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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2013
The highlands of Eastern Anatolia cannot have seemed to be a particularly attractive or accessible area to the Assyrians. The E. Taurus—the range of mountains separating the plain of Upper Mesopotamia from the highlands to the north—was rarely breached by the Assyrians: in the Middle-Assyrian period, Tiglath-pileser I claims that he went to the Nairi lands (then around Lake Van) three times; Shalmaneser III penetrated E. Anatolia through the E. Taurus in his 3rd, 7th and 15th palûs, and from N.W. Iran in his accession year and 30th and 31st palûs. Thereafter, the region lay in the hands of the Urartians and, except for the raid on Ṭurušpa carried out by Tiglath-pileser III pursuing the remnants of the army of Sarduri II after the defeat of the anti-Assyrian coalition in Kummuh in 743, was never penetrated by the Assyrian army again.
Shalmaneser's campaign of 856 began with the completion of the conquest of the Aramaean state of Bit-Adini, lying on the Euphrates to the south of Carchemish. After leaving Bit-Adini, Shalmaneser made his way to Bit-Zamani, the Diyarbakır area, and thence began his long campaign through Eastern Anatolia to Western Iran and back to Assyria.
1 E. Taurus is a translation of the Turkish name Doğu Toros given to the mountains between Muş, Maraş, Elâzığ and Diyarbakır in the Yeni Türkiye Atlası (M.S.B. Harita Genel Müdürlüğü. Ankara, 1977).
2a Akkadian palû is roughly translated “regnal year”. For the sake of simplicity I have here followed the chronology of Shalmaneser's Black Obelisk, although this may be questioned. The problem has most recently been discussed, with reference to earlier work by Reade, J. E., “Assyrian Campaigns 840–811 B.C., and the Babylonian Frontier” ZA 68 (1978), 251–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2b On this campaign of Tiglath-pileser III, see most recently, Astour, M. C., “The Arena of Tiglath-pileser III's campaign against Sardurri II (743 B.C.)” Assur 2 (1979) 69–91Google Scholar.
3 On routes around the Euphrates Gorge see Mitford, T. B., “The Limes in the Kurdish Taurus” in Hanson, W. S. and Kepie, L. J. F. (Eds.) Roman Frontier Studies 1979. (1980). 913–26Google Scholar.
4 AHM 4, 318 and 322–33Google Scholar; AHT 2, 464–5Google Scholar.
5 AHM 4, 192–203Google Scholar.
6 AHM 4,322Google Scholar (route 112a (ii)).
7 de Morgan, J. & Scheil, V., “La stèle de Kel-i-chin” RT 14 (1893), 153–60Google Scholar. A full description of the discovery and location of the stele may be found in Lehmann-Haupt, , Armenien, 242–61Google Scholar with references p. 534. More recent bibliographies are available in HChI, no. 2. The texts of the stele have recently been most thoroughly re-edited from fresh squeezes by Benedict, W. C. in “The Urartian-Assyrian Inscriptions of Kelishin”, JAOS 81 (1961), 359–85Google Scholar.
8 The name of this river is spelt in a variety of ways. My spelling is taken from the Yeni Türkiye Atlası.
9 A full account of the discovery of the site and its monuments can be found in Lehmann-Haupt, , Armenien I, 430–62Google Scholar with references p. 540. The sketch map of the site of the inscriptions published by Lehmann-Haupt, in Armenien I, 451Google Scholar is wildly inaccurate; hence there are some divergences between my description of the area and his.
10 A full description of the discovery and location of the Topzawa stele may be found in Armenien II, 289–345Google Scholar, with references pp. 7*–9*. See also HChI, no. 122.
11 Quoted from Benedict's translation, JAOS 81, 382–3Google Scholar. The text of the Urartian version is almost identical; the most important difference to note here is the substitution of the name Muṣaṣir in the Akkadian text by Ardini in the Urartian text.
12 Streck, , ZA 14 (1899), 128–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Forrer, , Provinzeinteilung, 39Google Scholar; Lehmann-Haupt, , Armenien II, 299–302Google Scholar; Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, (1962), 109Google Scholar; Salvini, , NU, map p. 67Google Scholar; Levine, , Iran 12 (1974), 120CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Levine, , Mountains and Lowlands, 144Google Scholar; Reade, , Iran 16 (1978), 141CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Meyer, , MDOG 112 (1980), Abb. 1 pp. 15 and 30–1Google Scholar accept this location. For further references, see RGTC 9 “Ardine”.
13 TCL 3, xvi–xvii; followed by Olmstead, , JAOS 41 (1921), 379Google Scholar n. 74 and map p. 346; Burney, , Peoples of the Hills, 155–6Google Scholar; Piotrovski, , Van, 155–7Google Scholar and map p. 152.
14 As Rigg, H. A., “Sargon's ‘Eighth Military Campaign’” JAOS 62 (1942), 130–8Google Scholar; Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 109–110Google Scholar; Levine, L. D., “Sargon's Eighth Campaign” Mountains and Lowlands, 135–51Google Scholar; Mayer, W., “Sargons Feldzug gegen Urarṭu—714 v. Chr. Eine militärhistorische Würdigung” MDOG 112 (1980), 13–33Google Scholar.
15 Boehmer, R. M., “Zur Lage von Muṣaṣir” BaghM 6 (1973), 31–40Google Scholar; and “Forschungen in und um Mudjesir (Irakisch-Kurdistan)” AA 1973, 479–521Google Scholar.
16 AA 1973, 489–512Google Scholar.
17 BaghM 6, 36–9Google Scholar.
18 AA 1973, 501–4Google Scholar.
19 AA 1973, 513Google Scholar; and 512–5 for a fuller discussion of the evidence for locating Muṣaṣir here.
20 On the form of the name, see Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 107Google Scholar n. 113 and Diakonoff, I. M., Hurrisch und Urartäisch (1971), 57Google Scholar.
21 The association of the classical and Armenian place names with Ṭurušpa appears first to have been made by Streck, (ZA 9 (1894), 350 n. 1Google Scholar). Details and references for the classical names may be found in Weissbach's article “θωσπία” in RE VIA, 349–50Google Scholar; details of the Armenian names in Hübschmann, H., Indogermanische Forschungen 16 (1904), 340Google Scholar. The arguments proposed by Streck have been accepted by e.g. Boudou, , Or 36–38 (1929), 183Google Scholar; Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 107–8Google Scholar; Salvini, M., La Parole del Passato 27 (1972), 106Google Scholar; Piotrovski, , Van, 41–2, 47Google Scholar; Burney, , Peoples of the Hills, 130–2Google Scholar; Diakonoff, and Kaskai, , RGTC 9Google Scholar, “Ṭušpā”.
22 For the survey evidence see Burney, C. A., “Urartian Fortresses and Towns in the Van Region” AnSt 7 (1957), 37–53Google Scholar; Burney, C. A. and Lawson, G. R. J., “Measured Plans of Urartian Fortresses” AnSt 10 (1960), 177–96Google Scholar; and Russell, H. F., Pre-Classical Pottery of Eastern Anatolia (1980), Map 9 p. 150Google Scholar; 126 ff., and Table 6 pp. 50–1.
23 HChI no. 121 and p. 143–4; RGTC 9, “Rusāhinele”.
24 HChI, nos. 1 a–c (Sarduri I, Sardurisburg Inscription, the earliest inscription of an Urartian king), 12 (Išpuini, Menua and Inušpa), 59 a–c, 60, 61 (all of Menua), 80 (the Annals of Argišti I), 103 (the Annals of Sarduri II).
25 Burney, Despite, Peoples of the Hills, 130–2Google Scholar, the inscriptions of Sarduri I (HChI, no. 1 a–c) do not in the least indicate that Sarduri was founding any city, let alone Ṭurušpa, at Van Kale. The inscription reads, after the titulary:
(I.d)sar 5(RI)-BÀD A (I)lu-ti-ip-ri DU11.DU11-ub ma-a ana-ku pu-la-ni an-nu-te TA ŠA-bi (URU)al-ni-ú-nu na-ṣa-ku ana-ku BÀD an-ni-ú ar-ti-ṣi-ip
The wall referred to is often thought to be a quay wall.
26 RGTC 2, 217Google Scholar; RGTC 3, 247Google Scholar; Fraenkel, , RE II, 407Google Scholar.
27 Honigmann, E. in Encyclopaedia of Islam 4/2 (1943), 1180–1Google Scholar.
28 Collation by Lambert, W. G., AnSt 11 (1961), 154–5 and n. 8Google Scholar.
29 Kurkh Monolith, i 29, ii 14, ii 78; Cameron Annals, ii 3.
30 Langdon, S., Babylonian Menologies and the Semitic Calendars (1935), 21Google Scholar n. 1 refers to a festival of Ištar of Arbail mentioned in the inscriptions of Aššurbanipal. This was in the month of Ab, far too early in the year to be of any relevance.
31 Much evidence has been collected by Davies, G. I., PEQ 111 (1979), 92ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Mayer, , MDOG 112, 20–1Google Scholar and Kühne, H., BaghM 11 (1980), 49 ffGoogle Scholar.
32 Black Obelisk 143 reads: a-na É (KUR)za-ma-a-ni it-ta-rad ina ni-ri-be šá (URU)am-maš(−)TU(−)BI (ÍD)ar-za-ni-a e-bir “He went down to Bit-Zamani. He crossed the Euphrates in the pass of Ammaštubi.” Or “He went down to Bit Zamani. He entered (KU4-ub!) the pass of Ammaš. He crossed the Euphrates.” The reading of the name Ammaš seems to have originated with Hommel, Geschichte, 600. It was taken up by Ebeling, , RlA I, 96Google Scholar; and by Olmstead, , JAOS 41 (1921), 378Google Scholar and n. 71. See also Michel, , WO 2 (1956) 225Google Scholar, n. 17.
33 The confusion concerning the source of the Tigris in classical and Armenian sources is well explained by Dilleman, L., Haute Mésopotamie (1962), 40–7Google Scholar.
34 KGF, 144.
35 Sayce, , JRAS 14 (1882), 398Google Scholar; Belck, , ZDMG 51 (1897), 559Google Scholar. I am unable to discover the location and present name of Hanzith.
36 ZA 13 (1898), 91–4Google Scholar and n. 1.
37 Beiträge zur alten Geographie und Geschichte Vorderasiens (1901), 48 and 72–7Google Scholar.
38 RlA 1, 88–90Google Scholar.
39 Provinzeinteilung, 29.
40 RlA 2, 405Google Scholar.
41 JAOS 41, 360 n. 32Google Scholar.
42 BA 6, 39Google Scholar.
43 Iraq 24, 102–3Google Scholar.
44 Salvini, , NU, 44Google Scholar n. 6 (HChI no. 16 vs. 8, §IX). The reference is in a broken context and gives no helpful information concerning the location of Alzi. See further RGTC 9, “Alze”.
45 RlA 5, 214Google Scholar. The most interesting reference to Henzuta is in the Midas of Pahhuwa treaty (KUB XXIII 72 vs. 33, CTH 146) where Henzuta occurs in the list of people to whom the document is addressed. This evidence does not allow us to locate Henzuta nor ensure that it is Alzi, Enzi or Enzite.
46 Other recent opinions include: Burney, , AnSt 16 (1966), 60Google Scholar (Enzi = plain of Elâzığ); Michel, , WO 1/6 (1952), 461Google Scholar n. 33 (Enzi = Enzite = Alzi); Salvini, , La Parola del Passato 27, 106Google Scholar (Enzite = region of Harput); Lewy, , Or NS 21 (1952), 396Google Scholar; Kessler, , Untersuchungen, 167Google Scholar (Alzi = Enzite, south of Murad Nehri, near Diyarbakır).
47 See Berkooz, M., The Nuzi Dialect of Akkadian (1937), 57–60Google Scholar, von Soden, , Or NS 25 (1956), 241–3Google Scholar; Hecker, K., Grammatik der Kültepe-Texte (An Or 44, 1968), §33aGoogle Scholar; von Soden, , GAG, §34bGoogle Scholar and Erg., §33i; and for Hurrian, , Laroche, , RHA 34 (1976), 25Google Scholar. The same phenomenon is found in the Kassite PN Kunindu/Kulindu (UET 7, no. 20), as pointed out by O. R. Gurney is his recent edition of these texts. I am indebted to Prof. Gurney for help with these references.
48 Reading (44) ina (URU)sa-lu-ri-a KI.TA ina qaq-qi-ri e-qi ú-še-ziz, after Schramm, W., EAK II, 72Google Scholar.
49 The implications of this last sentence are not clear; it may mean that these people became Hittite subjects, although living in their own lands.
50 Or “fortress of Kutmar”, and below, or “fortress of Suta”.
51 Schrader, , KGF, 130–1Google Scholar; Sanda, , Untersuch, 10Google Scholar; Baumgartner, , RE, II 1271Google Scholar; Belck, and Lehmann, , ZA 9, 353Google Scholar; Streck, , ZA 13, 109–10Google Scholar; Klengel, , RlA 5, 214Google Scholar; Burney, , AnSt 16, 60Google Scholar; Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 102–3Google Scholar. The sole dissenter appears to be Ebeling, (RlA 1, 161–2Google Scholar) who suggested the Kara Su.
52 The clay sealings from Korucutepe in the Altınova, which may have the names of some members of the royal family of Isuwa in the second millennium, do not assure the location of Isuwa there. For, as Güterbock rightly points out, the sealings could have come from anywhere. (Güterbock, H. G., “Hittite Hieroglyphic seal impressions from Korucutepe” JNES 32 (1973), 135–47Google Scholar, esp. 136 and 140; see also Klengel, H., Or Ant 15 (1976), 87–9Google Scholar). Recent opinions also place Išua in the plain of Elâziğ: e.g. Klengel, , Or Ant 7 (1968), 63–4Google Scholar and RlA 5, 214–6Google Scholar; Garstang-Gumey, , Geography, 40–1Google Scholar; Burney, , Peoples of the Hills, 97Google Scholar; Salvini, , NU 29 n. 53 and Map 1 p. 42Google Scholar. The reference to Kutmar in the Suppiluliuma passage quoted above does not help us at this point. Kutmar appears to be unknown in other cuneiform sources. I can see no justification for considering it to be an earlier form of the name Kullimeri, as Forrer, , Provinzeinteilung, 20–1Google Scholar and Lewy, , Or NS 21, 407Google Scholar n. 2. The locations of Mt. Namdanu and Mt. Merhisa, referred to in passage 1), are uncertain, see below, p. 184.
53 Kessler, , Untersuchungen, 103–4Google Scholar.
54 Hommel, , Geschichte, 585Google Scholar; Streck, , ZA 13, 95Google Scholar; Olmstead, , JAOS 39 (1918), 252 n. 73Google Scholar; Ebeling, , RlA 1, 154Google Scholar; Gordon, , JCS 21 (1967), 86Google Scholar.
55 Tablet B, 6–15 (Weidner, , AfO 18 (1957–1958), 343Google Scholar) and Tigris Tunnel I, 7–10 (Lehmann-Haupt, Materialien, no. 7).
56 This was first proposed by Sayce, , JRAS 14, 399Google Scholar; followed by e.g. Hommel, , Geschichte, 636 no. 3Google Scholar; Belck, , ZfE Verhandlungen (1893), 320Google Scholar; Streck, , ZA 13, 109Google Scholar; Billerbeck, , BA 6 (1908), 39Google Scholar; Melikišvili, , 25th Congress, 301Google Scholar; Salvini, NU 22; Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 104Google Scholar; and denied only by Burney, , AnSt 16 (1966), 59–61Google Scholar and Peoples of the Hills, 137; Diakonoff, and Kashkai, , RGTC 9Google Scholar, “Diauehe”. (On the final -he, see RGTC 9, XVI.)
57 Quoted from HChI, no. 23, see also corrigenda p. 167.
58 Quoted from HChI, no. 24.
59 Anst 16, 59–61Google Scholar.
60 Burney, , AnSt 16, 59Google Scholar.
61 Streck, , ZA 13, 108–9Google Scholar; Billerbeck, , BA 6, 39 n. 2Google Scholar; Forrer, , Provinzeinteilung, 29Google Scholar; Melikišvili, , 25th Congress, 301Google Scholar; Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 103Google Scholar; Garstang-Gurney, , Geography 35Google Scholar.
62 Olmstead, , JAOS 41, 360 n. 32Google Scholar.
63 Aššurnaṣirpal, Annals i 46–51; the location of Kirruri is discussed below, p. 198.
64 Prism Inscription, iv 71.
65 Tablet A, 25–6 (Weidner, AfO 18, 360Google Scholar); Tablet B, 9–11 (AfO 18, 343Google Scholar); Tablet C, 15–7 (AfO 18, 349Google Scholar); Yoncalı inscription, 4–6 (Lehmann-Haupt, Materialien, no. 6).
66 Billerbeck, , Suleimania, 19Google Scholar; Streck, , ZA 15 (1900), 295–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Belck, , ZfE(Verhandlungen) 1899, 263Google Scholar.
67 Lehmann-Haupt, , Armenien II ii, 595Google Scholar; Boudou, Or 36–38, 181Google Scholar; Michel, WO 2 (1958), 31 n. 12Google Scholar.
68 RlA 1, 283Google Scholar.
69 25th Congress, 303.
70 Iraq 24, 104–5Google Scholar; Tiglath-pileser I, Prism Inscription, iv 12.
71 AnSt 16, 60Google Scholar.
72 Salvini, , NU, 55–6Google Scholar.
73 Suleimania, 152; BA 6, 40Google Scholar n. 1.
74 JAOS 41, 310 n. 32Google Scholar. I cannot find Adzik on any map or in any census list.
75 AnSt 7, 39Google Scholar
76 Iraq 24, 106–8Google Scholar. Schramm, , (EAK 2, 82)Google Scholar suggests reading the damaged signs HI.A ṣe-ni ma!-kur URU LUGAL-u-ti-šú etc., “I burnt numerous sheep, the property of his royal city, in fire.” While such a reading of the traces is possible, I think that the sense is unlikely. I know of no parallel passage in any of the Assyrian royal inscriptions.
77 AnSt 16, 60Google Scholar; People of the Hills, 130.
78 Belck's, suggestion (ZfE (Verhandlungen) 1893, 71Google Scholar) that the name Adduri survived in the village-name Akuri or Agguri on the north side of Mt. Ararat was accepted by Streck, (ZA 14, 111Google Scholar), Billerbeck, (BA 6, 40Google Scholar) and Olmstead, (JAOS 41, 360 n. 32Google Scholar). This is unconvincing. Belck and Lehmann suggested that Eritia may be Süphan Dağ, on the north shore of Lake Van, (ZA 9, 350–1Google Scholar n. 1); Olmstead that it was to be located at “Ereshat” (Irşat) north of Erciş, (JAOS 41, 360 n. 32)Google Scholar.
79 Lambert, , AnSt 11, (1961), 155–6Google Scholar.
80 Balawat Gates, ii 2–3 (Michel, , WO 2/5–6, 410–11Google Scholar); Cameron Annals, iv 26–36; Bull Inscription, 24–40 (ICC, 12–6 and 46–7); Kurba'il Statue, 11–20 (Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 93–5Google Scholar); Kenk Gorge inscription, 3–7 (Taşyürek, , Iraq 41 (1979), 48–9)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tigris Tunnel III, 6–15; Tigris Tunnel V, 8–11; Mace Head, i 2–4 (AAT 41); Door sill, Nimrud, 3–11 (Laessøe, , Iraq 21 (1959)Google Scholar, pl. XII); Throne Base, Nimrud, 3'–11' (Laessøe, , Iraq 21, 40–1Google Scholar); Plaque, Til Barsip, 13–7 (Syria 10 (1929), 196Google Scholar, no. 42).
81 Balawat Gates, ii 2–3. On the identification of this sea, see Levine, , Iran 11, (1973), 20–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
82 Ass 5999, 2–4 (AAT, 41).
83 Tablet C, 6–7 (AfO 18, 349Google Scholar); Basalt Slab, 1–4 (AfO 18, 357Google Scholar); with the Great Sea of Amurru and the Upper Sea of Amurru (i.e. the Mediterranean).
84 Abhand. der König. Akkad. der Wiss. zu Berlin 1877, 169–95Google Scholar.
85 KAH 1, 19, 7–14Google Scholar.
86 Prism Inscription, iv 50, 99–100. On the theory that Upper Sea in the inscriptions of Tukulti-Ninurta I and Tiglath-pileser I refers to the Black Sea, see Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 106Google Scholar n. 104; Salvini, , NU 21Google Scholar, Melikišvili, , 25th Congress, 304Google Scholar.
87 Annals, 12 (Weidner, , AfO 6 (1930–1931), 80–1Google Scholar).
88 Shalmaneser III: Aššur Throne Base, i 9ff. (Craig, , Hebraica 2 (1885–1886), 140ff)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Sennacherib: Bavian inscription, 4–5 (3 R 14). Esarhaddon: Kalach A, 13 (Asar, §21); Assur-Babylon A, 27–9 (Asar §53). Aššurbanipal: BM 122616, 15 (Thompson, , Iraq 7 (1940), 106–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 33).
89 Prism inscription, iv 43 duplicates, in addition to the main text's A.AB.BA e-li-[ni-] te, add ša ša-la-mu (d)šam-še.
90 Prism Inscription, vi 43–4.
91 Tiglath-pileser III: Mila Mergi inscription, 15 (Postgate, , Sumer 29 (1973), 51–2Google Scholar); Nimrud Tablet 1, 3–4 (TP, pls. XXXV–VIII); Nimrud Tablet 2, 3–4 (TP, pl. XXXIV and Wiseman, , Iraq 26 (1964), 119–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar). Sennacherib: BM 103,000, i 14–7 (CT 26, 1–37Google Scholar); Annalistic Bull inscription, 3 (3 R 12–3); Chicago Prism, i 13–5 (Sennacherib, 163 ff.); Walters Art Gallery inscription, obv. 6–8 (Grayson, AfO 20 (1963), 88–9Google Scholar). Aššurbanipal: Ištar Temple inscription, 78 (Thompson, , LAAA 20 (1933), 93)Google Scholar.
92 Kurkh Monolith, ii 6.
93 Tukulti-Ninurta I: “New Palace” inscription 2, 4–9 (ITN no. 5): Shalmaneser III, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon and Aššurbanipal: see n. 88.
94 Annals, 15 (TP, pl. XI); Nimrud Slab 1, 6 (TP, pls. XXXII–III); Nimrud Tablet 2, 9 (see note 91).
95 Nimrud slab 2, 9 (TP, pls. XXIX–XXXI); Nimrud Tablet 2, 9 (see note 91).
96 Tiglath-pileser III, Sennacherib and Aššurbanipal: see n. 91.
97 AHw, elû II, 4; CAD, elû B, b; AHw, šaplû, 8.
98 Cameron Annals, iv 26–36; Bull inscription, 24–40 (see note 80); Kurba'il Statue, 11–2 (Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 93–5Google Scholar).
99 As e.g. Schrader, “Die Namen der Meere”, 185–6, 192–3Google Scholar; Billerbeck, , BA 6, 141Google Scholar; Wilson, Kinnier, Iraq 24, 102Google Scholar; Salvini, , NU, 21Google Scholar.
100 AHM 4, 161–5Google Scholar (route 76a).
101 Himua is frequently associated with the Himuwa, or perhaps with one of the Himuwa's of the Boğazköy texts, following Melikišvili, 25th Congress, 303 (e.g. also Salvini, , NU, 29Google Scholar, with other references). The evidence of the Boğazköy texts is vague and really not very helpful. The most decisive indication of an eastern Himuwa is the BĒLMADGALTI text (CTH 261: IA; von Schuler, E., Hethitische Dienstanweisungen (1957), 48Google Scholar).
102 Schrader, , KGF, 166Google Scholar; followed by Delitszch, , Kossäer, 34Google Scholar n. 2; Sachau, , ZA 12, 53Google Scholar; Billerbeck, , Suleimania, 20–1Google Scholar and BA 6, 8 and 43; Šanda, , Untersuch, 17–18Google Scholar.
103 Belck, , ZfE (Verhandlungen), 1894, 482–3Google Scholar.
104 ZA 14, 155–6Google Scholar; followed by Boudou, , Or 36–38, 81Google Scholar.
105 Iraq 24, 108–10Google Scholar.
106 Levine, , Iran 11, 24–7Google Scholar.
107 Hulin, , Iraq 25 (1963), 59CrossRefGoogle Scholar (his arguments are accepted by Reade, , Iran 16, 141Google Scholar).
108 Levine, , Iran 11, 24–7Google Scholar; also Mountains and Lowlands, 143–4 and RlA 4, 478Google Scholar.
109 Reade, , Iran 16, 141 n. 29Google Scholar.
110 The meaning of this passage is discussed in detail by Saggs, , Iraq 42 (1980), 80–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
111 The route is described in AHM IV, 82–90Google Scholar (route 61a) and 92–9 (route 61d). On modern conditions cf. Boehmer, , BaghM 6, 31–3Google Scholar.
112 AHM IV, (route 61d), 91–4Google Scholar.
113 “The land of Kirruri”, Iraq 42, 79–83Google Scholar. The name may have to be read Hab(a)r(i)uri as Levine points out (RlA 5, 606Google Scholar) on the evidence of STT 46 rev. 8 which attests a governor of [(KUR)ha] b-ba-ru-ru where other eponym lists have (KUR)kìr-ru-ri (Cbl, 21' and Cb2, 15') for the year 796. The first sign of the name is otherwise always written kìr (i.e. HAB); but see Postgate's transliteration of Aššurnaṣirpal II's Nimrud throne base, 13 with kír (GPA no. 267).
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