¹ I express my thanks to the Eski Eseler ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüǧü for the permit to undertake research and to publish material from Burdur, first granted to me in 1987 for an initial sounding, and then jointly to Dr Kearsley and myself subsequently. The helpfulness of the then Director of the Museum, Bay Selçuk Başar, the Assistant Director. Bay Ali Harmankaya, and their staff is hereby recorded. For the use of the library and other facilities of the British Institute in Ankara I am indebted to the Director and staff. Mr Harper has indicated (per litt., 6/8/90) that he has relinquished his interest in treating the material, and has kindly placed the negatives of his photographs at our disposal for the prospective volume.

For the present article specifically, I wish to record my appreciation to S. Mitchell and G. Petzl for their detailed scrutiny of a draft version. In varying forms, papers on this monument have been presented at the national conference of the Australian Society for Classical Studies held at the University of Western Australia in February 1991; and at seminars at the University of Melbourne (August 1991), the National Hellenic Research Centre in Athens, the University of Thessaloniki (both October 1991). the University of Marburg, and the Kommission für Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik in Munich (both November 1991). The comments of various participants on those occasions have been a further stimulus to my thinking about the monument.

² For numerous illustrations of these features see Möbius, H., Die Ornamente der griechischen Grabstelen klassischer und nachklassischer Zeit (Berlin. 1929)Google Scholar.

³ I owe the good photographs to C. S. Lightfoot.

⁴ Οἵτινες is here a collective plural for ὅ τι, referring to ϒένους.

⁵ For some other examples of similar use of a flawed stone see Horsley, , AS 37 (1987) 60Google Scholar (with n. 33) and 74. As two further instances note SEG 28.421 (Megalopolis, II B.C. init.), where the mason has had to jump over a gully in the stone at l. 9, φ(ν.)ụσικῶν; and MAMA 9.182 (Aizanoi, A.D. II?).

⁶ Cremer, M.-L./Nollé, J., “Lydische Steindenkmäler”, Chiron 18 (1988) 199–214, no.4 pp. 207–10 and pl. 4Google Scholar.

⁷ Varinlioǧlu, E., “Die Inschriften aus dem Museum von Uşak”, EA 13 (1989) 18–36Google Scholar. at 25–6, nos. 9 (A.D. 109/10) and 10 (A.D. 248/9).

⁸ Great (and, rarely, great-great) grandfathers are sometimes mentioned in texts which honour a civic officeholder or philanthropist: see, e.g., Milner, N. P. in Coulton, J. J. et al. , “Balboura Survey: Onesimos and Meleager, II”, AS 39 (1989) 41–62Google Scholar, at 50, 53, 57–8, respectively, nos. 1, 3, and 5.

⁹ Petzl, G., Die Inschriften von Smyrna IIGoogle Scholar, 1.609.6 (IK 24.1; Bonn, 1987) provides a good parallel (133–129 B.C.?). Note also MAMA 9.27 (Aizanoi, mid-II A.D.).

¹⁰ Robert, J. and Robert, L., Fouilles d'Amyzon en Carie, I. Exploration, histoire, monnaies et inscriptions (Paris, 1983)Google Scholar, inscr. no. 2 (321/20 B.C.) pp. 97–118, especially 110; and, c. 120 years later, no. 18 pp. 195–6. Cf. Robert, L., “Le sanctuaire d'Artémis à Amyzon”, CRAI (1953) 3–15Google Scholar [=Opera Minora Selecta, 3.1525–37], at 10.

¹¹ Habicht, C., Altertümer von Pergamon, VIII.3. Die Inschriften von Asklepieions (Berlin, 1969)Google Scholar no. 45. Nos. 46–53 mention other priests in the sequence.

¹² Repr. in Sokolowski, F., Lois sacrées de l'Asie Mineure (Paris, 1955)Google Scholar no. 13.

¹³ Wörrle, M., “Inschriften von Herakleia am Latmos II. Das Priestertum der Athena Latmia”, Chiron 20 (1990) 19–57Google Scholar. Ll. 3–16 formulates the demos' question and gives the god's reply.

¹⁴ Special abbreviations used here are:

AP—L. Zgusta, , Anatolische Personennamensippen (Dissertationes Orientales 2; Prague. 1964)Google Scholar

BE—J./L. Robert, Bulletin épigraphique

EFT—B. İplikçioǧlu et al., Epigraphisehe Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium

(Öst. Akad. der Wiss., ph.-hist. Kl., Sitzungsberichte 575 Bd; Vienna, 1991)Google Scholar

GPR—H. Solin, , Die griechischen Personennamen in Rom. Ein Namenbuch (3 vols: Berlin, 1982)Google Scholar

H/C—Hall, A. S. / Coulton, J. J., “A hellenistic allotment list from Balboura in the Kibyratis”, Chiron 20 (1990) 109–58Google Scholar

KP—L. Zgusta, , Kleinasiatischen Personennamen (Prague, 1964)Google Scholar

Luwian Population Groups—Houwink ten Cate, P. H. J., The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period (Leiden. 1961)Google Scholar

LGPN—Fraser, P. M. / Matthews, E., A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, I. The Aegean Islands, Cyprus, Cyrenaica (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar

Noms indigènes—Robert, L., Noms indigènes dans l'Asie-Mineure gréco-romaine (Bibliothèque archéologique et historique de l'Institut français d'Archéologie d'Istanbul 13; Paris. 1963)Google Scholar

NBA—Zgusta, L., Neue Beiträge zur kleinasiatischen Anthroponymie (Dissertationes Orientales 24; Prague, 1970)Google Scholar

NS—id., Die Personennamen griechischer Städte der nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste (Prague, 1955)Google Scholar

P/M—Pfuhl, E. / Möbius, H., Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs (2 vols; Mainz am Rhein, 1977–1979)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ KP §1512.31, pp. 409–92, has the same examples, but occasionally includes more detailed information, such as a breakdown by cases.

¹⁶ Naour, C., Tyriaion en Cabalide: épigraphie et géographie historique (Stud. Amst. 20; Zutphen, 1980)Google Scholar nos. 37a, 37b, 68, and further references given at p. 85 n. 13.

¹⁷ Moretti, G., “Le grotte sacre di Iuvadjà”, AASA 6/7 (1923/1924) 547–54Google Scholar at 551–4 no. 7 (fig. on p. 552). Cf. SEG 6.718; Vermaseren, M. J., Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque, I. Asia Minor (EPRO 50; Leiden, 1987) 227–8Google Scholar no. 754. Henceforth CCCA.

¹⁸ I am appreciative to M. J. Osborne and S. Byrne for the opportunity to consult the files for the forthcoming second volume of LGPN, devoted to Attika.

¹⁹ See Wörrle, M., Stadt und Fest in kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien (Vestigia 39; Munich, 1988) 136Google Scholar n. 333; earlier, Lambertz, M., “Zur Ausbreitung des Supernomen oder Signum im römischen Reiche, II”, Glotta 5 (1914) 99–170Google Scholar at 167 n. 1.

²⁰ Nollé, J./Schindler, F., Die Inschriften von Selge (IK 37; Bonn. 1991)Google Scholar.

²¹ Masson, O., “Madame Artemis”, ZPE 66 (1986) 126–30Google Scholar, esp. 128–30; Hall/Coulton, 134–5.

²² AS 10 (1960) 82 no. 135Google Scholar.

²³ Noms indigènes, 80.

²⁴ See J. Nollé's index of personal names (vol. VIII.2) for Die Inschriften von Ephesos (IK 17.4; Bonn, 1984).

²⁵ Robert, J. and Robert, L., Fouilles d'Amyzon, index p. 297Google Scholar.

²⁶ Horsley, G. H. R., “Name change as an indication of religious conversion in antiquity”, Numen 34 (1987) 1–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷ There were ἱερὰ σώματα, the fruit of war, attached to the Artemision at Amyzon in Caria: Robert, J. and Robert, L., Fouilles d'Amyzon, 195–6 no. 18Google Scholar (c. 200 B.C.); cf. Robert, L., CRAI (1953) 10Google Scholar. For other hierodouloi in Pisidia note Bean, , AS 10 (1960) 48–9Google Scholar nos. 96, 97; cf. BE (1961) 744Google Scholar; (1968) 538.

²⁸ For use of a matronymic see Robert, L., “Les inscriptions de Thessalonique”. RPh 48 (1974) 180–246Google Scholar at 205–6.

²⁹ Fränkel, M., Die Inschriften von Pergamon (Altertümer von Pergamon 8.1–2; Berlin, 1890, 1895)Google Scholar 2.484 = CCCA 1.355 (no. pl.).

³⁰ Petzl, G., “Epigraphische Funde aus Lydien”. EA 15 (1990) 49–72Google Scholar, at 67–8 no. 30.

³¹ Luwian Population Groups, 175–7.

³² BE (1959) 161Google Scholar; cf. ibid., (1961) 315.

³³ See generally the excellent discussion by Brixhe, C., Essai sur le grec anatolien an début de notre ère (Travaux et mémoires de l'Université de Nancy II. Séries Etudes anciennes 1; Nancy, 1987 ²)Google Scholar.

³⁴ The statuette (inv. no. E 89.2164) is published in Fleischer, R., Artemis von Ephesos und verwandte Kultstatuen aus Anatolien und Syrien (EPRO 35; Leiden, 1973) 27–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pl. 45).

³⁵ An altar dedicated to Artemis Agrotera—not Ephesia—was also found in the territorium (III, 1.909).

³⁶ Item 10 in the list at the beginning of this article. See n. 57 below. Dr Mitchell has drawn my attention to a carefully researched article published in “Cumhuriet” in September 1990 which revealed the quite massive scale of illegal excavation at Cremna in the 1960s, with teams of several dozen men digging there in the winter months.

³⁷ von Aulock, H., Münzen und Städte Pisidiens (2 vols; 1st. Mitt. Beiheft 22; Tübingen. 1977, 1979), vol. 2Google Scholar.

³⁸ Fleischer, , Artemis von Ephesos, 303Google Scholar (with pl. 132a) has one example of this reverse type.

³⁹ Levick, B. M., Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor (Oxford, 1967) 151Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ The third inscription published by Cremer, /Noll, é, Chiron 18 (1988) 205–6Google Scholar. dated internally to 214/5, has Aur. Ammianos (and probably his wife also—pace ed. pr.) advertising their new status very soon after the promulgation of the Constitutio.

⁴¹ “Sagalassus and Cremna 1986”, AS 37 (1987) 37–47Google Scholar, at 44 (and fig. 3 on p. 45); “Cremna and Sagalassus 1987”, AS 38 (1988) 53–65Google Scholar, at 55. The location of the temples is shown on their map of the site (fig. 1 facing p. 54 in the last-mentioned article).

⁴² AS 37 (1987) 45Google Scholar fig. 3.8.

⁴³ On the Corinthian Style in Asia Minor in the Imperial period see Heilmeyer, W.-D., Korinthische Normalkapitelle. Studien zur Geschichte der römischen Architekturdekoration (MDAI(R) Suppl. 60; Heidelberg, 1970) 78–105Google Scholar, especially 81–3 (Pamphylia; pls. 8.1–4). For flowers on the abacus, as depicted in our relief: pls. 10.1 (Rome), 12.3 (Athens). On the word naos see Price, S. R. F., Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 1984) 134–45Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ AS 10 (1960) 82Google Scholar no. 135; item 3 at the beginning of the present article.

⁴⁵ See Bean's map in AS 9 (1959) 69Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See Weinreich, O., “ΘΕΟΙ ΕΠΗΚΟΟΙ”, MDAI(A) 37 (1912) 1–68Google Scholar. repr. in his Ausgewählte Schriften (Amsterdam, 1969) 1.131–95Google Scholar; Artemis Ephesia at 138–39. nos. 24–6 ( = I.Eph. IV. 1069, where restored to give Hestia Boulaia, not Artemis, so probably should now be discounted; II.504; and IGRR 1.35 [Rome, fairly heavily restored]). To these add now I.Eph. II.505 (restored, but likely).

⁴⁷ AS 37 (1987) 49–53 no. 1Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 52, 79.

⁴⁹ Clinton, K., The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries (Trans. Am. Philos. Soc. n.s. 64.3; Philadelphia, 1974) 95–6, 115Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Cf. Clinton, 79.

⁵¹ See also Clinton, 96 n. 14 for discussion of other literary passages.

⁵² The first two nouns are found especially in texts which include lists of kouretes, e.g., I.Eph. IV. 1015–25, 1028–30, etc. For further references and attestations of the related verb forms (ἱεροφαντέω, ἱεροκηρυκεύω) see the Wortindex, , I.Eph. VIII, 1Google Scholar, s.vv. On the three terms at Athens see Clinton, 10–47, 76–82, and 47–68, respectively.

⁵³ Cf. the stemma ad no. 749, p. 233. No. 573 is likely to be related to this group, although it is not included in the stemma. Nos. 910, 911, and possibly 922 (A.D. III) also concern mysteries of Hermes; all three come from the territory of Termessos. I.Selge 15 (time of Severus Alexander) honours a woman described as ἱεραφάντριαν, but the identity of the mysteries with which she is connected is not clarified.

⁵⁴ Per litt., 17.12.90. Note Cahen, E., Les hymnes de Callimache (Paris, 1930) 89Google Scholar; contra, Picard, C., Ephèse et Claros. Recherches sur les sanctuaires et les cultes de l'Ionie du Nord (Paris, 1922) 359, 470Google Scholar. Cf. McKay, K. J., “Mischief in Kallimachos' Hymn to Artemis”, Mnem. 16 (1963) 243–56, at 244CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ P. A. Butz has kindly drawn my attention (per litt., 14.10.91) to some comparable letter forms which occur across a wider time span, the extremes being II B.C. fin. and early A.D. III. But the relief requires a narrower period within this range, with which her evidence sits comfortably.

⁵⁶ Cf. Geffcken, J., The last days of Greco-Roman Paganism (Europe in the Middle Ages, Selected Studies 8; Amsterdam, 1978) 125Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Zos. 1.69–70, with the new dedication to Probus erected by Marcianus now published by S. Mitchell, no. 10 in the list at the beginning of this article.

⁵⁸ Artemis von Ephesos…, supplemented by his article of the same title in Şahin, S.( et al. ) edd., Studien zur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens (Festschrift F. K. Dörner, 3 vols; EPRO 66; Leiden, 1978), 1.324–58Google Scholar. Artemis Ephesia is dealt with in these works at 1–137 and 330–41, respectively. Henceforth, Fleischer. Note also his essay, “Artemis Ephesia und Aphrodite von Aphrodisias”, in Vermaseren, M. J. (ed.), Die orientalischer Religionen in Römerreich (EPRO 93; Leiden, 1981), 298–315CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Oster, R. E., “Holy days in honour of Artemis”, in Horsley, , New Documents …. IV (1987) 74–82 no. 19, at pp. 79–80Google Scholar; cf. id., “Ephesus as a religious center under the Principate, I. Paganism before Constantine”, ANRW II. 18.3 (1990) 1661–1728, at 1703–6. For several attestations from Macedonia see BE (1958) 303Google Scholar. Two recently-published dedications: SEG 35.934 (Chios, III/II B.C.); and 36.721 (Pantikapaion, VI B.C.).

⁶⁰ Fleischer, 239–41, 404, and map 2. For Selge note also I. Selge 1 (A.D. II).

⁶¹ Mitchell, S., “The Plancii of Asia Minor”, JRS 64 (1974) 27–39Google Scholar (estates shown at 32, fig. 2b). Note further Jones, C. P., “The Plancii of Perge and Diana Planciana at Rome”, HSCP 80 (1976) 231–7Google Scholar, especially 235–7.

⁶² Weiss, P., “Auxe Perge. Beobachtungen zu einem bemerkenswerten stadtischen Dokument des späten 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.”, Chiron 21 (1991) 353–92Google Scholar, especially 357–60. The new reading is .

⁶³ See Fleischer, 233–5 (with pls. 96–8), who doubts the attribution to Cremna for no clear reason.

⁶⁴ Hall, A. S., “A sanctuary of Leto at Oenoanda”, AS 27 (1977) 193–7Google Scholar. at 194 no. 2 (pl. 38b).

⁶⁵ Sokolowski, F., Lois sacrées de l'Asie Mineure (Paris, 1955)Google Scholar no. 73 (sale of a priesthood). For the goddess at Loryma in the Rhodian Peraia see now Blümel, W., Die Inschriften von rhodischen Peraia (IK 38; Bonn, 1991) 21Google Scholar (hellenistic date), with further bibliography on this cult, ad loc.

⁶⁶ Robert, J. and Robert, L., Fouilles d'Amyzon, 63, 64Google Scholar. and fig. 35. The most similar example is the one on the far left of the three shown in fig. 35. Cf. Robert, L., CRAI (1953) 10Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Hanfmann, G. M. A./Waldbaum, J. C., “Kybebe and Artemis. Two Anatolian goddesses at Sardis”, Archaeology 22 (1969) 264–9, at 269Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ CCCA, 1.233 no. 773 (pl. 168).

⁶⁹ Many examples in CCCA.

⁷⁰ E.g., CCCA 2 (Leiden, 1982) 108Google Scholar no. 363 (Athens, IV B.C. fin.; pl. 107).

⁷¹ Fleischer, 84–6 (pl. 58); CCCA 1.114 no. 364 (pl. 80); Naumann, F., Die Ikonographie der Kybele in der phrygischen und der griechischen Kunst (Ist. Mitt. Beiheft 28; Tübingen, 1983) 258–60Google Scholar. Among earlier discussion note especially, Müller, V., “Eine Statuette der Kybele in Wien”, MDAI(R) 34 (1919) 82–106Google Scholar.

⁷² CCCA, 1.139–40 no. 471 (pl. 103 and Frontispiece); TAM V, 1.53.

⁷³ Fleischer, 279–84 (pls. 119–20); TAM V, 1.54. Artemon made another dedication, to Men Axiottenos and Theios, TAM V, 1.524.

⁷⁴ Bammer, A., Das Heiligtum der Artemis von Ephesos (Graz, 1984) 205, 208Google Scholar; cf. 259; id., “Forschungen im Artemision von Ephesos von 1976 bis 1981”, AS 32 (1982) 61–87. at 83–4.

⁷⁵ Keil, J., “Denkmäler des Meter-Kultes”, JÖAI 18 (1915) 66–78Google Scholar; CCCA 1.184–203 nos. 612–85 (with fig. 35 on p. 185 and pls. 131–53); Naumann, 214–16. For a summary of the evidence see now Oster, , ANRW II. 18.3 (1990) 1687–8Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Art cit., 264. On p. 265 they show the plate and a useful line drawing. Full publication of the relief occurs in Hanfmann, G. M. A. / Ramage, N., Sculpture from Sardis: the Finds through 1975 (Arch. Exploration of Sardis, Report 2; Cambridge [Mass.], 1978) 58–60Google Scholar no. 20 (figs. 78–83). The monument is also treated by Hanfmann in id. (ed.), Sardis from Prehistoric to Roman Times (Cambridge [Mass.], 1983) 91 (fig. 93). and listed in CCCA 1.135–36 no. 460 (pl. 101), which also includes further bibliography. See also Naumann, 212–14.

⁷⁷ Hanfmann/Waldbaum, 265. See Hanfmann/Ramage, fig. 79 for a reconstructed drawing of the representation of the naiskos.

⁷⁸ Hanfmann, Sardis from Prehistoric to Roman Times, 91.

⁷⁹ Hanfmann/Ramage, 55–6 no. 17 (figs. 70, 71); cf. Hanfmann, , Sardis from Prehistoric to Roman Times, 91Google Scholar (fig. 159).

⁸⁰ The text has been revised most recently by Masson, O.. “L'inscription d'Ephèse relative aux condamnés à mort de Sardes (I.Ephesos 2)”, REG 100 (1987) 225–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For other recent bibliography see SEG 36.1011.

⁸¹ Herrmann, P., “Rom und die Asylie griechischer Heiligtümer: Eine Urkunde des Dictators Caesar aus Sardeis”, Chiron 19 (1989) 126–64Google Scholar.

⁸² SEG 6.718; CCCA 1.227–28 no. 754.

⁸³ E.g., Fleischer, 111–12, 135, with pls. 3, 4, 8, 11, 12, 14, 15, 18, 19, 24–6; id., “Artemis Ephesia und Aphrodite von Aphrodisias”. 305. As these plates show, all three statues of Artemis found in the Prytaneion at Ephesos include this feature.

⁸⁴ These texts have been included most recently in Merkelbach, R./Şahin, S., “Die publizierten Inschriften von Perge”, EA 11 (1988) 97–170Google Scholar, nos. 29, 36.5–9 and 37.5–9, respectively (pp. 120, 122–3; for the first two cf. SEG 38.1395; for the last, SEG 38.1397).

⁸⁵ The date suggested in CCCA 1.435, “possibly early second century A.D.”, is too early.

⁸⁶ Buresch, K., Aus Lydien. Epigraphisch-geographische Reisefrüchte (Leipzig, 1898Google Scholar; repr. Subsidia Epigraphica 7; Hildesheim, 1977) 69–70; Radet, G., “Recherches sur la géographie ancienne de l'Asie Mineure, III”, REA 6 (1904) 277–319, at 307–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., “Basrelief méonien représentant Artémis entre Déméter et Niké”, REA 7 (1905) 1–2 (pl. 1); Fleischer, 199; CCCA 1.145–6 no. 485 (pl. 107), with additional bibliography; Vermaseren, , Cybele and Attis. The Myth and the Cult (London, 1977) 30Google Scholar (pl. 16). I am grateful to Mlle C. Metzger for her readiness to allow me to reproduce the photograph here, and for its prompt provision.

⁸⁷ For statues of gods being identified as other divinities cf. Petzl, G., “Vier Inschriften aus Lydien”, in Şahin, S. et al. (edd.), Studien zur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens. Festschrift für F. K. Dörner…, 2.745–61, at 756–61 no. 4Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Fleischer, 304–5.

⁸⁹ ANRW II. 18.3.1705. Further discussion of the passage, focusing on the role of Delphi in the incident, occurs in Malkin, I., Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece (Studies in Greek and Roman Religion 3; Leiden, 1987) 69–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁰ Al-Salihi, W., “The ‘Weary Hercules’ of Mesene”, Mesopotamia 22 (1987) 159–67Google Scholar; F. A. Pennacchietti, “L'iscrizione bilingue greco-partica dell' Eracle di Seleucia”. ibid., 169–85. Further bibliography at SEG 37.1403. I am grateful to L. McKenzie for drawing this recent find to my attention.

⁹¹ Al-Salihi, 165.

⁹² Αγαλμα most commonly refers to a marble statue of a god or a hero, in contrast to an ἄνδριας, the customary word for a statue of a mortal, though admittedly this distinction became increasingly blurred in the Imperial period. Cf. Horsley, . AS 37 (1987) 72–3Google Scholar. with references ad loc.

⁹³ See, e.g., Gibson, E., The “Christians for Christians” Inscriptions of Phrygia (Harvard Theological Studies 32; Missoula, 1978)Google Scholar pl. 17; Waelkens, M., Die kleinasiatischen Türsteine (Mainz am Rhein, 1986)Google Scholar pls. 2, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 58. 59, 74, 75, 82; and above all Pfuhl, E. / Möbius, H.. Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs (2 vols; Mainz am Rhein, 1977–1979), vol. 1 pls. 35–48, 57–9, 75–81, 85–103, 124. 125, 130–2, 156Google Scholar; vol. 2 pls. 171–3, 235, 249–53, 300, 301, 304, 305.

⁹⁴ See Speyer, W., Bücherfunde in der Glaubenswerbung der Antike (Göttingen, 1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 17–19, 23–42; id., Der literarische Fälschung im heidnischen und christlichen Altertum (Munich, 1971) 67–70.

⁹⁵ See discussion in Horsley, , New Documents …, 1.29–32 no. 6.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Cf. Picard, , Ephèse et Claros…, 287–302Google Scholar. After this article was all but complete, R. A. Kearsley kindly allowed me to see an advanced draft of an article. “The mysteries of Artemis at Ephesus”, which has now been included in Llewellyn, S., New Documents …, VI (North Ryde, 1992), 196–202 no. 29Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ I.Eph. 11.213 (petition to the proconsul, A.D. 88/9) relates to Demeter Karpophoros, Thesmophoros, and the Imperial cult. Text repr. in Horsley, , New Documents…, IV.94–5 no. 22Google Scholar.

I.Eph. 11.275, honorific text for Hadrian set up by the mystai of Dionysos. This group is probably to be identified with the mystery cult of Demeter and Dionysos Phleos attested in V.I595 (Commodus). An earlier inscription, IV. 1270 (Domitian or Trajan), is also connected with the group. Three other very fragmentary lists of officials and members may well be associated with the same group: V.I600 (II/III; = FiE IX, 1.1.D5), 1601 (Hadrian). and 1602 (date unspecified, though clearly Imperial).

I.Eph. II.293, the mystai of Dionysos honour Commodus. It is possible that IV. 1250. a three-word fragment, relates to the same cult (see edd. n., ad loc.).

I.Eph. IV. 1060 (A.D. III init., after 214/15?; = FiE IX, 1.1.C1), relates to Demeter, Kore, et al. While the kouretes are connected with this text from the Prytaneion, which might suggest a link with Artemis Ephesia, she is not specifically included among the list of six named deities and “all the gods” in a thanksgiving by a priestess who performed the mysteries. If it is to be included, so also might 1077 for similar reasons.

I.Eph. IV.1077Google Scholar (question to an oracle?—very fragmentary; A.D. 211/12; = FiE IX. 1.1.D3), appears to concern Demeter, Kore, et al. See above on 1060.

I.Eph. IV. 1080aGoogle Scholar (fragmentary honorific text, A.D. III init.; = FiE IX, 1.1.N6), restoration very conjectural given the small amount of lettering which survives.

I.Eph. IV. 1202Google Scholar (A.D. III), dedication by a brother and sister who describe themselves as (ll. 4–6).

I.Eph. VI.2913Google Scholar, too fragmentary to be sure of having contained a reference to mysteries, despite the restoration.

I.Eph. VII, 1.3252Google Scholar (at Tire; foundation document, c. 140 A.D.), concerns mysteries of Demeter.

JÖAI 59 (1989) Beiblatt 181–2Google Scholar no. 14 is very fragmentary: even if [πάντα]… is accepted as a restoration (ll. 1–2), there is nothing to determine which deity is associated with these mysteries.

The sole two occurrences of μυστικός in I.Eph. are in Christian texts: Ia.45. and IV. 1284.

⁹⁸ Cf. Oliver, J. H., The Sacred Gerusia (Hesperia Suppl. 6; Princeton, 1941) 96–100Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Bammer, , Das Heiligtum der Artemis…, 209, 210, 251 (pls. 86, 139)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Text repr. and discussed by Oster in Horsley, , New Documents…, IV.74–82 no. 19Google Scholar, esp. pp. 80–1. Part C of the inscription has also been treated recently by Jung, U. / Petzl, G., “Brief eines englischen Levante-Kaufmanns aus dem Jahr 1678: Epigraphisches (Ephesos), Landeskundliches, Alltägliches”, EA 9 (1987) 97–108Google Scholar. For further bibliography, see SEG 35.1106.

¹⁰¹ Burkert, W., Ancient Mystery Cults (Cambridge [Mass.], 1987)Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Burkert, 10–11.

¹⁰³ A range of such works is usefully analysed iconographically in Bianchi, U., The Greek Mysteries (Iconography of Religions 17.3; Leiden, 1976)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ See especially Robert, L., A travers l'Asie Mineure (Paris. 1980) 393–421Google Scholar; Fox, R. Lane, Pagans and Christians (Harmondsworth. 1986) 241–50Google Scholar; Jones, C. P., Culture and Society in Lucian (Cambridge [Mass.], 1986) 133–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Burkert, 70.

¹⁰⁶ Sokolowski, F., Lois sacrées des cités grecques (Paris, 1969) no. 65.11–13Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Lane, E. N., Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Dei Menis (4 vols. EPRO 19; Leiden, 1971–1978) 1.8–10Google Scholar (pl. 10), with discussion at 3.7–16. Cf. Horsley, . New Documents…, III (1983) 20–6Google Scholar no. 6.

¹⁰⁸ I acknowledge the opportunity to use the Ibycus Computer at Macquarie University to search the TLG CDs, and extend particular thanks to R. R. E. Cook for facilitating my work in this connection.

¹⁰⁹ Cf. Hanhart, R., Tobit (VTG 8.5; Göttingen, 1983) 48Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ The Princeton Epigraphic Project, led by D. F. McCabe, has been actively working towards this goal, and its material is now available for Ionia and Caria. But the project ceased activity in mid-1991.

¹¹¹ Inscr. Delos 6 (1937) 1783Google Scholar is a three-line dedication beneath a statue of Aphrodite, Eros, and Pan (c. 100 B.C.), with a line of blue-painted letters between two lines highlighted in red. This information is not provided in the publication, but the colour is still very visible on the monument which is displayed in the National Museum in Athens (inv. no. 3335). Similarly, Vanderlip, V. F., The Four Greek Hymns of Isidorus and the Cult of Isis (ASP 12; Toronto, 1972)Google Scholar, indicates that three of these texts had a line of lettering, highlighted in blue between two red lines of text, while the reverse was applied to hymn no. 3. Commenting on a review of this monograph, BE (1974) 692Google Scholar provides succinctly a considerable number of further references to the use of paint on inscriptions. Note subsequently Lambrinudakis, W. / Wörrle, M., “Ein hellenistisches Reformgesetz über das öffentliche Urkundenwesen von Paros”, Chiron 13 (1983) 283–368Google Scholar, at 284 (second quarter of II B.C.; cf. SEG 33.679). The odd-numbered lines of this long inscription preserve traces of red. The editors suggest (284 n. 4) that the even numbered lines were probably painted blue. SEG 34.1259–1260 ( = I.Klaudiupolis [IK 31; Bonn, 1986]70) provide further instances: the lettering of each second line of this pair of consolation texts from Bithynion-Klaudiopolis was painted red (A.D. I). Red paint was used to mark out initial letters of new sections of texts reinscribed on the archive wall at Aphrodisias in A.D. II/III: Reynolds, J. M., Aphrodisias and Rome (JRS Monograph 1; London, 1982) 36Google Scholar. It is occasionally attested in that city, too, in the later period: Roueché, C., Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity (JRS Monograph 5; London, 1989) 126Google Scholar. For black lines alternating with red note Daux, G., “Inscriptions de Delphes”, BCH 78 (1954) 368–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 374 (no. 3).

¹¹² E.g., I.Smyrna II, 1.662 (A.D. II fin./III init.,; pl. 13 in vol. II. 2).

¹¹³ BE (1974) 692, p. 327Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Curtius, E., “Kybelerelief von der ionischen Küste”, MDAI(A) 2 (1877) 48–52Google Scholar (pl. 3).

¹¹⁵ Fleischer, 28; cf. 82. Q.v. Heinzel, E., “Zum Kult der Artemis von Ephesos”. JÖAI 50 (1971–1973) Hauptblatt 243–51, at 248Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ For the following section I acknowledge the advice of G. H. McDowell (School of Agriculture, La Trobe University).

¹¹⁷ Broderick, A. H. (ed.), Animals in Archaeology (London, 1972) 43Google Scholar (Mesopotamian monuments), 47 (cylinder seals from the Indus valley), 71 (imported to Egypt from Asia in the New Kingdom period). Fig. 35 shows a zebu and other types of cattle on a wall painting from Egyptian Thebes, c. 1400 B.C.

¹¹⁸ Fraser, A., The Bull (Reading, 1972) 148Google Scholar; Joshi, N. R., Types and Breeds of African Cattle (FAO Agricultural Studies 37; Rome, 1957) 8Google Scholar fig. 3, 83, 95, etc.

¹¹⁹ See now Mitchell, S., “The hellenization of Pisidia”, MeditArch 4 (1991) 119–45Google Scholar, especially 144.