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Public Scandal, Political Controversy, and Familial Conflict in the Stuart Courts in Exile: The Struggle to Convert the Duke of Gloucester in 16541

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Nicole Greenspan
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Extract

In late 1654, the fate of the Stuart restoration to the British and Irish thrones appeared to rest upon the professed religion of the fourteen-year old Henry, Duke of Gloucester, son of Charles I and Henrietta Maria and brother of Charles II. At Henrietta Maria's instigation, and with the aid of the court of France, serious efforts were undertaken to convert the Protestant duke to the Catholic faith. This attempt, which ultimately failed, preoccupied the English exiled courts in Paris and Cologne for its duration between October and December 1654 and caused scandal and division in royalist circles. It also generated international publicity: as one observer concluded, “this is one of the greatest actions now in foot in Christendome: wherein all Protestants of all countryes will thinke themselves concerned.”

To date the “Gloucester affair” has received little sustained scholarly attention or critical scrutiny, a neglect likely attributable to the tendency among historians to study successes rather than failures. Perhaps for this reason the Stuart courts and royalists in exile have not generated much systematic treatment in the last half-century. In this case, prince Henry remained Protestant, and it would be more than five years before Charles II reclaimed his thrones. The attempted conversion of the duke of Gloucester, however, affords a valuable opportunity to investigate the formation of political and religious policies, along with the conduct of diplomacy, in the exiled courts and within the royalist communities. Charles II essentially was a king in name only: he had scant economic resources, held his court at the pleasure of the rulers in whose territories he resided, and, after September 1651, no longer had his own army. The struggles to recover the crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland for the House of Stuart during the 1650s required extensive negotiations for financial and military support from both Catholic and Protestant powers. Charles was forced to balance the demands of Catholic rulers for assurances that Catholics in the three kingdoms would be treated favorably, while simultaneously maintaining and strengthening the support of British and continental Protestants for his restoration.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 35 , Issue 3 , Fall 2003 , pp. 398 - 427
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 2003

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Footnotes

1

Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the Pacific Northwest Renaissance Society conference in Los Angeles in April 2002 and the University of Toronto early modern discussion group in October 2002. I am grateful for the insightful comments and helpful suggestions offered by the participants.

References

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15 Hyde to Lady Stanhope, 24 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 166. See also Charles II to Henrietta Maria, 24 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 164; Charles II to Gloucester, 24 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 164v.

16 Hyde to Mary of Orange, 10 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 144. See also Hyde to Colepeper, 20 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 158 and Hyde to Mary of Orange, 20 Nov. 1654, ibid, fo. 159.

17 Mary of Orange to Hyde, 16 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 149.

18 Hyde to Maiy of Orange, 10 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 143v; Hyde to Ormond, 1 Dec. 1654, ibid., fo. 183. See also Hatton to Nicholas, 6 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 254; Chapman, , The Travels of the King, p. 31Google Scholar.

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25 Charles II to Henrietta Maria, 10 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 135v.

26 Draft letter from Charles II to Henrietta Maria, Dec. 1654, ibid., fo. 193.

27 Henrietta Maria to Charles II, 20 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 154 r–v; Lovel to Hyde, 6 Nov. 1654, ibid.,, fo. 125r–v; Hatton to Nicholas, 13 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 260; Hatton to Nicholas, 6 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 254v; An Exact Narrative of the Attempts Made upon the Duke of Glocester, sig. Av.

28 Draft letter from Charles II to Henrietta Maria, Dec. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fos. 193r–v.

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32 Charles II to the Duke of York, 10 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 137v.

33 Ormond to Charles II, 27 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 167; Hatton to Nicholas, 16 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 235.

34 Charles II to Gloucester, 10 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo.137.

35 Hatton to Nicholas, 6 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 255. See also Gloucester to Charles II, 27 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 173.

36 Charles II to Gloucester, 24 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 164v.

37 Hatton to Nicholas, 26 Nov. 1654, The Nicholas Papers, 2:90–91Google Scholar. In contrast, Mary of Orange had described the duke of Gloucester in the spring of 1653 as “full of spirit and very apt and forward in learning”. Hyde to Nicholas, 8 April 1653, ibid., 2:7.

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42 Hatton to Nicholas, 11 Dec. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 287.

43 Ratcliffe to Nicholas, 18 Dec. 1654, ibid., fo. 295. Micheline Dupy recently has described Gloucester's behavior during the conversion attempt in glowing terms as “intellegent et courageux,” and “sto que et r solu”. Dupy, , Henriette De France, p. 268Google Scholar.

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46 Lovel to Charles II, 22 Oct. 1654, ibid., fos. 78–79.

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51 Gloucester to Charles II, 27 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 173; Hatton to Nicholas, 27 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 269; Ratcliffe to Nicholas, 20 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 265.

52 Gloucester to Ormond, 27 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 175.

53 Hatton to Nicholas, 6 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 255 and Hatton to Nicholas, 27 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 269.

54 Hatton to Nicholas, 6 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 254; An Exact Narrative of the Attempts Made upon the Duke of Glocester, sig. A3v.

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56 Lovel to Hyde, 6 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 125r–v.

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58 Ormond to Charles II, 2 Dec. 1654, ibid., fo. 187.

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62 Ormond to Charles II, 2 Dec. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fos. 188v–189.

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67 Many royalist exiles, including Edward Nicholas, had been compelled to compound for their estates for survival. Royalists who had not had their estates sequestered often avoided publicly attending court in the hopes of avoiding confiscation of their property. Christopher Hatton, for example, began to avoid visits to the king from late 1651. Similarly, in the spring of 1654 Sir John Reresby attended court incognito, “it being a crime sufficient the waiting upon his Majesty to have caused the sequestration of my estate, had it been known to Cromwell. Memoirs of Sir John Reresby: The Complete Text and a Selection from his Letters, ed. Browning, Andrew, (2nd ed.; London, 1991), p. 7Google Scholar.

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71 Lovel to Morley, 28 Oct. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 90 and Lovel to Hyde, 29 Oct. 1654, ibid., fo. 92.

72 Hatton to Nicholas, 13 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 261.

73 Lovel to Hyde, 6 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fos. 125v–26.

74 Gloucester to Charles II, 27 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 173.

75 Lovel accompanied Gloucester for part of his journey to the king's court in Cologne, though was subsequently dismissed upon accusations that he was a spy for the English Parliament. Chapman, , The Tragedy of Charles II, p. 283Google Scholar.

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77 Jermyn to Charles II, 20 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Ms Clarendon 49 fo. 156.

78 Percy to Charles II, 27 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 180. See also Draft letter from Charles II to Percy, Dec. 1654, ibid., fo. 194v and Hatton to Nicholas, 13 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 261.

79 Hatton to Nicholas, 13 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 261 and Hatton to Nicholas, 27 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 269v.

80 Charles II to Jermyn, 10 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 136.

81 Ormond to Hyde, 27 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 176v.

82 Draft letter from Charles II to Jermyn, Dec. 1654, ibid., fo. 194.

83 Gloucester to Charles II, 27 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 173.

84 Draft letter from Charles II to Percy, Dec. 1654, ibid., fo. 194v.

85 Lovel to Hyde, 6 Nov. 1654, ibid., fo. 126.

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89 Hatton to Nicholas, 30 Oct. 1654, ibid., fo. 245v.

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108 Ratcliffe to Nicholas, 20 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534. fo. 265v.

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128 Hatton to Nicholas, 6 Nov. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 255.

129 Instructions of Charles II to Ormond, 10 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fos. 139v–40.

130 Hatton to Nicholas, 18 Dec. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 293v. See also Ormond to Hyde, 27 Nov. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fos. 176–176v.

131 Ratcliffe to Nicholas, 18 Dec. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 295. See also Joseph Jane to Nicholas, 15 Dec. 1654, The Nicholas Papers 2:145.

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134 ibid., sig. A2r–v.

135 ibid., sig. A2v.

136 These proposals are contained in Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 257 and MS. 50 fo. 133. See also Charles II to Duke of Neuburg, May 1655, A Collection of Original Letters and Papers Concerning the Affairs of England, From the Year 1641 to 1660, ed. Carte, Thomas, 2 vols. (Dublin, 1759) 2:52Google Scholar. Gardiner, S. R. (History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, 3:124–25)Google Scholar erroneously concluded that Charles II additionally proposed he would himself convert to Catholicism. For this discussion see Hutton, , Charles II, p. 93Google Scholar.

137 Thurloe State Papers, 1:740Google Scholar. This report is undated, but the reference to Charles II's recent “connexion with Spain” may place the composition sometime around April 1656, when two treaties were informally negotiated between Charles II and Philip IV.

138 Sagredo to Doge and Senate, 1 Dec. 1654, Cal. S.P. Ven. 1653–1654 p. 283Google Scholar.

139 Some suggested that the pope actually may have been relieved to receive the news of Charles II's alliance with Presbyterian Scotland and his subscription to the Solemn League and Covenant in 1650, since it afforded the pontiff a solid reason to support his disinclination to expend monetary and diplomatic effort to assist the king. Marmaduke Langdale to Nicholas, 20 Sept. 1655, B.L., MS. Eg. 2535, fo. 408.

140 Talbot to Hyde, 14 Dec. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 204. See also Thurloe State Papers, 2:677Google Scholar.

141 Talbot to Hyde, 14 Dec. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 204.

142 Report from Cologne, 5 Jan. 1655, Thurloe State Papers, 3:44Google Scholar.

143 Ratcliffe to Nicholas, 18 Dec. 1655, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 295.

144 Report from Cologne, 5 Jan. 1655, Thurloe State Papers, 3:44Google Scholar. The States, to maintain friendly relations with England, subsequently ordered Gloucester's removal and in May 1655 Gloucester traveled to the Cologne court of Charles II, ibid., 3:457; Nicholas, , Mr. Secretary Nicholas, p. 263Google Scholar.

145 Charles II to Duke of Neuburg, 8 Sept. 1655, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 50 fo. 133.

146 Venning, Timothy, Cromwellian Foreign Policy (Houndmills, 1995), pp. 110–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Korr, Charles P., Cromwell and the New Model Foreign Policy: England's Policy Towards France, 1649–1658 (Berkeley, 1975), ch. 13Google Scholar; Henrietta Maria to Charles II, 18 Feb. 1656, Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, p. 384Google Scholar.

147 Venning, , Cromwellian Foreign Policy, p. 110Google Scholar; Ronald Hutton, Charles II, ch. 6.

148 Thurloe State Papers, 1:740–41Google Scholar.

149 Ibid., p. 742.

150 Ibid, p. 741.

151 Ibid., p. 744.

152 Charles II to the Ministers in Scotland, 22 Oct. 1654, Bodl. L., Clarendon MS. 49 fo. 75.

153 Henneke, Christian Edmund, “The art of diplomacy under the early Stuarts, 1603–1642” (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1999), pp. 146, 157 ff.Google Scholar

154 An Exact Narrative of the Attempts Made upon the Duke of Glocester, sig. B.

155 Hatton to Nicholas, 18 Dec. 1654, B.L., Eg. MS. 2534 fo. 293.