest rung of global value chains, we demonstrate how women, and the environment, are victims of the structural violence of global production.
List of Figures and Tables
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Index
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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11 - ‘Daughters of Dust’: An Eco-Feminist Analysis of Debt-for-Nature Swaps and Underage Marriage in Indonesia
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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Summary
Introduction
An eco-feminist analysis of debt-for-nature (DFN) swaps and underage marriage highlights what philosopher Karen J. Warren (1990) refers to as the ‘logic of domination’. DFN swaps are agreements through which select developing nations have foreign debt forgiven in exchange for investments in environmental conservation measures (Cassimon et al, 2011), while underage marriage is the formal marriage or informal union between a child under the age of 18 and an adult or another child. Underage marriage is a human rights violation, preventing women and girls from living their lives free from all forms of violence globally (United Nations, 1993). The ‘logic of domination’ represents an intersectional vision of how the oppression of nature mirrors the oppression of women and girls. While some criminologists have attempted to subsume eco-feminist thought into the discipline of criminology (Lane, 1998; Lynch and Stretsky, 2003; Gaarder, 2013; Davies, 2014; Lynch, 2017, 2018; Sollund, 2020; Varona, 2020), these publications do not utilise the ‘logic of domination’ to draw concrete parallels between the eco-violent commodification of nature and women's bodies. In this chapter, I offer an invitation to recapture the theoretical promise of eco-feminism, explaining how all types of oppression are ultimately connected to this same logic. The purpose of this chapter is fourfold. I begin with a brief analysis of human and environmental security through the prism of gender-based violence (GBV). This is followed by an examination of eco-feminist theory as it applies to Indonesia's DFN transaction and prevalence of underage marriage, expanding the conceptual terrain of debt. Finally, I offer some concluding thoughts on the interconnections of DFN swaps and various forms of violence against women in the context of human and environmental security.
Positionality
I offer the following author's note: at the time of this writing, I celebrate the five-year anniversary of the death of my grandmother, Aisha Omrow. Born in the hinterlands of Guyana, she often spoke of the institution of indentured labour – an insidious replacement for slavery in British Guiana that recruited servants from small towns in and around Kolkata, India – and the impact it had on my family. Being Amerindian – the Indigenous peoples of Guyana – she had witnessed the onslaught of ecologically destructive activities on ancestral lands, and the concomitant eco-violence against women and children.
6 - The Attitudes of People with Different Gender Identities and Different Perceptions of Gender Roles towards Nonhuman Animals and Their Welfare
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
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- Book:
- Gendering Green Criminology
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 28 March 2024
- Print publication:
- 06 October 2023, pp 97-118
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Summary
Introduction
The UK claims to have a long tradition of animal welfare, including the creation of the world's first animal welfare charity, the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, which was founded in 1824 and which became the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA, 2022). The UK also claims its legislation goes beyond European Union (EU) requirements (World Animal Protection, 2020). Yet, 6.4 billion nonhuman animals are killed annually to support the UK food supply (Animal Clock UK, 2020) and more than 3.4 million animals were used for the first time in experiments in 2018 (Animal Aid, 2018). Jail terms for animal cruelty in England and Wales are the lowest in Europe (Bell, 2017). In order to decrease and ultimately eliminate nonhuman animal suffering, there needs to be better understanding of attitudes towards nonhuman animals. While previous studies have explored attitudes towards nonhuman animals using a range of variables, those that have studied gender as a variable have used the traditional binary definition of gender, ‘men’ and ‘women’ (Wells and Hepper, 1997; Evans et al, 1998; Woodward and Bauer, 2007; Lee et al, 2010; Tesform and Birch, 2013; Kendall et al, 2016; Byrd et al, 2017; Knight et al, 2017). These studies found that women are more likely to be concerned with nonhuman animal suffering (Wells and Hepper, 1997; Evans et al, 1998).
However, gender is not a biological construct or even a distinct category. Butler (1990: 31) defines gender identity as ‘a performative accomplishment compelled by social sanction and taboo. … Gender is … an identity instituted through a repetition of acts’. While she recognises the limits to how much agency individuals performing gender can have (Butler, 2004), the idea of gender as a performative accomplishment redirects the attention from internal individual matters towards interactional and institutional realms (West and Zimmerman, 1987). Thus, gender identity becomes a matter of both bodies and cultures (Fausto-Sterling, 2019). The recognition of non-binary (NB) gender identity is relatively recent, with Australia offering a third gender ‘X’ option on all passports in 2011 (The Guardian, 2011), and the state of Oregon in the United States recognising non-binary gender identity in 2016 (Shupe, 2016).
Frontmatter
- Edited by Emma Milne, Durham University, Pamela Davies, Northumbria University, Newcastle, James Heydon, University of Nottingham, Kay Peggs, Kingston University, London, Tanya Wyatt, Northumbria University, Newcastle
-
- Book:
- Gendering Green Criminology
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 28 March 2024
- Print publication:
- 06 October 2023, pp i-ii
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- Export citation
Gendering Green Criminology
- Edited by Emma Milne, Pamela Davies, James Heydon, Kay Peggs, Tanya Wyatt
-
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 28 March 2024
- Print publication:
- 06 October 2023
-
The first volume in green criminology devoted to gender, this book investigates gendered patterns to offending, victimisation and environmental harms. The collection advances debate on green crimes and climate change and will inspire students and researchers to foreground gender in reducing the challenges affecting our planet's future.