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Adelante! Military Imaginaries, the Cold War, and Southern Africa's Liberation Armies
- Jocelyn Alexander, Joann McGregor
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- Journal:
- Comparative Studies in Society and History / Volume 62 / Issue 3 / July 2020
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 01 July 2020, pp. 619-650
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Studies of southern Africa's liberation movements have turned attention to the great importance of their transnational lives, but have rarely focused on the effects of the military training Cold War-era allies provided in sites across the globe. This is a significant omission in the history of these movements: training turns civilians into soldiers and creates armies with not only military but also social and political effects, as scholarship on conventional militaries has long emphasized. Liberation movement armies were however different in that they were not subordinated to a single state, instead receiving training under the flexible rubric of international solidarity in a host of foreign sites and in interaction with a great variety of military traditions. The training provided in this context produced multiple “military imaginaries” within liberation movement armies, at once creating deep tensions and enabling innovation. The article is based on oral histories of Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) veterans trained by Cuban and Soviet instructors in Angola in the late 1970s. These soldiers emerged from the Angolan camps with a military imaginary they summed up in the Cuban exhortation “Adelante!” (Forward!). Forty years later, they stressed how different their training had made them from other ZIPRA cadres, in terms of their military strategy, mastery of advanced Soviet weaponry, and aggressive disposition, as well as their “revolutionary” performance of politics and masculinity in modes of address, salute, and drill. Such military imaginaries powerfully shaped the southern African battlefield. They offer novel insight into the distinctive institutions, identities, and memories forged through Cold War-era military exchanges.
The role of elicited verbal imitation in toddlers’ word learning*
- ROSEMARY HODGES, NATALIE MUNRO, ELISE BAKER, KARLA McGREGOR, KIMBERLEY DOCKING, JOANNE ARCIULI
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- Journal:
- Journal of Child Language / Volume 43 / Issue 2 / March 2016
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 04 June 2015, pp. 457-471
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This study is about the role of elicited verbal imitation in toddler word learning. Forty-eight toddlers were taught eight nonwords linked to referents. During training, they were asked to imitate the nonwords. Naming of the referents was tested at three intervals (one minute later [uncued], five minutes, and 1–7 days later [cued]) and recognition at the last two intervals. Receptive vocabulary, nonword repetition, and expressive phonology were assessed. The accuracy of elicited imitation during training predicted naming at one and five minutes, but not 1–7 days later. Neither nonword repetition nor expressive phonology was associated with naming over time but extant vocabulary predicted performance at all time intervals. We hypothesize that elicited imitation facilitates word learning in its earliest stages by supporting encoding of the word form into memory and allowing practice of the articulatory-phonological plan. At later stages, vocabulary facilitates integration of the word form into the lexical network.
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- By Rose Teteki Abbey, K. C. Abraham, David Tuesday Adamo, LeRoy H. Aden, Efrain Agosto, Victor Aguilan, Gillian T. W. Ahlgren, Charanjit Kaur AjitSingh, Dorothy B E A Akoto, Giuseppe Alberigo, Daniel E. Albrecht, Ruth Albrecht, Daniel O. Aleshire, Urs Altermatt, Anand Amaladass, Michael Amaladoss, James N. Amanze, Lesley G. Anderson, Thomas C. Anderson, Victor Anderson, Hope S. Antone, María Pilar Aquino, Paula Arai, Victorio Araya Guillén, S. Wesley Ariarajah, Ellen T. Armour, Brett Gregory Armstrong, Atsuhiro Asano, Naim Stifan Ateek, Mahmoud Ayoub, John Alembillah Azumah, Mercedes L. García Bachmann, Irena Backus, J. Wayne Baker, Mieke Bal, Lewis V. Baldwin, William Barbieri, António Barbosa da Silva, David Basinger, Bolaji Olukemi Bateye, Oswald Bayer, Daniel H. Bays, Rosalie Beck, Nancy Elizabeth Bedford, Guy-Thomas Bedouelle, Chorbishop Seely Beggiani, Wolfgang Behringer, Christopher M. Bellitto, Byard Bennett, Harold V. Bennett, Teresa Berger, Miguel A. Bernad, Henley Bernard, Alan E. Bernstein, Jon L. Berquist, Johannes Beutler, Ana María Bidegain, Matthew P. Binkewicz, Jennifer Bird, Joseph Blenkinsopp, Dmytro Bondarenko, Paulo Bonfatti, Riet en Pim Bons-Storm, Jessica A. Boon, Marcus J. Borg, Mark Bosco, Peter C. Bouteneff, François Bovon, William D. Bowman, Paul S. Boyer, David Brakke, Richard E. Brantley, Marcus Braybrooke, Ian Breward, Ênio José da Costa Brito, Jewel Spears Brooker, Johannes Brosseder, Nicholas Canfield Read Brown, Robert F. Brown, Pamela K. Brubaker, Walter Brueggemann, Bishop Colin O. Buchanan, Stanley M. Burgess, Amy Nelson Burnett, J. Patout Burns, David B. Burrell, David Buttrick, James P. Byrd, Lavinia Byrne, Gerado Caetano, Marcos Caldas, Alkiviadis Calivas, William J. Callahan, Salvatore Calomino, Euan K. Cameron, William S. Campbell, Marcelo Ayres Camurça, Daniel F. Caner, Paul E. Capetz, Carlos F. Cardoza-Orlandi, Patrick W. Carey, Barbara Carvill, Hal Cauthron, Subhadra Mitra Channa, Mark D. Chapman, James H. Charlesworth, Kenneth R. Chase, Chen Zemin, Luciano Chianeque, Philip Chia Phin Yin, Francisca H. Chimhanda, Daniel Chiquete, John T. Chirban, Soobin Choi, Robert Choquette, Mita Choudhury, Gerald Christianson, John Chryssavgis, Sejong Chun, Esther Chung-Kim, Charles M. A. Clark, Elizabeth A. Clark, Sathianathan Clarke, Fred Cloud, John B. Cobb, W. Owen Cole, John A Coleman, John J. Collins, Sylvia Collins-Mayo, Paul K. Conkin, Beth A. Conklin, Sean Connolly, Demetrios J. Constantelos, Michael A. Conway, Paula M. Cooey, Austin Cooper, Michael L. Cooper-White, Pamela Cooper-White, L. William Countryman, Sérgio Coutinho, Pamela Couture, Shannon Craigo-Snell, James L. Crenshaw, David Crowner, Humberto Horacio Cucchetti, Lawrence S. Cunningham, Elizabeth Mason Currier, Emmanuel Cutrone, Mary L. Daniel, David D. Daniels, Robert Darden, Rolf Darge, Isaiah Dau, Jeffry C. Davis, Jane Dawson, Valentin Dedji, John W. de Gruchy, Paul DeHart, Wendy J. Deichmann Edwards, Miguel A. De La Torre, George E. Demacopoulos, Thomas de Mayo, Leah DeVun, Beatriz de Vasconcellos Dias, Dennis C. Dickerson, John M. Dillon, Luis Miguel Donatello, Igor Dorfmann-Lazarev, Susanna Drake, Jonathan A. Draper, N. Dreher Martin, Otto Dreydoppel, Angelyn Dries, A. J. Droge, Francis X. D'Sa, Marilyn Dunn, Nicole Wilkinson Duran, Rifaat Ebied, Mark J. Edwards, William H. Edwards, Leonard H. Ehrlich, Nancy L. Eiesland, Martin Elbel, J. Harold Ellens, Stephen Ellingson, Marvin M. Ellison, Robert Ellsberg, Jean Bethke Elshtain, Eldon Jay Epp, Peter C. Erb, Tassilo Erhardt, Maria Erling, Noel Leo Erskine, Gillian R. Evans, Virginia Fabella, Michael A. Fahey, Edward Farley, Margaret A. Farley, Wendy Farley, Robert Fastiggi, Seena Fazel, Duncan S. Ferguson, Helwar Figueroa, Paul Corby Finney, Kyriaki Karidoyanes FitzGerald, Thomas E. FitzGerald, John R. Fitzmier, Marie Therese Flanagan, Sabina Flanagan, Claude Flipo, Ronald B. Flowers, Carole Fontaine, David Ford, Mary Ford, Stephanie A. Ford, Jim Forest, William Franke, Robert M. Franklin, Ruth Franzén, Edward H. Friedman, Samuel Frouisou, Lorelei F. Fuchs, Jojo M. Fung, Inger Furseth, Richard R. Gaillardetz, Brandon Gallaher, China Galland, Mark Galli, Ismael García, Tharscisse Gatwa, Jean-Marie Gaudeul, Luis María Gavilanes del Castillo, Pavel L. Gavrilyuk, Volney P. Gay, Metropolitan Athanasios Geevargis, Kondothra M. George, Mary Gerhart, Simon Gikandi, Maurice Gilbert, Michael J. Gillgannon, Verónica Giménez Beliveau, Terryl Givens, Beth Glazier-McDonald, Philip Gleason, Menghun Goh, Brian Golding, Bishop Hilario M. Gomez, Michelle A. Gonzalez, Donald K. Gorrell, Roy Gottfried, Tamara Grdzelidze, Joel B. Green, Niels Henrik Gregersen, Cristina Grenholm, Herbert Griffiths, Eric W. Gritsch, Erich S. Gruen, Christoffer H. Grundmann, Paul H. Gundani, Jon P. Gunnemann, Petre Guran, Vidar L. Haanes, Jeremiah M. Hackett, Getatchew Haile, Douglas John Hall, Nicholas Hammond, Daphne Hampson, Jehu J. Hanciles, Barry Hankins, Jennifer Haraguchi, Stanley S. Harakas, Anthony John Harding, Conrad L. Harkins, J. William Harmless, Marjory Harper, Amir Harrak, Joel F. Harrington, Mark W. Harris, Susan Ashbrook Harvey, Van A. Harvey, R. Chris Hassel, Jione Havea, Daniel Hawk, Diana L. Hayes, Leslie Hayes, Priscilla Hayner, S. Mark Heim, Simo Heininen, Richard P. Heitzenrater, Eila Helander, David Hempton, Scott H. Hendrix, Jan-Olav Henriksen, Gina Hens-Piazza, Carter Heyward, Nicholas J. Higham, David Hilliard, Norman A. Hjelm, Peter C. Hodgson, Arthur Holder, M. Jan Holton, Dwight N. Hopkins, Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, Po-Ho Huang, James Hudnut-Beumler, Jennifer S. Hughes, Leonard M. Hummel, Mary E. Hunt, Laennec Hurbon, Mark Hutchinson, Susan E. Hylen, Mary Beth Ingham, H. Larry Ingle, Dale T. Irvin, Jon Isaak, Paul John Isaak, Ada María Isasi-Díaz, Hans Raun Iversen, Margaret C. Jacob, Arthur James, Maria Jansdotter-Samuelsson, David Jasper, Werner G. Jeanrond, Renée Jeffery, David Lyle Jeffrey, Theodore W. Jennings, David H. Jensen, Robin Margaret Jensen, David Jobling, Dale A. Johnson, Elizabeth A. Johnson, Maxwell E. Johnson, Sarah Johnson, Mark D. Johnston, F. Stanley Jones, James William Jones, John R. Jones, Alissa Jones Nelson, Inge Jonsson, Jan Joosten, Elizabeth Judd, Mulambya Peggy Kabonde, Robert Kaggwa, Sylvester Kahakwa, Isaac Kalimi, Ogbu U. Kalu, Eunice Kamaara, Wayne C. Kannaday, Musimbi Kanyoro, Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, Frank Kaufmann, Léon Nguapitshi Kayongo, Richard Kearney, Alice A. Keefe, Ralph Keen, Catherine Keller, Anthony J. Kelly, Karen Kennelly, Kathi Lynn Kern, Fergus Kerr, Edward Kessler, George Kilcourse, Heup Young Kim, Kim Sung-Hae, Kim Yong-Bock, Kim Yung Suk, Richard King, Thomas M. King, Robert M. Kingdon, Ross Kinsler, Hans G. Kippenberg, Cheryl A. Kirk-Duggan, Clifton Kirkpatrick, Leonid Kishkovsky, Nadieszda Kizenko, Jeffrey Klaiber, Hans-Josef Klauck, Sidney Knight, Samuel Kobia, Robert Kolb, Karla Ann Koll, Heikki Kotila, Donald Kraybill, Philip D. W. Krey, Yves Krumenacker, Jeffrey Kah-Jin Kuan, Simanga R. Kumalo, Peter Kuzmic, Simon Shui-Man Kwan, Kwok Pui-lan, André LaCocque, Stephen E. Lahey, John Tsz Pang Lai, Emiel Lamberts, Armando Lampe, Craig Lampe, Beverly J. Lanzetta, Eve LaPlante, Lizette Larson-Miller, Ariel Bybee Laughton, Leonard Lawlor, Bentley Layton, Robin A. Leaver, Karen Lebacqz, Archie Chi Chung Lee, Marilyn J. Legge, Hervé LeGrand, D. L. LeMahieu, Raymond Lemieux, Bill J. Leonard, Ellen M. Leonard, Outi Leppä, Jean Lesaulnier, Nantawan Boonprasat Lewis, Henrietta Leyser, Alexei Lidov, Bernard Lightman, Paul Chang-Ha Lim, Carter Lindberg, Mark R. Lindsay, James R. Linville, James C. Livingston, Ann Loades, David Loades, Jean-Claude Loba-Mkole, Lo Lung Kwong, Wati Longchar, Eleazar López, David W. 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Yee, Viktor Yelensky, Yeo Khiok-Khng, Gustav K. K. Yeung, Angela Yiu, Amos Yong, Yong Ting Jin, You Bin, Youhanna Nessim Youssef, Eliana Yunes, Robert Michael Zaller, Valarie H. Ziegler, Barbara Brown Zikmund, Joyce Ann Zimmerman, Aurora Zlotnik, Zhuo Xinping
- Edited by Daniel Patte, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee
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- The Cambridge Dictionary of Christianity
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- 05 August 2012
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- 20 September 2010, pp xi-xliv
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List of Illustrations
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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- Boydell & Brewer
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- 07 March 2023
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- 21 May 2009, pp vii-vii
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5 - Bridging the Zambezi at Victoria Falls: Science & Early Colonial Expansion
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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- 07 March 2023
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- 21 May 2009, pp 82-104
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Summary
The one part of the mid-Zambezi border that did not become rapidly isolated and marginalized in the first decades of colonial rule was the Victoria Falls, where the main road to ‘the North’ crossed the river. The tourist resort created around the waterfall after 1898 was very much a by-product of this developing transport infrastructure, which linked the industrial centres of South Africa via the Hwange coalfields to the mines of the Copperbelt and Katanga. The building of the bridge over the Zambezi was the occasion for triumphal celebration of European technology and imperial expansion, and the new resort at the Falls popularized new understandings and uses of the landscape of the river, in which the waterfall's position along a ‘natural border’ was less important than its status as a ‘natural wonder’ and its location on an imagined transcontinental highway from Cape to Cairo. As such, it became a focal point – a ‘site of memory’ – in the naturalization and legitimation of British imperial expansion and rule over the Rhodesias and of white settlement. The new political uses of the landscape at the Victoria Falls popularized a genealogy for Europeans in central Africa, which looked back to Livingstone and other explorers discussed in Chapter 3, and promoted a romanticized myth of their activities.
This chapter explores these new political uses of landscape and their consequences for those who lived in the vicinity of the waterfall. For the Leya and Toka people who had commanded the river's crossing points above the Falls, cultivated its banks and islands and propitiated their ancestors at the waterfall, the insecurities of the late nineteenth century were replaced not by a growing isolation, but by their close proximity to the new colonial infrastructure, competition for land and engagement in the new labour markets of the railway and railway towns. The new uses of the landscape competed directly with, and subordinated their use of, the river. As local people's access to the waterfall was undermined, cultures of colonial authority developed at the Victoria Falls initially incorporated Lozi royalty and celebrated their command over the river, reflecting the elevated place of Lozi rulers in NW Rhodesian legal and administrative structures, and the elite ‘ornamentalism’ characteristic of British imperial practice.
Much has been written in criticism of European traditions of viewing landscape, particularly in imperial contexts.
1 - Introduction: The Politics of Landscape on the Zambezi
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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- Boydell & Brewer
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- 07 March 2023
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- 21 May 2009, pp 1-21
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In March 2001, a young fisherman on the shores of Lake Kariba in Zimbabwe told me ‘I can't say where I learnt to fish, I grew up fishing. We are Tongas, people of the river… I was born on the river bank, I was born into this industry like my fathers before me. What I know is that I found myself fishing … when I started school I was already a fisherman. You don't have to teach a Tonga to fish’. By making this claim, the young man implied long-standing intimacy with the landscape of the Zambezi that stretched back through his family line into the mists of time and evoked a natural connection between Tonga people, the waters and the necessary skills to secure a livelihood from them, as well as an inalienable and privileged right to work the resources of the lake. His claim was echoed by other Zambezi ‘river people’. In Livingstone town in Zambia, Chief Mukuni publicized the special relationship between his Leya people and the famous waterfall at Victoria Falls. The chief invited tourists to appreciate the different aspects of the ‘thundering mists’, to understand that the ‘mists of the dead’ invoked Leya ancestors and to witness ritual river crossings to the island above the waterfall where Mukuni's ancestors had lived and commanded the Zambezi fords. By so doing, Mukuni also claimed political, economic and cultural rights by invoking natural, ancient, enduring mystical relationships with the landscape for the Leya people through their ancestors.
In both cases, of course, the claims were strategic in their essentialism. They were deceptive in so far as they implied not only unchanging tradition but also relations with a stable landscape. The forefathers of the Tonga fisherman had been displaced by the Kariba dam, an ambitious hydro-electric project that transformed the landscape and ecology of the river beyond recognition, creating a vast man-made lake – the largest in the world at the time. Traditional skills for fishing in the Zambezi, based on knowledge of the river's currents and pools and the annual pattern of inundation and retreat, needed total revision to be of any use in exploiting the wide expanse of the new lake.
9 - Surviving in the Borderlands: The ‘Unfinished Business’ of Lake Kariba
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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- 07 March 2023
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- 21 May 2009, pp 175-194
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Lake Kariba and the Zambezi state border both achieved a new prominence as the Zimbabwean economy declined and then plummeted after 2000, and people turned to fishing and cross-border trading to offset the effects of mounting inflation and collapsing formal employment. Rapidly developing social networks criss-crossed the landscape of the lake and border, disrupting the image of uninhabited ‘wilderness’ long cultivated through state controls privileging conservation, large-scale commerce and tourism. Though a punitive regime of conservationist regulations on the use of the lake was still in place and intermittently enforced in 2000-01, state capacity was crumbling rapidly.
This chapter is about fishing, trading and the reconfiguration of authority over the lake, as revealed in the activities and perspectives of Binga's gillnet fishermen, who work the inshore waters of the lake on a daily basis. Although the landscape has provided a continuous theme for the book, my focus here is on perspectives arising from day-to-day material interactions with the water, rather than memories. The chapter uses the fishermen's own accounts of their daily life to explore the shifting material relationships governing fishing and trade, which link the micro-ecologies of the south-western shores of the lake through a web of social relations to distant Zimbabwean urban markets as well as across the nearby border with Zambia. These relationships were under strain, as inflationary pressures had contradictory effects in Binga, and one of the ways they were experienced was through an increased isolation from Zimbabwe's main urban centres, as soaring fuel costs cut off transport links and undermined the viability of small-scale fish trading, in turn reinforcing the need for a stake in cross-border trades. As livelihoods became increasingly risky, so disputes multiplied, pitting fishermen against each other, the authorities, and other users of the lake, such as the large population of wild animals – particularly crocodiles – that had flourished through half a century of state protection. Indeed, the mythologized figure of the crocodile could stand as a metaphor for the state itself, embodying state conservationist priorities and Tonga fishermen's marginality, as well as invoking older ideas of power.
Acknowledgements
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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- Boydell & Brewer
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- 07 March 2023
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- 21 May 2009, pp viii-x
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8 - Unsettled Claims: The Tonga & the Politics of Recognition
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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- 21 May 2009, pp 153-174
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Summary
After Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, Binga – the only district in the country where Tonga speakers comprised the overwhelming majority of the population – continued as the focus of Tonga identity politics and demands for cultural recognition. This defensive assertion was no more separatist in intent than the previous movements that had delivered the region to African nationalism; its leaders emphasized their difference with the aim of enhancing their inclusion in the new Zimbabwean nation, and reversing a long history of marginalization, discrimination and colonial developmental neglect. At all times, Zimbabwean Tonga politicians have claimed their rights within the Zimbabwean state – the brief flirtation with ‘belonging to Zambia’ before independence was short-lived and did not become grounds for mobilization in the post-colonial period, even as local discourse continued to take for granted the view that the border was wrongly placed.
Although, as we saw in the last chapter, Zimbabwean Tonga demands for recognition developed initially in the context of administrative traditionalism and the broader Zimbabwean cultural nationalism of the 1960s, they became louder after independence. In the post-colonial context, ‘minority’ language groups were legally defined for the first time, provoking a storm of criticism. Local leaders in Binga made strategic links with other linguistic minorities to campaign for changes to the law, and to reject the new label ‘minority’ itself. But they also elaborated specific concerns about the place of the Tonga in the Zimbabwean nation, and ideas about Tonga heritage focused on past relations with the river and the injustices of the displacement from the Kariba dam. This chapter sheds light on the reasons why the idea of being a ‘river people’ became more rather than less important over time, even as a new political generation came to the fore who had no first-hand experience of life along the river or of resettlement, and examines how the history of the displacement has remained a foundational historical event defining modern Tonga public identity in Zimbabwe.
This movement for cultural recognition is interesting for the light it sheds on the ‘politics of recognition’, which has attracted growing commentary as it has undergone a resurgence throughout the African continent in the 1990s. This resurgence is generally attributed to neo-liberal reforms and democratization, the retreat of the state and the growing importance of globalized NGO networks, which have provided international validation for discourses of indigeneity, culture and rights.
Frontmatter
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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2 - Crossing the Zambezi: Landscape & Pre-colonial Power
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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Summary
Kasambavesi – crossing depends on knowledge Tonga intellectuals’ explanation of the name ‘Zambezi’
Crossing is a recurrent theme of stories about past relations with the mid-Zambezi told today by those claiming the status of ‘river people’. They tell tales of running to the river to escape powerful pursuers, of ferrying others across or cunningly manipulating enemies’ ignorance, such that knowledge of crossing the Zambezi created a link between opposite banks, when for others the river was a barrier. In these stories, both the river itself and extraordinary non-human occupants – fish, large animals, spirits and monsters – are attributed with magical powers and are entangled in social life, often demonstrating a special relationship between the Zambezi and the ‘river people’ who lived along its banks and regarded the valley as home.
This chapter examines these stories with the aim of providing insights into the politics of landscape on the Zambezi and related modes of discourse before the first Europeans arrived in the nineteenth century, so that European explorers’ accounts (discussed in the next chapter) can be situated in the context of the place they were writing about. Of course, oral sources – traditions and histories collected by myself or recorded by others at various times – work against the possibility of historical reconstruction in a variety of ways. Not only do storytellers conflate discrete historical episodes of crossing and telescope historical actors, but the stories play a political and moral role today, linked to modern, ethnicized notions of identity, bids for chieftaincy and reparations, or a romanticized, nostalgic view of the past as heritage in which ritual and ‘sacred places’ have been revalidated as ‘sites of memory’, reified as threatened, potentially preservable cultural relics, or developed as tradable commodities. The intervening period has also left its mark, not least in the language and terms in which the stories are told, which have been profoundly shaped by biblical idiom, modern cultural nationalist validation of heroes and resistance, and notions of pre-modern ‘authenticity’. Only towards the end of the book will contemporary and intervening influences on the politics and use of these stories become clear to the reader. Here, however, my focus is on traces of the past.
6 - Damming the Zambezi at Kariba: Late Colonial Developmentalism
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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Summary
The Kariba dam was the flagship project of the complex political entity of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (the Central African Federation), which was set up by the British government in 1953 with the support of the majority of white settlers in the two Rhodesias in disregard of African opposition. The dam was a monumental intervention that transformed the valley beyond recognition, providing the energy necessary for post-war industrialization, creating the largest man-made lake in the world and displacing those who had lived along what had been a marginalized part of the valley. It was also the focus of a high-profile, internationally funded animal rescue operation. As such, Kariba was important both in terms of the politics of landscape and the making of the border. Moreover, its legacies have been far-reaching in shaping post-colonial politics in the valley.
Like the Victoria Falls bridge, Kariba was always more than simply an infrastructural development. The dam was a symbolic initiative that captured the imagination of global publics, fuelled an expansionist confidence in Southern Rhodesia and was used to justify late-colonial rule. Federal politicians used it to rally support for the Federation and its political ideology of interracial ‘partnership’, to foster a sense of pride in its achievements, and cultivate a sense of historical continuity with a lineage of white ancestors in central Africa. In the words of Southern Rhodesian journalist Frank Clements, Kariba stood ‘as a monument to the white man's genius’ – it represented tangible evidence of the benefits of white settlement, and the culmination of a long history of European endeavour to conquer the river. In settler stereotypes, the Zambezi valley in the mid-twentieth century was still a frontier, a primitive border wilderness where time had stood still and the Tonga people, if they were known at all, were cast as ‘still leading much the same life as they had when the Livingstones pushed up the river in 1860’. The valley's reputation for backwardness made its transformation through the cutting edge of global technology the more striking and threw the Tonga into the public eye as an icon of the primitive.
This chapter is about these political uses of the dam and transformed landscape.
4 - Violence & Law in the Borderlands: Early Colonial Authority & Extraction
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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Summary
Drawing the ‘natural border’ between Southern and Northwest Rhodesia along the Zambezi had ignored the river people who lived along it. Yet these river people were centrally placed to exploit the new opportunities the boundary provided, and over time, helped to consolidate the idea of the border. Although, initially, the mid-Zambezi river people continued to treat the river as a link in everyday social life and deployed old strategies of crossing as a form of resistance to new demands, colonial state-making nonetheless had an influence. As the violence of being on the contested margins of predatory pre-colonial African states was replaced by the violence of early colonial extraction, the presence of government agents at local level and the idea of the law began to change the fractious internal dynamics of frontier society. This chapter examines the beginnings of a longer process through which the ‘river people’ of the mid-Zambezi were incorporated into two separate colonial states, with a focus on the Southern Rhodesian side of the border.
Recent scholarship has emphasized the role of the law and courts as ‘essential elements in European efforts to establish and maintain political domination’. Yet there were particular problems of establishing such domination in borderlands,3 and in communities lacking strong traditions of centralized authority. My aim in this chapter is to shed light on the way in which the idea of the state began to take hold in decentralized mid-Zambezian society, as the law was used by government agents to bolster their authority and by others to curb abuses of power, and began to constrain the excesses of violence that had characterized frontier society in the late nineteenth century. The chapter draws on early Native Commissioners’ reports and records of criminal cases from the Zambezi valley heard before the district magistrates’ courts between 1905 and 1923. It pays particular attention to the charges brought by and against local government agents, and to a series of murder cases relating to fights at Tonga funerals.
Despite the different processes of state-making on either side of the border, the early decades of colonial rule on both banks were shaped by a common process of economic marginalization and increasing isolation along much of the river valley, which was remote from the new centres of colonial political and economic power, inaccessible from the main contours of the developing colonial transport infrastructure, and depopulated through the effects of the expanding tsetse belt.
Sources & Bibliography
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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Contents
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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7 - Reclaiming the Borderlands: Ethnicity, Nationalism & War
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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Summary
In the 1950s, new political actors began to claim the Zambezi borderlands, which involved telling the history of state intervention in a very different way from Federal politicians and white popular writers. As a new educated African leadership emerged, they began to construct their own public histories, promoting their own connections to the landscape and protesting their exclusion. These new histories were cast in both ethnic and African nationalist terms; they gave momentum to the crystallization of two ethnic minority identities – Nambya in Hwange and Tonga in Binga – but they were also used in African nationalist mobilization, to legitimize the institutionalization of the Zimbabwean African People's Union (Zapu) in preparation for incursions by Zapu's armed wing, the Zimbabwean People's Revolutionary Army (Zipra).
The intellectuals who led these movements publicizing their history and culture had a powerful sense of their own marginalization, given the predominant discourse of Southern Rhodesia as a country of two African tribes. They also rallied against the stigma of being labelled primitive and accused the state of developmental neglect. Though the caricature of backwardness had been elevated in the popular writing on the dam, it had a longer history and was used by Africans as well as Europeans, as older pre-colonial political hierarchies and ethnic names had been overlaid with understandings of difference that hinged on a developmental continuum. The cultural assertion involved in these movements was encouraged by a shift in administrative policy in the early 1960s towards a traditionalist ethos hinging on the promotion of custom and tradition, and an elevated role for chiefs. Yet it was no accident that those living on the periphery of the state remained marginal in terms of the state's ethnic categories and understandings; rather, as Worby argues, it ‘reflects the degree to which the extension of state power and the refinement of ethnographic knowledge are processes that reciprocally reinforce one another’. The exclusion of those who complicated the state's predominant binary formulation of ethnicity was particularly stark in the way that language policy developed, especially when taken out of mission hands.
These ethnic mobilizations in the Zambezi borderlands were important for the emerging politics of landscape. As modernist cultural nationalist movements, they involved essentialized notions of culture that were territorialized and politicized.
3 - Mapping the Zambezi: Imperial Knowledge & the Zambezi Frontier
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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Summary
When European explorers began to travel along the mid-Zambezi from the 1850s onwards, they imagined it in much the same way as other important African rivers, such as the Nile, the Congo or the Niger – as a route of access between coast and interior. Fifty years later, however, the mid-Zambezi was understood as a barrier and ‘natural border’, and had been mapped as a boundary between separate colonial states. This chapter charts the process through which this transition occurred. Like the African ways of talking about the river discussed in the previous chapter, colonial discourse about the Zambezi mattered: it was intimately related to power, and to shifting structures of authority and their justification.
Recent interest in nineteenth-century exploration has been concerned primarily with the metropolitan ideas the writers reflected and helped to shape. My interest here, in contrast, is in the relationship between European discourse about the mid-Zambezi and the politics of the place itself – in how European views were influenced by the African idiom, practices and relations of power, how the river route came to be cast as violent and the effects of this caricature, and how imperial discourse developed over time, and in turn, shaped mid-Zambezian history.
By examining explorers’ sources of information, and the perspectives of the African intermediaries who moved with them as guides and interpreters, it is possible to suggest ways in which local discourse shaped travellers’ writing. I argue that British imperial discourse about the mid-Zambezi incorporated African ideas of hierarchy and difference, and the violence attributed to the river route and riverine society in some texts could be made more credible by drawing on African discourses and stereotypes of African others, and actual conditions of acute insecurity and conflict on a contested frontier.
As European explorers selectively appropriated African ideas, they also reframed and redeployed them, in ways post-colonial critics have elaborated. Travellers entangled local notions of hierarchy and difference with contemporary European ideas about race, class, tribe, degeneration and ‘the tropics’, recast African landscape ideas in terms of natural history, or aestheticized the places they moved through, drawing on strands of romantic thought that privileged individual, visual responses. Yet further understanding of how European representations incorporated aspects of local discourse is important, partly because the history of the places being described tends to get lost in this work.
10 - Unravelling the Politics of Landscape: A Conclusion
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Crossing the Zambezi
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Summary
The ‘unfinished business’ of Lake Kariba and Tonga claims to the river discussed in the last two chapters have begun to bring this book back to where it began. By illuminating the current politics of landscape on the Zambezi, the last two chapters examined the contexts in which stories about crossing, privileged relations with the river or past episodes of intervention are told today, exploring why the idea of being ‘river people’ has retained its salience. They showed how current claims have been shaped by changing cultures of state power and histories of nation-building, neoliberal reforms, economic austerity and international validation of multiculturalism and indigeneity.
This final chapter further analyses state and international influences on the politics of local claim-making along the river by returning to Victoria Falls to pick up some lost strands of the narrative before revisiting the main themes of the book. As the waterfall was awarded the status of World Heritage Site in 1989, and is upheld by both Zambian and Zimbabwean governments as their primary national monument and tourist destination, Victoria Falls provides a revealing site for exploring how the power of international tourism, the global infrastructure of the heritage industry and state promoted ideas of nationhood shape local claims.
Although the waterfall and broader Zambezian landscape are central to tourism and state revenue, they are located on a frontier, and are marginal to cultural nationalism in Zimbabwe. As we have seen, local efforts to reclaim the landscape through ethnic mobilization proved divisive, had an uneasy relationship with nationalism, and sat uncomfortably with the ethnic diversity and history of the north-west. Moreover, any momentum for changing the public face of the resort to render it more appropriate for a post-colonial context was also tempered by the importance state officials attached to maintaining flows of tourists and control over the foreign exchange they brought in. The tourist and heritage industries operate through rather than outside state interests and institutions, even in such a commercialized site as the waterfall, and the influence of divergent state nationalisms and cultures of state power is thus no less apparent here than in other sites along the river and other historical periods.
This conjuncture of state and international influences has created both convergences and tensions with local interests.
Index
- JoAnn McGregor, University College London
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- Book:
- Crossing the Zambezi
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- 21 May 2009, pp 229-237
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Crossing the Zambezi
- The Politics of Landscape on a Central African Frontier
- JoAnn McGregor
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- 21 May 2009
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This is the story of 150 years of conflict and contested claims over control and access to the waters and banks of the River Zambezi, one of Africa's longest and most important rivers.