¹ Cf. his A History of Metallurgy (London, 1976)Google Scholar. For discussion and references I am grateful to M. R. Broome, Archibald Dunn, Dr John Haldon, Bruce Lippard, Professor Victor Ménage, Dr Michael Metcalf, Susan Mossman, Professor R. E. F. Smith, David Winfield, and a meeting of the Royal Numismatic Society, London, 16 March 1982. I thank Mrs Gaye Bye for typing.

² B. A. R. International Series 74. Cf. his “Metal resources in ancient Anatolia,” Anatolian Studies, 28 (1978), 97–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Cf. his Byzantium: its internal history and relations with the Muslim world (London, 1971)Google Scholar, Collected Studies, VI.

⁴ Vryonis, , “Mines,” 17Google Scholar.

⁵ Nicétas Magistros, Lettres d'un Exilé (928–946), ed. Westerink, L. G. (Paris, 1973), 65Google Scholar; Argonautica, II, 1002–8Google Scholar; Gordus, A. A. and Metcalf, D. M., “The alloy of the Byzantine miliaresion and the question of the reminting of Islamic silver,“ Hamburger Beiträge zur Numismatik, 24/26 (1970–1972), 17Google Scholar.

⁶ Vryonis's evidence for Byzantine mines has been restated by Lilie, R.-J., Die Byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber (MunichGoogle Scholar, Miscellanea Byzantina Monacensia, 22, 1976), 258–62Google Scholar, who tabulates references to gold, silver, copper, iron and lead in the Balkans and Anatolia. The list uses secondary sources and is incomplete for late medieval mining in the Balkans, but shows that direct contemporary evidence for mines worked by Byzantines after the seventh century may be reduced to:

GOLD. Anatolia: none. Balkans: Transylvania/Bulgaria in 11th c.

SILVER. Anatolia: Amaseia (Amasya) in 12th c.; Argyropolis-Gümüşhane in 13th c. Balkans: none.

COPPER. Anatolia: Cyprus in 10th c.; Eastern Anatolia in 10th–12th c. Balkans: none.

IRON. Anatolia: none. Balkans: Chalkidike in 10th c.

LEAD. Anatolia: none. Balkans: none.

Infuriatingly, Lilie gives inadequate references; if that for Amaseian silver is to Abul Feda, it must be moved out of the Byzantine period. See Géographie d'Aboulfeda, edd. Reinaud, M. and de Slane, M. (Paris, 1840), 383Google Scholar, cf. Vryonis, , “Mines”, 7 and n. 35Google Scholar. This may refer to the galena deposit at Gümüş: de Jesus, , Anatolia, 263Google Scholar. The evidence for the silver of Argyropolis-Gümüşhane is discounted below. I have also eliminated evidence for silver mining in Armenia, the Caucasus and the Tauros under Arab domination. In his “The circulation of silver in the Moslem East down to the Mongol epoch,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 2 (1937), 291–310CrossRefGoogle Scholar, R. P. Blake postulated that a cause for a Muslim silver famine from the tenth to thirteenth century was that these eastern Anatolian silver mines had been lost to the Byzantines, but there is no evidence that they actually worked them then: indeed the indications are against, for while Basil II's conquests in Armenia, the Caucasus and Taron (where mines had been attested) come largely after c. 1000, P. Grierson finds that the bulk, if not all, of his silver coinage comes before that date: “The gold and silver coinage of Basil II,” American Numismatic Society Museum Notes, 13 (1967), 167–87Google Scholar.

⁷ For the state of research, see Morrisson, C., “Projets de recherche et nouveaux aspects dans les sciences auxiliaires,” XVI. Internationaler ByzantinistenkongressGoogle Scholar, Akten, I, i = Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik, 31/1 (1981), 106Google Scholar; and Metcalf, D. M., “Analyses of the metal contents of medieval coins,” in Methods of chemical and metallurgical investigation of ancient coinage, edd. Hall, E. T. and Metcalf, D. M. (London, Royal Numismatic Society Special Publication 8, 1972), 383–434Google Scholar. According to Erica Dodd, C., Byzantine silver stamps (Washington D.C., Dumbarton Oaks Studies 7, 1961), 21, 32–33Google Scholar, the practice of five-stamp hallmarking Byzantine silver began breaking down from 621 and ended in 641–51.

⁸ Cf. Oikonomidès, N., “Quelques remarques sur le scellement à la cire des actes impériaux byzantins (VIIIe–IVe s.),” Zbornik of the Philosophical Faculty of Belgrade, 14 (1979), 123–28Google Scholar. There is a cluster of lead deposits in north-west Bithynia which would have been lost about 1300: see de Jesus, Anatolia, map 12; cf. Tylecote, , Metallurgy, 76Google Scholar.

⁹ Guillou, A., Siderokausia I. Recherches d'anthropologie Byzantine. La civilisation matérielle à Siderokausia II … Les fouilles de 1976. Rapport préliminaire (Paris, E.P.H.E.S.S., 1977Google Scholar), the same's Siderokausia II … Les fouilles de 1978 (Paris, 1979)Google Scholar; Clark, E. D., Travels in various countries of Europe Asia and Africa, Part 2, Section 3, III (London, 1816), 411–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kocaer, R., Osmanlı Altınları. Gold coins of the Ottoman empire (İstanbul, 1967), 70–4Google Scholar nos 49–65, 82–3 nos. 97–8, 91–2 nos. 131–2 for gold coins of Sidrekapsi 1520–74.

¹⁰ Cf. Beldiceanu, N., Les actes des premiers sultans conservés dans les manuscrits turcs de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris. II: Règlements miniers, 1390–1512 (Paris-La Haye, Documents et Recherches VII, 1964)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Mt. ‘Realgar’: “in addition to the painfulness of the work, they say that the air in the mines is both deadly and hard to endure on account of the grievous odour of the ore, so that the workmen are doomed to a quick death”: Strabo, , Geography, XII, iii, 40Google Scholar; tr. H. L. Jones, (London—Cambridge Mass., 1969), V, 450–1. Mt. Sandarakourgion lay in the district of Pompeiopolis (Taşköprü—but the early Byzantine site is evidently 8 km. east–north-east at Kizlar Kale, Zimballı, which would repay further investigation). Mt. Sandarakourgion appears to correspond better with Ovacık-Hasandeğin than Gümüş which de Jesus, , Anatolia, 90–7 and map 11, prefersGoogle Scholar.

¹² If we were limited to documentary sources, medieval evidence for Pontic copper might be limited to an old copper cauldron worth 8 aspers which was willed in Vazelon Act 79 of 1260, in Uspenskij, F. and Beneshevich, V. V., Actes de Bazélon (Leningrad, 1927); 47Google Scholar; and to a couple of stewpots bought by Walter and Jak the cook for the English embassy which passed through Trebizond in 1292: Desimoni, C., “I conti dell' ambasciata al Chan di Persia nel 1292,” Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria, 13 (1884), 598–669Google Scholar. De Jesus offers copper mines “said” to have been worked by Genoese (who are locally credited with much, most improbably mining) around Kerasous (Giresun) and Rhizaion (Rize) and medieval workings at Mourgoule (where a wooden shovel is dated by C-14 to 316 B.C.±). Mourgoule lay on the Byzantine and Trapezuntine eastern borders from the tenth century until the 1390s, when it passed to the Saatabago, which took furious beatings from the Mongols and Akkoyunlular before the Ottomans reached it by 1552. See, e.g., Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio, ed. Moravcsik, Gy., tr. Jenkins, R. J. H. (Washington, D.C., 1967), 220Google Scholar; Oikonomidès, N., Les listes de prèsèance Byzantines des IXe et Xe siècles (Paris, 1972), 260, 269, 362Google Scholar; Woods, J. F., The Aqquyunlu. Clan, confederation, empire. A study in 15th/9th-century Turko-Iranian politics (Minneapolis-Chicago, 1976), 48, 100–4, 151Google Scholar. In our forthcoming Dumbarton Oaks Study of The Byzantine monuments and topography of the Pontos, section XVII, David Winfield and I publish a late Byzantine church at Fol Maden, 22 km. due south of Kireşon (Kirazlık), which appears to correspond with an unnamed site no. 55 of possible prehistoric or ancient copper workings in the Pontos in de Jesus, Anatolia, map 9. At nearby Yortun (Kürtün), in the Philabonites (Harşit) valley, which has a medieval castle, Hamilton found 6,700 men slaving in a copper mine, 34 of which are reported as being worked in the sancak of Trabzon later in the century: Hamilton, W. J., Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus and Armenia (London, 1842), I, 259Google Scholar; Cuinet, V., La Turquie d'Asie (Paris, 1890), I, 56–8, 68Google Scholar. Does all this add up to more than a possibility that Byzantines mined Pontic copper?

¹³ “Cette éradication, cette manie de changement abolit un passé national, tout comme un bulldozer qui détruit une nécropole ou un édifice”: Jeanne, and Robert, L., “La persistance de la toponymie Antique dans l'Anatolie,” in La Toponymie Antique (Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg, 12-14 juin 1975Google Scholar, travaux du Centre de recherche sur le Proche-Orient et la Grèce Antiques, Universitè des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg, 4 (Leyden, n.d.), 62.

¹⁴ Xenophon, , Anabasis, V, iii, 2Google Scholar; Kinneir, J. M., Journey through Asia Minor, Armenia and Koordistan in the years 1813 and 1814 (London, 1818), 333–4Google Scholar; Hamilton, , Researches, I, 250–1Google Scholar; Chrysanthos (Philippides, Metropolitan of Trebizond), “He ekklesia Trapezountos,” Archeion Pontou, 4–5 (1933). 85Google Scholar

¹⁵ Anonymous periplus, 36, in Baschmakoff, A., La synthèse des périples Pontiques (Paris, 1948), 122–3Google Scholar; Bryer and Winfield, Pontos, section XVII.

¹⁶ Arrian, 23, in Baschmakoff, , Synthèse, 96–7Google Scholar; Bryer and Winfield, Pontos, section XI. The monastery of St. Phokas held an iron-rich estate at Tzampourou (= ? Çam Burunu on Cape Jason): see Halkin, F., Auctarium Bibliothecae Hagiographicae Graecae (Brussels, Subsidia Hagiographica 47, 1969), 194 no. 2047tGoogle Scholar; Bryer, A., “Greeks and Türkmens: the Pontic exception,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 29 (1975)CrossRefGoogle Scholar = The empire of Trebizond and the Pontos (London, 1980)Google Scholar, Collected Studies, V, 124 n. 32Google Scholar.

¹⁷ de Planhol, X., “Geographica Pontica: (ii) Les Khalybes. Nom de peuple ou qualicatif professionel?” Journal Asiatique, 251 (1963), 300–9Google Scholar; Panaretos, Michael, Peri ton Megalon Komnenon, ed. Lampsides, O. (Athens, 1958), 63, 73, 80Google Scholar; Lazaropoulos, Joseph in Sbornik istochnikov po istorii Trapezundskoy imperii, ed. Papadop, A.(o)ulo(s)-Kerameus, I (all published) (St. Petersburg, 1897Google Scholar; reprinted Amsterdam, 1965), 61; Bryer, A., “The estates of the Empire of Trebizond. Evidence for their resources, products, agriculture, ownership and location,” Archeion Pontou, 35 (1979)Google Scholar = Collected Studies VII, 395 n. 1Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Argonautica, II, 1002–8Google Scholar; cf. I, 1323, II, 375, IV, 1475; tr. R. C. Seaton (Cambridge Mass.-London, 1961), 171.

¹⁹ Geography, XII, iii, 19Google Scholar; tr. Jones, V, 402–3; Magie, D., Roman rule in Asia Minor to the end of the third century after Christ (Princeton, 1950), I, 179, 186Google Scholar; II, 1068–9, 1213.

²⁰ Ed. Westerink, 31, 65.

²¹ “E en el puerto junto conla mar auia vnas pocas de casas de ferrerías; e en aquel derecho dela caua, echaua el mar vna arena negra, menuda, e allegauan la, e fazian della fierro”: Embajada a Tamorlán, ed. F. L. Estrada (Madrid, 1943), 73; tr. Le Strange, G., Clavijo, Ruy Gonzales, His embassy from Henry III of Castille to Tamburlaine the Great at Samarkand, 1403–1406 (London, 1928), 108Google Scholar.

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²³ Ed. Westerink, 65.

²⁴ Cf. the “Farmers' Law” in Ashburner, W., Journal of Hellenic Studies, 30 (1910), 85–108CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 32 (1912), 86–95, articles 22, 62; Nesbitt, J. W., Mechanisms of agricultural production on estates of Byzantine praktika (University of Wisconsin, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1972), 112–14Google Scholar; Kaplan, M., “Quelques remarques sur les paysages agraires Byzantins (VIème siècle—milieu Xlème siècle),” Revue du Nord, 62 (1980), 155–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Magoulias, H., “Trades and crafts as viewed in the lives of the Saints,” Byzantinoslavica, 37 (1976), 16–17, 22–3Google Scholar (for blacksmiths); Tueoteoi, T., “Le travail manuel dans les typika Byzantins des Xle–XIIIe siècles,” Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes, 17 (1979). 455–62Google Scholar; and my forthcoming “Digging in Byzantium,” in a Festschrift for Ihor Shevchenko.

²⁵ See Haldon, J. F., Tagmata (forthcoming), chapter V, n. 197Google Scholar; de Jesus, , Anatolia, 100Google Scholar; Tylecote, , Metallurgy, 41Google Scholar.

²⁶ Festugière, A. J., Vie de Théodore de Sykéon (Paris, 1970), 25–26, 31Google Scholar.

²⁷ Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, De Caerimoniis aulae Byzantine, I, C.S.H.B., 664–78Google Scholar.

²⁸ Hamilton, , Researches, I, 234–38Google Scholar; “Journal du père Monier d'Erzeron à Trébizonde,” in Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, II (Lyon, 1819), 373–80Google Scholar; Bryer, A. and Winfield, D., “Nineteenth-century monuments in the city and vilayet of Trebizond: architectural and historical notes, Part 3,” Archeion Pontou, 30 (1970), 324–50Google Scholar.

²⁹ Cf. Smyth, W. W., A year with the Turks, or sketches of travel in the European and Asiatic dominions of the Sultan (New York, 1854), 105Google Scholar; Bryer, A., “The Pontic revival and the New Greece,” in Hellenism and the First Greek War of Independence (1821–1839), ed. Diamandouros, N. P. et al. (Thessaloniki, 1976)Google Scholar = Collected Studies, XII, 177–78Google Scholar. But charcoal-burning for localised smelting can be no more the scapegoat for the deforestation of Anatolia than the goat itself: see Brice, W. C., “The Turkish colonization of Anatolia,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 38 (1955–1956), 27–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Willcox, G. H., “A history of deforestation as indicated by charcoal analysis of four sites in eastern Anatolia,” Anatolian Studies, 24 (1974), 117–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³¹ Desimoni, , “Chan,” 552–3, 572, 594–5Google Scholar; The book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian concerning the kingdoms and marvels of the East, tr. and ed. Yule, H. and Cordier, H., I (London, 1929), 46, 49 n.3Google Scholar; Polo, Marco, The description of the world ed. Moule, A. C. and Pelliot, P., I (London, 1938), 21Google Scholar: “The others are Argiron which is great, [and] a very great quantity of silver is dug there …”, 22; II, vi: “… & in quodam castro quod uocatur paperth est maxima argentera & inuenitur hoc castrum eundo de trapesunda in thauris.” It is presumably one of the three Turkish silver mines in de Saint Quentin, Simon, Histoire des Tartares, ed. Richard, J. (Paris, 1965), 68Google Scholar. Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah, ed. Defrémery, C. and Sanguinetti, B. R., II (Paris, 1949), 293Google Scholar; The travels of Ibn Battuta, tr. Gibb, H. A. R., II (Cambridge, 1962), 436–37Google Scholar (in fact a visit to the future site of Gümüşhane would have involved Ibn Battutah in a considerable detour, while the “Kumish” he did visit lay not in, but two days away from what are evidently the Pontic Alps). Al-Umari's Bericht über Anatolien in seinem Werke Masalik alabsar fi mamalik al-amsar, ed. Taeschner, F. (Leipzig, 1929), 20Google Scholar (referring to A.H.733). Vryonis, “Mines,” 8–9; Bryer, A., “The fate of George Komnenos, ruler of Trebizond (1266–1280),” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 66 (1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar = Collected Studies, IV, 347 and n. 76Google Scholar; Lilie, , Reaktion, 259Google Scholar; Drews, R., “The earliest Greek settlements on the Black Sea,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, 96 (1976), 28CrossRefGoogle Scholar, most recently repeats that “In Marco Polo's time the town was called Argyropolis.” Gümüşkar (Maden) will be discussed in David Winfield's chapter on “Routes” in Bryer and Winfield, Pontos. It may be the Ma-adin an-nuhas referred to by al-Muqaddasi in Honigmann, E., “Une itinéraire arabe à travers le Pont,” Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientates, 4 (Brussels, 1936), 263, 266Google Scholar; cf. von Hammer, J., Histoire de l'empire Ottoman, tr. Hellert, J. J., IV (Paris, 1836), 211, 435Google Scholar; van Lennep, H., Travels in little-known parts of Asia Minor: with illustrations of Biblical literature and researches in archaeology (London, 1870), 216–17Google Scholar; de Zambaur, E., Die Münzprägungen des Islams. Zeitlich und örtlich geordnet. (Wiesbaden, 1968)Google Scholar, s.v. Hacci Köy. The place seems to have escaped de Jesus, Anatolia. I am grateful to Mr M. R. Broome for information on Seljuk mints. On Bayburt, the conclusions of Winfield, D., “A note on the south-eastern borders of the empire of Trebizond in the thirteenth century,” Anatolian Studies, 12 (1962), 163–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar are emended in Bryer and Winfield, Pontos, section XXVIII.

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³⁴ Miroǧlu, I., Bayburt Sancagı (İstanbul, 1975), 86–93, esp. 89Google Scholar and maps possibly identifying Kaledere with Canca, but it is difficult to see how a place with a population of 15 Muslims and 12 Christians, producing wheat, barley and melons in the defter of 1591 could become Şaraf al-Din's great town producing silver by 1598: see Chèref-nameh ou Fastes de la nation Kourde par Chèref-ou'ddîne, prince de Bidlîs, I, i (St. Petersburg, 1868Google Scholar; reprinted Farnborough, 1969), 187, 189 and 549 n. 365. Bryer and Winfield, Pontos, section XXII, follow M. P. Borit (sic: his real name was Briot, P.), “Identification of Mount Théchès of Xenophon,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, 40 (1870), 464Google Scholar, in ascribing the site on the Kanis between Tzanicha and Kovans at Zindanlar Arazı, still called Murathanoğulları, to Murat IV (1611–40), but Şaraf al-Din reveals that it must be named after the sixteenth-century family. Panaretos, ed. Lampsides, 74; İnalcık, H., s.v. “Dar al-Ḍarb, EI², II, 118bGoogle Scholar, using (he kindly tells me) the Başvekalet Arşivi, İstanbul, Fakete no. 288, for the unpublished firman; for the coins, see Şevket, Ş., Trabzon tarihi, I (İstanbul, 1294/1875–1876), 113Google Scholar; Kocaer, , Osmanlı Altınları, 47Google Scholar (where Çanica and Hance, but not Canca, are equated with Gümüşhane), 68 no. 41 (gold of 1520), 80 no. 89 (gold of 1568), 88 nos. 116 and 117 (gold of 1574); Etem, H., Meskukatı Osmaniye (İstanbul, 1334/1915–1916)Google Scholar, no. 872 (gold of 1520), no. 1110 (gold of 1566), nos. 115–16 (silver of 1566), nos. 1256–66 (gold of 1574), nos. 1267–78 (silver of 1574). The mint does not appear to be commonly found.

³⁵ Çelebi, Evliya, Şeyahatnâmesi, I (İstanbul, 1314/1895–1896), 566Google Scholar: “The Ottoman mints in order are … Erzurum, Sivas, Canica, Gümüşhane … These are in Anatolia.” Eighteenth-century Greek pilgrim transliterations of Gümüşhane in colophons in Colwell, E. C., The four gospels of Karahisar, I (Chicago, 1936), 33–93Google Scholar. On the place thereafter, see Oikonomides, D., “Argyropolis,” Archeion Pontou, 3 (1931), 145–94Google Scholar; Bryer, and Winfield, , “Nineteenth-century monuments. Part 3,” Archeion Pontou, 30 (1970), 334Google Scholar.

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³⁸ Blake, , “Circulation,” 328Google Scholar; Gordus, A. A. and Metcalf, D. M., “Non-destructive chemical analysis of the Byzantine silver coinage of Trebizond,” Archeion Pontou, 33 (1976), 32Google Scholar; Atwell, W. S., “International bullion flows and the Chinese economy, ca. 1530–1650,” Past & Present, 95 (1982), 68–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ Average weights and exchange rates are summarized in graphs in Bryer, A., The society and institutions of the empire of Trebizond (Oxford, unpublished D.Phil thesis, 1967), figs. 27–31Google Scholar, drawing on the Goodacre Collection (Heberden Coin Room, Ashmolean Museum), Ratto, R., Monnaies byzantines et d'autres pays contemporains à l'époque Byzantine (Amsterdam, 1959), 123–4Google Scholar; Retowski, O., Die Münzen der Komnenen von Trapezunt (Moscow, 1910)Google Scholar; Sabatier, J., Description générale des monnaies Byzantines, II (Paris, 1862), 306–37Google Scholar; the Whitting Collection (now Barber Institute Collection, University of Birmingham, where my own aspers have joined it); and Wroth, W., Catalogue of the coins of the Vandals … and of … Trebizond (London, 1911), 230–310Google Scholar. It would be meaningless to offer more precise figures until M. Kuršanskis's eagerly awaited Corpus of Trapezuntine coins is completed. Cf. Larsen, M. D. H., “The metralogy of the coins of Trebizond,” Seaby's Coin and Medal Bulletin (July 1955), 270–1Google Scholar. On Mongol money, see Seifeddini, M. A., Monety Il'khanov XIV veta (Baku, 1968)Google Scholar, and Smith, J. M. Jr, “The silver currency of Mongol Iran,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 12 (1969), 16–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Exchange rates in Schilbach, , Metrologie, 125Google Scholar; Zakythinos, D. A., Crise monétaire et crise economique à Byzance du XIIIe et XIVe siècle (Athens, 1948)Google Scholar. On analysis, see Gordus, and Metcalf, , “Miliaresion,” 20Google Scholar; and the sames' “Trebizond,” 33–35, which may be summarized thus:

⁴⁰ Panaretos, ed. Lampsides, 63–79; Papadopoulos-Kerameus, , Sbornik, 12–14, 31Google Scholar. For Şinır, see: al-Din, Saraf, Chèref-nameh, I, i, 187–88Google Scholar; Miroglu, , Bayburt, 63–64Google Scholar; Woods, , Aqquyunlu, 46, 48, 65, 67, 239 n. 35Google Scholar. Zachariadou, Elizabeth A., “Trebizond and the Turks (1352–1402),” Archeion Pontou, 35 (1979), 335, 339, 349 nn. 1 and 2Google Scholar, took me to task over identifications of Golacha and Koukos in Bryer, , Collected Studies, V, 143–6Google Scholar, after I had come to the conclusions now presented, which will be developed in Bryer and Winfield, Pontos, section XXII; I am grateful to her for drawing my attention to Sinır, which does not figure in section XXII; Koukos does, but not the identification of it with “Küǧi Trabizon,” which she proposes “one can safely assume” is Golacha, citing Turan, O., Istanbul'un fethinden önce yazılmiş Tarihi Takvimler (Ankara, (1954), 81Google Scholar. Sinır is a candidate for Sinoria in Strabo, , Geography, XII, iii, 28Google Scholar; see Blau, O., “Aphorismen alter und neuer Ortskunde Klein-Asiens,” in Petermann, , Mitheilungen (Gotha, 1865), 252Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Arrian, 24, in Baschmakoff, , Synthèse, 96–97Google Scholar; Hamilton, , Researches, I, 258–60Google Scholar; Kinneir, , Journey, 332Google Scholar; Sakkas, G., He historia ton Hellenon tes Tripoleos tou Pontou (Nikaia, 1957), 2Google Scholar; Panaretos, ed. Lampsides, 79; Vazelon Act 50 of 1268.

^41a For this method and its potential, see Gale, N. H. and Stos-Gale, Z. A., “Cycladic lead and silver metallurgy,” Annual of the British School at Athens, 76 (1981), 169–224CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴² Cahen, C., “L'alun avant Phocée. Un chapitre d'histoire économique islamo-chrétienne autemps des Croisades,” Revue d'Histoire Économique et Sociale, 41 (1963), 433–47Google Scholar; the same's Pre-Ottoman Turkey (London, 1968), 160–1Google ScholarHeyd, W., Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen Age, II (Leipzig, 1886Google Scholar; Amsterdam, 1967), 565–71.

⁴³ The Marseilles-Cyprus treaty in Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani ed. Röhricht, R. (Innsbruck, 1893), 280 no. 1071Google Scholar; and Mayer, H. E., Marseilles Levantehandel und ein akkonensisches Fälscheratelier des 13. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1971)Google Scholar, appendix 10. Cahen, , “L'alun,” 440–41Google Scholar writes: “A vraidire, j'ignore si'il peut se trouver aucune attestation de l'expoitation byzantine [sc. of alum] à l'époque macédonienne, ou antérieurement … il est peu vraisemblable que se soient les Gênois des Zaccharia qui l'aient découvert [alum at Phokaia], bien qu'on ne semble pas avoir de preuve d'une exploitation antérieure.”

⁴⁴ Vincent of Beauvais is cited by J. H. Mordtmann, s.v. “Karahisar”, EI ¹:“…aluminis minera iuxta Sebastiam quae valet unam argentariam.” Cf. Quentin, Saint, Tartares, ed. Richard, , 69Google Scholar. William of Rubriquis, ed. Dawson, C., The Mongol mission (London, 1955), 218Google Scholar: “At Iconium I came across several Frenchmen and a Genoese merchant from Acre, by name of Nicholas of Santo Siro, who, together with his partner, a Venetian called Boniface of Molendino, has the monopoly of alum from Turkey, so that the Sultan cannot sell to anyone except these two, and they have rendered it so dear that what used to be sold for fifteen besants is now sold for fifty.”

⁴⁵ See Singer, C., The earliest chemical industry. An essay in the historical relations of economics and technology illustrated from the alum trade (London, 1948)Google Scholar, a magnificent book, esp. 89–95, 139–65; Heers, M.-L., “Les Génois et le commerce de l'alum à fin du Moyen Âge,” Revue d'Histoire Economique et Sociale, 32 (1954), 31–53Google Scholar; Delumeau, J., L'alun de Rome, XVe–XIXe sièles (Paris, 1962), esp. 15–17Google Scholar; Laiou, Angeliki E., Constantinople and the Latins (Cambridge Mass., 1972), 152–3Google Scholar; Bryer, A., “Ludovico da Bologna and the Georgian and Anatolian embassy of 1460–1,” Bedi Kartlisa, 19–20 (1965)Google Scholar = Collected Studies, IX, 188–89Google Scholar; Memoirs of a Renaissance Pope. The commentaries of Pius II. An abridgement, tr. Gragg, Florence A., ed. Gabel, Leona C. (New York, 1962), 233Google Scholar: Giovanni de Castro detected alum at Tolfa because “similar herbs grew on the mountains of Asia.” Then he went to Pius II and said “Today I bring you victory over the Turk. Every year they wring from the Christians more than 300,000 ducats for the alum with which we dye wool … But I have found seven mountains so rich in this material that they could supply seven worlds … and the Turk will lose all his profits.”

⁴⁶ Ducas, , Historia Turcobyzantina (1341–1462), ed. Grecu, B. V. (Bucarest, 1958), 205Google Scholar; Doukas, , Decline and fall of Byzantium to the Ottoman Turks, tr. Magoulias, H. J. (Detroit, 1975), 148Google Scholar: “The alum is produced from the rocks of the mountain ridge which dissolve into sand when brought into contact with fire and then with water. Pouring this sand, derived from the rock, into a cauldron of water, it is brought to a light boil. The sand is further broken down and its dense mass remains in the solution like cheesy milk, while the hard and earthy elements are thrown out as worthless. The solution is emptied into vats to settle for four days; it solidifies around the edges of the receptacle and sparkles like crystal. The bottom of the receptacle is also covered with crystalline particles. After four days, the excess solution is drawn off and poured into the cauldron, adding more water. More sand is thrown in; the compound is brought to a boil, and once again poured into the vats in the manner described above. The alum is then removed and stored in warehouses. It is a necessary ingredient used by dyemakers. All ships sailing from the East to the West must carry a cargo of alum in their holds. Frenchmen, Germans, Englishmen, Italians, Spaniards, Arabs, Egyptians and Syrians in the dyemaker's trade are all provided with alum from this mountain.”

⁴⁷ Dölger, F., Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches, III (Munich-Berlin, 1932) 65 no. 2016, 66 no. 2020Google Scholar; Heyd, , Commerce, I, 438–9Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Balard, , Actes de Caffa, nos. 574, 813Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Attaliates, , Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 125Google Scholar; Skylitzes, ibid., 679; Comnena, Anna, Alexiade, ed. Leib, B. (Paris, 1937–1976), III, 76Google Scholar; Die Seltschukengeschichte des Ibn Bibi, tr. Duda, H. W. (Copenhagen 1960), 151–2, 306, 344Google Scholar; Colwell, , Gospels of Karahisar, 33–94Google Scholar; Sideropoulos, X. A., “Peri tes en Mikrai Armeniai Nikopoleos,” Ho en Konstantinoupolei Hellenikos Philologikos Syllogos (Parartema), 17 (1886), 135Google Scholar; Oikonomides, D. E., Ho Pontos kai ta dikaia tou en autoi Hellenismou (Athens, 1920), 87–90Google Scholar; Ioannides, S., Historia kai statistike Trapezountos kai tes peri tauten choras (Constantinople, 1870), 199Google Scholar; Mordtmann, A. D., Anatolien: Skizzen und Reisebriefe aus Kleinasien (1850–1859), ed. Babinger, F. (Hanover, 1925), 437–42Google Scholar; R. Janin, s.v. “Colonia,” Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie ecclésiastique; B. Darkot, s.v. “Karahisar,” Islam Ansiklopedesi; al-Din, Şaraf, Chèref-nameh, I, i, 189–90Google Scholar; The geographical part of the Nuzhat-al-Qulūb composed by Hamd-Allāh Mustawfī of Qazwīn in 740 (1340), tr. Le Strange, G. (London, 1919), 97Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Heyd, , Commerce, I, 438Google Scholar; followed by, e.g., Laven, P., Renaissance Italy, 1464–1534 (London, 1966), 63 and mapGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ Pegolotti, ed. Evans: “Allume di rocca di Colonna ene il migliore allume che si lavori, e lavorasi in Turchia dentro al mare, e fae scala a Chisende di Turchia dentro al mare alla marina presso di Trabisonda, e viene 7 giornato infra terra; e fanne il detto luogo per anno in somma secondo dicesi da 14 mila cantara di genovesi” (in one incredible variant, the sum of “14 mila mila cantara” is named); it is not made explicit, but assumed, that the entire production went through Kerasous; see also 43, 293, 306; and Schilbach, , Metrologie, 188Google Scholar.

⁵² Bryer and Winfield, Pontos, section XVI.

⁵³ Panaretos, ed. Lampsides, 68.

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⁵⁹ Bryer and Winfield, Pontos, section XIX.

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