Debates surrounding race in Brazil have become increasingly fraught in recent years as the once hegemonic concept of racial democracy (democracia racial) continues to be subject to an ever more agnostic scrutiny. Parallel to these debates, and yet ultimately inseparable from them, is the question of what it is to be “white.” In this interdisciplinary paper, we argue that whiteness has become increasingly established in Brazilian public discourse as a naturalized category. Seeking afresh perspective on what we perceive to have become a sterile debate, we examine Machado de Assis and his work to illustrate how assumptions surrounding his short story “Pai contra mãe,” and indeed comments on the author's very body, reveal the extent to which whiteness has come to be seen as nonnegotiable and fixed. Placing a close reading of Machado's text at the heart of the article, we explain its implications for the scholarly debates now unfolding in Brazil concerning the construction of whiteness. The article then develops an anthropological reading of whiteness by pointing to the inherent differences between perspectives of race as a process and perspectives of race as a fixed and naturalized given.

In a recent article published in the Latin American Research Review, Simone Bohn analyzed electoral results and survey data from Brazil to contest several theses concerning the reelection of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2006. In particular, Bohn asserted that beneficiaries of Bolsa Família, a conditional cash transfer program that was reaching eleven million families at the time of the 2006 election, were already supporters of Lula in 2002, and therefore the program could not have contributed to the change in Lula's constituency between his election in 2002 and his reelection in 2006. We show that these claims are based on voter recall data collected between nine and fifty-seven months after the elections, and that these data grossly overestimate actual electoral support for Lula—probably as a result of well-known reporting biases. Reanalysis of Bohn's data as well as analysis of more reliable surveys suggest that there were indeed significant changes in voting patterns between 2002 and 2006, and that Bolsa Família did play an important role in the 2006 elections.

Usando como fuente una muestra de sumarios realizados a maestros de escuela en el período 1946–1955 este trabajo describe y analiza el impacto de la emergencia del peronismo en el campo escolar. El artículo explora el uso de la práctica de la denuncia en ese contexto y muestra que la llegada del peronismo puso en jaque la integración de la comunidad escolar. El nivel de conflicto contradice la imagen que el gobierno había construido sobre los maestros al hacerlos responsables de una campaña simbólica que buscaba generar consenso en torno de la figura de Perón y del nuevo régimen. La discusión centrada en el campo escolar sirve para exponer algunas hipótesis generales sobre el peronismo. A través de ésta se muestra cómo los ciudadanos participaron, aunque de una forma heterodoxa, en la construcción de la hegemonía peronista y cómo el peronismo generó al mismo tiempo solidaridades y tensiones nuevas aún dentro del mismo grupo social y/o profesional.

Este artículo sigue las sugerencias de Weber de estudiar cómo diferentes tipos de dominación se combinan en experiencias históricas concretas. Se analizan las sinergias y tensiones entre el liderazgo carismático de Rafael Correa y criterios tecnocráticos. A diferencia de líderes neopopulistas que encargaron sus políticas económicas a expertos neoliberales, Correa combina en su persona al experto con el político carismático. En su oratoria y en sus programas de televisión y radio semanales Correa compagina tecnocracia y carisma y se presenta como el profesor y redentor de la nación. Expertos posneoliberales están en las posiciones más importantes del régimen. Comparten con Correa la idea de estar liderando un ciclo de cambios profundos, de encarnar los intereses de toda la sociedad y no de sectores particulares, y la misión de llevar a cabo la refundación de la nación. Las tensiones entre criterios tecnocráticos y carisma se evidenciaron en la crisis política causada por una rebelión policial en la que los criterios carismáticos opacaron consideraciones racionales y estratégicas. Si bien el carisma y la tecnocracia pueden convivir en el discurso, el carisma es inestable y subvierte los intentos de gobernar a través del conocimiento de los expertos.

In recent years the idea of “culture as resource” has been hailed as a new epistemological paradigm for assigning value and significance to artistic practice. This article acknowledges this idea as determining values assigned to art in the recent context of globalization. Yet it questions the heuristic hold of such an episteme for the interpretation of some cultural practices, especially those of musicians in a world where many of them are not so much administering resources as managing their scarcity. It thus explores the disjuncture between the idea of care of the self, invoked by using the performativity of culture as the basis of the resource paradigm, and the actual practices of musicians in promoting careers that demand investments of money, affect, time, and other resources in order to sustain those careers. In such situations, musicians often privilege other values of music—aesthetic desires, stylistic options, and so on—as primary epistemic and affective reasons for determining their choices and what they find valuable in music. I explore this through the work of two Colombian musicians with contrasting careers and musical styles and practices, Lucía Pulido and Charles King.

Some deem the Bolsa Família program (BF) in Brazil to be a quintessentially clientelistic tool, thought to have produced colossal sociodemographic transformations in the base of support of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, particularly in the 2006 election. An earlier article (Bohn 2011) maintained that significant changes in Lula's electoral base took place prior to his reelection; other social policies, such as the Benefício de Prestação Continuada, contributed significantly to the changes in Lula's camp; and, most important, that the link between the receipt of social benefits and vote is less straightforward than those who view Bolsa Família as a clientelistic program assume it to be. This work addresses some of the criticisms that the article received and reinforces the need for further research that uses individual-based data to disentangle the complexity of the electoral behavior of the poor in highly unequal societies.

En los primeros códigos civiles, las mujeres fueron definidas como sujetos de incapacidad de hecho relativa, limitación que venía asociada a la potestad del varón dentro del matrimonio. Este artículo aborda el reconocimiento de la capacidad civil plena de las mujeres en Uruguay (1946), Brasil (1962), Argentina (1968) y Chile (1989) como parte de un proceso complejo hacia la erosión (pero no disolución) del patriarcado. Para ello pone en práctica una metodología específica para el análisis del fenómeno legal que permite revelar los mecanismos discriminatorios. Asimismo, asume una perspectiva sociológico-histórica comparativa que muestra los diferentes recorridos hacia la reforma de la ley civil y los elementos que le son comunes. Se explicitan las distintas trayectorias, asumiendo que las dinámicas internas son únicas, pero mostrando que es posible identificar un mismo patrón de cambio: la modernización conservadora. En efecto, las mujeres casadas quedaron fijadas como sujetos de inferioridad jurídica, incluso cuando se les otorgó formalmente la capacidad civil plena. La modernización trajo cambios, pero el proceso estuvo dominado por las fuerzas de la tradición.

This article analyzes new forms of distinction and inequality generated within Uruguayan squatter settlements as a result of neoliberal policies, class polarization, and the downward mobility of previously integrated populations that have migrated to the informal urban periphery. Based on ethnographic research in Montevideo, this article shows how newly impoverished Uruguayans have dealt with their new spatial proximity and ever-increasing socioeconomic proximity to chronic poverty through the maintenance of symbolic boundaries between themselves and the chronic poor. This boundary work is dependent on the reproduction of a series of moral oppositions, highly reminiscent of hegemonic discourses on the culture of poverty, which cast the chronic poor as dirty, lacking in values, apathetic, disorganized, and responsible for their own poverty.

Despite a growing literature on the left in Latin America, few studies have considered the fate of the right. This article examines a highly successful conservative party, the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA), which held power for close to two decades in El Salvador. The ARENA party used mano dura policies—defined by the introduction of discretionary crimes, diluted due process guarantees, and military participation in policing—to boost its support among constituencies plagued by crime. Two key factors prompted ARENA party strategists to emphasize security. First, a credible electoral threat existed from a leftist party hesitant to resort to harsh security measures. Second, factional divisions drove party strategy. Business elites who formed the core of the ARENA party refused to abandon unpopular economic reforms. Mano dura policies allowed the party to maintain support from traditional elites and their rural bases without reversals to its economic program. Party centralization facilitated the programmatic shift.

Este artículo aborda los debates en torno a la Ley de la Música Autóctona Tradicional Puertorriqueña, aprobada en el 2004, tomando en cuenta el complejo contexto en el que opera: un mercado musical profundamente asimétrico, cuyas dinámicas económicas, parámetros legales y valoraciones estéticas se ven atravesados por las tramas de la globalización y la condición colonial. Partiendo de un repaso histórico de las políticas culturales en Puerto Rico y de un examen de las transformaciones en las prácticas y representaciones de la música puertorriqueña en las últimas décadas, se analiza cómo los discursos sobre lo autóctono y lo tradicional, movilizados en defensa u oposición de la ley, se relacionan con asuntos sensitivos en la sociedad puertorriqueña contemporánea como lo son: el prejuicio racial, la desigualdad social y la subordinación política. Por otra parte, se abordan iniciativas y estrategias generadas por los propios músicos con el objetivo de preservar, transmitir, difundir y desarrollar las tradiciones musicales, al tiempo que agencian espacio laboral y capital simbólico.

This article challenges the assumption that parties and candidates with access to material benefits will always distribute goods to low-income voters in exchange for electoral support. I claim that a candidate's capacity to turn to clientelistic strategies of mobilization is a necessary but insufficient condition to explain his or her decision to use clientelism. Besides having the capacity to use clientelism, candidates have to prefer to use clientelism to mobilize voters. In studying candidates' capacities and preferences to use clientelism, this article provides an account of the microfoundations of political clientelism in Argentina. By combining quantitative and qualitative data at the municipal level, I find that the number of pragmatist candidates, who are capable of using clientelism and prefer to turn to such strategies, is almost equaled by the number of idealist candidates, who, though capable of doing so, prefer not to use clientelism.

Since 1993 to the present, a group of Mapuche activists has aired the bilingual radio show Wixage anai! in Santiago, Chile; on the other side of the Andes, another Mapuche collective, the Equipo de Comunicación Mapurbe, produced and broadcast a series of brief radio programs between 2003 and 2005 in Bariloche, southern Argentina. In this article, I argue that these radio programs constitute an exercise of Mapuche agency that challenges what I call the acoustic colonialism of corporate and criollo mass media in both countries. This article illustrates how Mapuche activists creatively use radio as a connective medium among Mapuche communities and a space for the public audibility of their own voices, sounds, and modes of speech. I analyze the history, cultural politics, and performative features of these two initiatives, engaging theoretical and critical views on sound media, state cultural policies, and politics of indigenous agency.

Latin American politics has taken a left turn in the past decade, with an increasing number of chief executives hailing from left-of-center parties. We investigate the political and socioeconomic factors explaining political ideology of the chief executive in a sample of one hundred elections taking place between 1975 and 2007 in eighteen Latin American countries. We find that the commodity booms in agricultural, mining, and oil are positively and significantly related to the probability that a country will have a chief executive from a left-of-center political party. However, for oil exports, we observe that this effect holds only for Venezuela. We also show that past political discrimination and government crises are positively and significantly associated with a move to more left-wing chief executives. Openness to trade and having a president from the right in the previous presidential term negatively affects the probability of having a more liberal president, although the effect of trade openness disappears when the incumbent president is a conservative. We also find that when a government crisis occurs during a term with a president from the right, the probability of having a president from the left in the following term increases significantly.

¿Cuáles son las condiciones bajo las cuales surgen los gobiernos de corte populista? A partir de un enfoque clásico de representación política (Pitkin 1985) y con datos de encuestas de opinión (Latinobarómetro 1996–2008), este trabajo analiza (1) en qué medida los deficientes resultados de las políticas públicas y la ausencia de rendición de cuentas aumentan la desconfianza ciudadana en las instituciones representativas y cómo esta desconfianza contribuye al surgimiento de liderazgos populistas como una forma de resolver un problema de principal y agente, a través de una rendición de cuentas simbólica. Según se propone aquí, en un inicio los liderazgos populistas contribuyen a disminuir la distancia de los ciudadanos con el sistema político y aumentan la calidad de la representación, en especial la percepción ciudadana de una rendición de cuentas efectiva a través del vínculo directo del pueblo con el líder. Paradójicamente, el aumento de esta dimensión informativa y argumentativa de la rendición de cuentas va de la mano del deterioro progresivo de la dimensión electoral o sustantiva, haciendo difícil su sostenibilidad —analítica y empírica— desde el enfoque de la teoría democrática.

Studies on the Argentine public administration have usually underlined the weakness of Argentine state bureaucracies. On the basis of these assertions, scholars have tended to equate the number of state jobs with cases of patronage. By doing so, they have neglected the crucial issue of the scope of appointments effectively controlled by political parties. This article applies an innovative empirical inquiry to measure the extent of party patronage, assessing where, how deeply, and to what extent parties reach into the Argentine federal state structures. While the results by and large confirm the widespread notion of the broad scope of political appointments in Argentina, they refute the conventional hypothesis of a state thoroughly colonized by parties. Overall, the results suggest that parties' distribution of public jobs in the Argentine federal state is oriented less to mass-style patronage than to gaining effective and broad control over state institutions.

El presente artículo estudia la expansión de las tecnologías digitales en el mercado audiovisual del Perú, una de las economías emergentes de Sudamérica. Se argumenta que el arribo al Perú del video CD y del DVD propició el incremento exponencial de la piratería de productos audiovisuales y, a la vez, el desarrollo de una industria de videos controlada por sectores sociales populares, ajenos a la institucionalidad empresarial, cultural y política dominante. La base productiva de esta última está compuesta por microempresas formales dedicadas a la grabación y venta de videos orientados a segmentos de bajos ingresos en base a contenidos locales. La distribución, por su parte, es realizada principalmente a través de redes de piratería. El perfil de esta industria evidencia las tecnologías digitales facilitan la democratización de la producción, comercialización y consumo de imágenes, la ampliación de oportunidades para la circulación de contenidos audiovisuales distintos al gusto y canon euronorteamericano y la aparición de modelos de negocio abiertos que no dependen de los derechos de autor para acumular capital. Este artículo está estructurado en cinco partes. En las cuatro primeras analizamos el origen, cadena de valor, productos y modelos de negocio de la industria de videos. La última parte explica el fracaso de la lucha emprendida por el Estado contra la piratería y propone como alternativa promover economías lícitas a través de políticas culturales basadas en sistemas de información y financiamiento, así como en el equilibrio entre los derechos de autor y los derechos del consumidor.

En el año 2005, David Aniñir publica Mapurbe en Santiago de Chile, un poemario que ha generado polémicas y reflexiones sobre la identidad, la lengua y la globalización del pueblo mapuche-huilliche entre los críticos de la poesía chilena y los propios poetas indígenas. Debido a la novedad del poemario, pocos estudios han abordado Mapurbe desde un enfoque que trascienda el siglo XXI en Chile. De ahí la necesidad del presente trabajo al analizar el collage lingüístico en Mapurbe en el contexto de la poesía indígena contemporánea; y al situar en retrospectiva la propuesta estética de Aniñir a partir de dos categorías de las ciencias sociales: colonialismo y colonialidad.

What is the impact of exposure to criminal violence on support for political institutions in Latin America? The increase in criminal violence in the region since the return to democratic rule makes this a timely question. Several scholars have demonstrated the impact of a series of variables (political performance, economic performance, interpersonal trust, perception of corruption) on citizens' support for political institutions (system support). The goal of this study is to assess the impact of two additional variables (victimization and perception of violence) that have been neglected in the literature. I test the impact of exposure to violence on system support by using survey data from the 2004 edition of the Latin American Public Opinion Project. My findings demonstrate that both victimization and high perception of violence have a negative impact on system support in Latin America.

This article explores the relationship among trade liberalization, deindustrialization, and income inequality in the more industrially advanced Latin American countries. It argues that, among the most important liberal reforms implemented during the 1980s and 1990s, trade reform was especially detrimental to equality because it accelerated deindustrialization. The analysis provides evidence to support this mechanism. Therefore, as the liberalization of trade increased, the deindustrialization process produced an increase in inequality. In short, evidence shows how the process of economic integration to the global market, as it took place, produced an increase in inequality through the destruction of formal employment.