Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-5nwft Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-04T13:11:32.273Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

5 - Towards Mahathir's Personal Dominance

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 October 2015

Get access

Summary

[T]he first critical threshold in the transition to democracy is precisely the move by some group within the ruling bloc to obtain support from forces external to it.

(Adam Przeworski 1986)

I am sad and disappointed that UMNO which my colleagues and I had built and supported until it became a huge and powerful party, a party which for 42 years the Malays depended upon to protect their well-being has suddenly been demolished and destroyed. … It is those with power that have destroyed UMNO. It is because they have become intoxicated with their power that they forgot to save UMNO.

(Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra 1987)

Until recently, many scholars have given primary attention in their analysis of conflict management in multi-racial societies to the role of national élites and sub-élites. And it has been assumed that in a severely divided society the national élites and sub-élites tend towards a consociational framework in preserving regime stability as well as democratic procedures. In a recent study of Malaysia, Case argues that the behaviour of the ruling Ãlites and the extent of consensual unity between them is crucial in managing socio-political and ethnic conflicts.

But, what if the ruling élites are not unified? What if they are divided, being from different ethnic communities and from different factions within the ruling bloc? In other words, how do rivalries within the dominant ruling élites affect their behaviour and the extent of consensual unity in a multi-racial society? In Malaysia, would the unambiguous Malay dominance after the 1969 racial riots be renegotiated towards the recovery of consociational frameworks or would the Malay dominance be strengthened and consolidated, if the national leadership were severely fragmented? Or would it eventually be replaced by another, possibly more severe, form of authoritarian rule?

Type
Chapter
Information
Personalized Politics
The Malaysian State under Mahathir
, pp. 143 - 208
Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
Print publication year: 2003

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Save book to Kindle

To save this book to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Available formats
×

Save book to Dropbox

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Available formats
×

Save book to Google Drive

To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Available formats
×