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Magu, Stephen M.
2019.
Great Powers and US Foreign Policy towards Africa.
p.
113.
Article contents
Recent Observations on the Developing Southern Strategy of Brazil, Portugal, and Africa
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 May 2019
Extract
During the 1950s, and particularly after the 1964 military takeover, industrialization produced a transformation of Brazil — a nation of continental proportions occupying half of South America. Modernization affected every facet of Brazilian society, altering the economy and influencing the development of political and educational institutions. Such internal change had considerable impact on Brazil's foreign policy. Brazilians no longer viewed their national interest in traditional and restrictive terms but in a revisionist, expansive and expansionist manner. Populist politicians and writers of the late 1950s, riding on a wave of nationalism, argued that Brazil should become an active participant, a new and aggressive force in world affairs.
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- Copyright © African Studies Association 1972
References
Research for this article was conducted in Brazil during the Study-Travel Fellowship.
1 Adolfo Justo Bezerra de Menezes, O. Brasil e o Mundo Asio-Africano. Second Edition (Rio: Edições GRD, 1960). Also First Edition, (Rio: Editora Pongetti, 1956).
2 Freyre, Gilberto, Uma Politica Transnacional para o Brasil de Hoje (Belo Horizonte: Estudos Sociais e Politicos, 1960).Google Scholar
3 See for example “Apresentaçãb”. Politicia Externa Independente, no. 1 (May 1965), p. 7.
4 Quadros, Janio, “Brazil's New Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs, vol. 40, no. 1 (October, 1961) pp. 19–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 For example, during his visit to Brazil in September, 1972, Anthony Enahoro, Nigerian Minister of Information, spoke enthusiastically of his visit to Salvador, where he identified Nigerian influence in food, language, music and religion; Enahoro ate dishes which were identical to those served in his house in Nigeria and spoke in Yoruba with Afro-Brasilians. The Minister mentioned Brazilian descendants — Sousas, Marinhos and others — living in Nigeria, and the everyday use of Portuguese words such as sapatos. feijão, bacia, and passear. “Nigeriano guarante que seu pais receberá bem Gibson,” Journal do Brasil, 2 de set, 1972.
6 Journal da Bahia, 25 de jan. de 1961.
7 Rodrigues, José Honório, Interesse Nacional e Politica Externa (Rio-de-Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 1966) pp. 17–25.Google Scholar
8 Castelo Branco, Humberto de Alencar, A Diplomacia da Revolução Brasileira. (Rio-de-Janeiro: Ministerio das Relações Exteriores, 1964.)Google Scholar
9 It should be mentioned that besides cultural ties, for almost two centuries Brazil had an administrative relationship with Angola. The predominant commercial, governmental and cultural influence (1640-1822) came from Brazil and not Portugal. The last of a long succession of Brazilian governors in Angola was Joaquim Inácio Lima, 1821-1822, who, with numerous resident Brazilians in Luanda, tried to seize the colony for the newly independent Brazil. Rodrigues, José Honório, Brazil and Africa (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967)Google Scholar. Also Fernandes de Oliveira, Mário Antonio, Influências da Literatura Brasileira sobrê as Liberaturas Portugueses do Atlantico Tropical. (Lisboa: Instituto Superior de Ciencias Sociais e Politica Ultramarina, 1967), pp. 8–9.Google Scholar
10 O. Globo, 17 de agosto, 1972.
11 Le Monde, July 25, 1972.
12 Some negative reactions have come from Algeria, Ghana, Senegal, Egypt and Kenya, asking for clarification from Brazil on the political implications of Brazilian investments in Angola and Mozambique. Correio da Manhã, 7 de jan. 1967. Recently, Njoroge Mungai, Minister of External Affairs of Kenya criticized the Brazilian government for its failure to influence Portugal to give independence to its colonies. Journal do Brasil, 31 de Julho, 1972, e 21 de agosto, 1972 Foreign Minister, Mario Gibson Barbosa replied (see Journal do Brasil. 2 de agosto, 1972), citing intimate ties of friendship with Portugal and stating that problems related to Portugal's presence in Africa could never be resolved by force.
13 Facts and Reports, No. 23 of 1972.
14 Ibid.
15 Freyre, Gilberto, The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization. Translated by Putnam, Samuel (New York, USA: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), pp. 164–165.Google Scholar
16 Recently, South Africa and Argentina have held joint naval maneuvers in the South Atlantic.
17 Many Brazilian slaves were brought from the countries that are today known as Togo and Dahomey. During the 19th century, many ex-slaves returned to these countries and developed Brazilian communities. See Verger, Paul, Bahia and the West African Slave Trade. (New York, USA: Africana Publishing Corporation, 1970)Google Scholar; Olinto, Antonio, Brasileiros na África. (Rio-de-Janeiro: Edições GRD, 1964)Google Scholar and Dantas, Raymundo Souza, África Difícil. (Rio-de-Janeiro: Editora Leitura S.A., 1965.)Google Scholar
18 “Portugal abre as suas portas ao Brasil,” Voz de Portugal, 2 de julho, 1972.
19 Facts and Reports. No. 23 of 1972.
20 Facts and Reports, No. 10 of 1972.
21 Jost has also indicated an interest in participation in the Southern African Multi-national Investment Bank.
22 Molin, Aquiles Dahl, (ed.) Angola e Moçambique — Duas portas abertas a penetração comercial do Brasil na Africa. (São Paulo: CICOM, 1971).Google Scholar
23 There appears to be a difference in objectives between the Ministry of Trade and Itamarity. The former is arguing for the creation of a Portuguese-speaking economic bloc while Itamarity wants a broader relationship with all moderate African nations. Gibson's African trip, therefore, represents the greater influence of Itamarity.
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