² On Lycia in general: Bryce, T. R., “Hellenism in Lycia” in Descoeurdes, J.-P. ed., Greek Colonists and Native Populations (Oxford, 1990) 531–41Google Scholar; Mitchell, S., Anatolia: Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor I (Oxford, 1993) 85–6, 165, 189 ffGoogle Scholar. On Balboura: Hall, A. S. and Coulton, J. J., “A Hellenistic Allotment List in the Kibyratis”, Chiron XX (1990) 109–55Google Scholar, and Coulton, , “North Lycia” 79–85Google Scholar.

³ On the type see: Robert, L., Hellenica III (Paris, 1946) 75–6Google Scholar, Hellenica VII (Paris, 1949) 50–4Google Scholar, Hellenica X (Paris, 1955) 5–12Google Scholar, Robert, , “Documents” 572Google Scholar, and Naour, Tyriaion nos 36, 41, 71.

⁴ Cf. Robert, , Hellenica III, 76Google Scholar, Hellenica X, 8Google Scholar, pl. 1, and Milner and Smith, 67–70, nos 2 and 3.

⁵ On D18 the riders hold spears and face away from the goddess rather than confront her. On D21 the goddess is excluded altogether.

As on Triad reliefs, the tunic may be a misunderstood cuirass, a dress style known to the Dioscuri; e.g. Robert, , “Documents” 575Google Scholar, fig. 5.

⁶ Roos, P., Opuscula Atheniensia IX (1969) 70–2Google Scholar; Robert, , “Documents” 553Google Scholar.

⁷ Milner and Smith, 4c, pl. xvia-b.

⁸ Bean, , JNL 9Google Scholar, pl. 5, and Robert, , “Documents” 571Google Scholar, fig. 3.

⁹ Similarly the Triad relief (T11) appears beneath a pair of rock-cut stelai which, like the tabula ansata (D44), is not the normal accompaniment to the votives. Neither the funerary stelai nor the tabula ansata is necessarily part of the same commission.

¹⁰ Cf. Naour, , Tyriaion 91, no. 44Google Scholar.

¹¹ Sanders, J. M., “The Early Lakonian Dioskouroi Reliefs”, in ΦΙΛΟΛΑΚΩΝ, ed. Sanders, J. M. (London, 1992) 206–8Google Scholar discusses Laconian reliefs where the twins are replaced by the dokona (beams) (Sparta Museum 588) or amphorae (Sparta Museum 613).

A late Hellenistic marble relief at Delos from the House of the Diadumene depicts two piloi with a crescent moon between, and is similar to the Balboura reliefs. Bruneau, Ph., BCH LXXXI–II (1964) 162, n. 3Google Scholar, fig. 12, and LIMC “Dioskouroi” no. 157.

¹² Milner and Smith, no. 1, pl. xiva.

¹³ General on Kakasbos: Robert, , Hellenica III, 38–74Google Scholar; Bean, G. E., “Notes and Inscriptions from the Cibyratis and Caralitis”, BSA 51 (1956) 142Google Scholar; Robert, , “Documents” 554Google Scholar; Naour, Tyriaion nos 73–9; LIMC “Kakasbos”; Frei, , ANRW 1808–10Google Scholar. See Bryce, , Lycians 180–81Google Scholar on Lycian origins.

¹⁴ E.g. İzmir Museum, from Telmessos, dedicated to Herakles, LIMC “Kakasbos” no. 5; on the Maseis reliefs, Bean, G.E., Lycian Turkey (London, 1978) 169Google Scholar; and Naour, , Tyriaion 107–14Google Scholar on the shrine of Maseis.

¹⁵ On reliefs said to be from Pisidia, now in the Burdur Museum, he often has footwear; see LIMC “Kakasbos” nos 22, 24–6.

¹⁶ Cf. the Herakles relief on the southeast side of the acropolis hill at Nif; Roos, P., Opuscula Atheniensia IX (1969) 89Google Scholar, fig. 65, and 92.

¹⁷ On her cult in Asia Minor: Robert, , “Documents” 594–7Google Scholar; and, French, , “Isinda and Lagbe” 58–92Google Scholar.

¹⁸ The inscribed panel on A3 is illegible.

¹⁹ Artemis rides side-saddle or astride various animals, notably a bull (LIMC “Artemis” nos 700–5) or a stag, goat, hind or boar (nos 685–99).

²⁰ Cf. an inscribed relief from Güğü, where the animal is identified as a boar: Bean, , JNL 27, no. 46Google Scholar.

²¹ See a relief from Korkuteli now in the Antalya Museum, Robert, , “Documents” 594–6Google Scholar, another from Kozağacı, Naour, , Tyriaion 114–15Google Scholar, no. 80, and on a relief at Güğü note 20 above.

²² Compare our relief with the rock-cut reliefs from Philippi depicting Artemis as a huntress pursuing a hind; Collart, P. and Ducrey, P., Philippes I Les reliefs rupestres (Paris, 1975) 201–27Google Scholar; LIMC “Artemis” no. 291.

²³ Another thunderbolt relief is known on a block northeast of Seki: Pace, B., Annuario III (1916–1917) 66Google Scholar; Petersen-von Luschan, 177, 2, and Robert, L., Villes d'Asie Mineure 2nd edn. (Paris, 1962) 228Google Scholar.

²⁴ It is also known that Zeus Soter had a priest at Kibyra during the 1st c A.D.; Petersen-von Luschan, 187 no. 246–8.

²⁵ Milner and Smith, 4d, and 75.

²⁶ Milner and Smith, no. 1, and Metzger, H., Catalogue des monuments votifs du Musée d'Adalia (Paris, 1952) 23Google Scholar, no. 10, and 27.

²⁷ Milner and Smith, 75.

²⁸ Robert, , “Documents” 515–50Google Scholar; Frei, , ANRW 1839–16Google Scholar.

²⁹ James, E. O., The Cult of the Mother-Goddess (London, 1959) esp. 16–60Google Scholar on the “Idaean Mother of Phrygia”.

³⁰ Naour, , Tyriaion 83Google Scholar, pl. 16, no. 36; 87, pl. 16, no. 41; 107, no. 71.

³¹ Oinoanda: Milner and Smith, nos 2 (rock-cut) and 3 (slab); Kibyra: Duchesne, M. and Collignon, M. M., “Sur un voyage archéologique en Asie Mineure”, BCH I (1877) 365Google Scholar, though not in situ; Güğü: Robert, , Hellenica III, 76Google Scholar, Pace, B., Annuario III (1916–1917) 65, no. 66Google Scholar, Bean, , JNL 37Google Scholar, no. 47; Dont: Heberdey-Kalinka, 41.

³² Robert, , Hellenica X, 5–11Google Scholar (Yazır), 6, pl. 1 (Idebessos).

³³ For example, the Celtic genii cucullati; CSIR I (7), 33, no. 97Google Scholar, pl. 26, and 35, no. 103, pl. 27, where the three are accompanied by a female “Mater”. See also the Celtic armed triad, idem 43, no. 131, pl. 33.

³⁴ Robert, , Hellenica III, 76Google Scholar, Hellenica VII, 50–4Google Scholar. Pace, B., Annuario III (1916–1917) 65Google Scholar, no. 66; Bean, , JNL 27Google Scholar, no. 47.

³⁵ Plutarch, , De defectu oraculorum 21 (421d)Google Scholar; Robert, , Hellenica VII, 50–1Google Scholar and Hellenica X, 6Google Scholar. On Kronos in Lycia see Frei, , ANRW 1811Google Scholar.

³⁶ Hellenica VII, 50–8Google Scholar; Hellenica X, 6Google Scholar; and discussion by Milner and Smith, 69.

³⁷ Axes are visible on the Güğü relief, on both Oinoanda reliefs, as well as on the reliefs from Dont and from Kibyra. Serpents are seen clearly at Güğü, at Oinoanda and at Dont. Dogs are identified in place of the snakes on the Korkuteli relief and on the Kibyra relief; see note 31 above.

³⁸ Bean, G. E., Lycian Turkey (London, 1978) 158–60Google Scholar; Frei, , ANRW 1830–33Google Scholar; Freyer-Schauenburg, B., “Die lykischen Zwölfgötter-Reliefs”, Asia-Minor-Studien 13 (Münster, 1994)Google Scholar.

³⁹ Naour, , Tyriaion 87–8Google Scholar, no. 41, pl. 16.

⁴⁰ Milner and Smith, pl. xivb.

⁴¹ Robert, , La Carie 75, 331Google Scholar.

⁴² The cornucopia is sometimes held by Hermes and, like the purse, signifies abundance; LIMC “Hermes” 287–8Google Scholar, and no. 688.

⁴³ Milner and Smith, 4c, pl. xvb, xvi, the object is identified as a caduceus.

⁴⁴ LIMC “Hermes” 286–7Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Chapoutier, Dioscures catalogues the type on reliefs and in other media. On Lycia and Pisidia see Roos, P., Opuscula Atheniensia IX (1969) 70–2Google Scholar, Robert, “Documents” 553–79Google Scholar and, LIMC “Dioskouroi”. The most recent discussion is Mackintosh, M., The Divine Rider in the Art of the Western Empire (Oxford, 1995) 38–47Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Chapoutier, , Dioscures 214–17Google Scholar, fig. 29–30 (mirror); LIMC “Dioskouroi” no. 128 (coin); Chapoutier, , Dioscures 35, no. 13, pl. 9Google Scholar (Ephesia relief).

⁴⁷ Naour, Tyriaion nos 2 (prov. unknown), 34, 40, 81, and 82.

⁴⁸ Naour, , Tyriaion 91Google Scholar, no. 44, pl. 15; cf. D4 from Balboura, and D43 from Kızılbel.

⁴⁹ Milner and Smith, no. 1.

⁵⁰ Boston MFA 153.1973 is a marble relief; Robert, , “Documents” 575Google Scholar, fig. 5., and note 5 above.

⁵¹ Milner and Smith, no. 4a.

⁵² See Mitchell, S., “Three Cities in Pisidia”, AnSt XLIV (1994) 147Google Scholar, on a coin type of Kodrula, where the female is surmounted by a crescent moon.

⁵³ İplikçioğlu, B. et al. , Neue Inschriften aus Nord-Lykien I (Vienna, 1992) no. 8Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Mounted: Sibidunda coin (Chapoutier, , Dioscures 62Google Scholar, no. 51, pl. 11); holding horses: Antonine coin from Termessos (Hill, , BMC 270Google Scholar) and Boston relief 153.1973 (Robert, , “Documents” 575Google Scholar, fig. 5).

⁵⁵ Armed: Afyon Museum (Robert, “Documents” no. 9); unarmed: Korkuteli (Metzger, op. cit. (note 26) no. 8, pl. 13). On an example from Korydalla in the Lycian lowlands the twins carry swords (cf. D44), TAM II.3 (1944) 933Google Scholar, and Robert, “Documents” no. 8.

⁵⁶ Eagle: Kestel Lake (Robert, “Documents” no. 19); moon: Termessos (Hill, , BMC 270Google Scholar).

⁵⁷ Sparta Museum nos 201, 202, 203, in Tod, M.N. and Wace, A. J. B., A Catalogue of the Sparta Museum (Oxford, 1906)Google Scholar. Votive reliefs of the Dioscuri at Sparta date between the 6th century B.C.–3rd century A.D.; see Sanders, J. M., “The Early Lakonia Dioskouroi Reliefs”, in ΦΙΛΟΛΑΚΩΝ, ed. Sanders, J. M. (London, 1992) 205–10Google Scholar, ibid., “The Dioscuri in Post-Classical Sparta”, 217–24, and Steinhauer, G., “Η εικονογραϕία των Διοσκούρων στη ρωμαική Σπάρτη”, 225–35Google Scholar, both in Sculpture from Arcadia and Laconia, eds. Palagia, O. and Coulson, W. (Oxford, 1993Google Scholar).

⁵⁸ See also a relief from Tegea, and two others said to be Peloponnesian in Chapoutier, Dioscures nos 37–9.

⁵⁹ Chapoutier, , Dioscures 109–15Google Scholar. Robert believed neither the cult nor artistic model came from Laconia, , “Documents” 573Google Scholar. Steinhauer mentions that the Spartan reliefs including the goddess are the least popular version, op. cit. (note 57) 232.

⁶⁰ Robert, , “Documents” 560Google Scholar, n. 10.

⁶¹ For example, LIMC “Artemis” 563–4Google Scholar.

⁶² See note 41 above.

⁶³ The Anatolian Mother may have local Lycian Bronze Age origins; see Bryce, , Lycians 175–7Google Scholar. See also Boardman, J., Greeks Overseas 3rd edn. (London, 1980) 93–4Google Scholar, n. 247, fig. 106, where the Anatolian Mother Goddess is depicted on a Phrygian statue from Boğazköy.

⁶⁴ On connections between Sparta and the Kibyratis: Woodward, A. M., “Sparta and Asia Minor under the Roman Empire”, in Studies presented to David Moore Robinson Vol. II, ed. Mylonas, G. E. and Raymond, D. (St. Louis, 1953) 868–83Google Scholar; Robert, , “Documents” 564–5Google Scholar; Coulton, J. J., “Oenoanda: The Agora”, AnSt XXXVI (1986) 82Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Smith, R. R. R., Hellenistic Sculpture (London, 1991) 75–7 and 83–6Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Reliefs recorded outside the survey area include: Robert, , BE (1959) 412Google Scholar, Bean, , JNL 12, no. 16Google Scholar, Robert, , BE (1980) no. 505, p. 465Google Scholar; in Oinoanda's territory: Robert, , “Documents” 554Google Scholar (Seki), Bean, G. E., “Notes and Inscriptions from the Cibyratis and Caralitis”, BSA 51 (1956) 142Google Scholar, nos 21 and 23, and British School of Archaeology at Ankara, Research Reports 1994 (London, 1994) 21Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Petersen-von Luschan, 170, and Heberdey-Kalinka, 7.

⁶⁸ First published by Smith, A. H., JHS VIII (1887) 235–6Google Scholar; Robert, , Hellenica III, 69–70Google Scholar, and “Documents” 569–70, fig.2; LIMC no. 13.

⁶⁹ Many are now housed in the Fethiye and İzmir Museums, or are built into modern structures; e.g. Robert, , Hellenica III, nos 3 and 7Google Scholar, from the area of Fethiye, and Hellenica III, nos 14, 16 and 17, now in İzmir. See also Coulton, , “Northern Lycia” 84Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Sagalassos I, ed. Waelkens, M. (Leuven, 1993), 45Google Scholar, fig. 38, and Sagalassos II, ed. Waelkens, M. and Poblome, J. (Leuven, 1993) 9–12Google Scholar. One such offering is a statuette of an armed figure found inside the Doric temple, and given a Hellenistic date. However, any resemblance between this armed statuette and the standard club-wielding deity known from numerous examples is not obvious.

⁷¹ Hill, , BMC xcivGoogle Scholar, and Robert, , Hellenica III, 65Google Scholar.

⁷² See LIMC “Kakasbos” nos 7, 19, 22–6.

⁷³ LIMC nos 19 and 22.

⁷⁴ See note 14 above.

⁷⁵ Robert, , Hellenica III, 58–63Google Scholar; LIMC “Men”, and Frei, , ANRW 1826–27Google Scholar on Sozon.

⁷⁶ Naour, , Tyriaion 111–13Google Scholar, pl. 24, nos 74–8. The one detached relief (no. 78) shows the horse walking, rather than galloping, and is the most like the Balboura survey reliefs.

⁷⁷ Robert, , Hellenica III, 42–3Google Scholar; Schleiermacher, M., Die Kaiserzeitlichen Reliefs des triumphierenden Reiters (Bonn, 1984)Google Scholar, esp. 245–50 on Anatolian types. Compare Kakasbos with a horseman holding a club on a cemetery wall at Beth She‘arim (Sheikh Ibereiq); Goodenough, E. R., Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period (New York, 1953) I, 98Google Scholar, and III, fig. 74.

⁷⁸ French, , “Isinde and Lagbe” 88–9Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Güğü: Bean, , JNL 27, no. 46Google Scholar; Tyriaion: Naour, , Tyriaion 114–5Google Scholar, no. 8; Korkuteli: Robert, , “Documents” 594–6Google Scholar, and Metzger, op. cit. (note 26) pl. II,7; the Lycian lowland reliefs are from Antiphellos, Komba, Finike, see Frei, , ANRW 21.10.1Google Scholar, 41.10.2, 42.10.1.

⁸⁰ One recorded at Antiphellos (Frei 41.10.1), and the other possibly from Finike (Frei 42.10.1), ANRW 1773.

⁸¹ Cf. the “fountain” shrine at Oinoanda; Milner and Smith, 4d, and the inscription, 72; see also the Güğü relief (note 79), where an Artemis Lagbene and Triad relief are closely situated.

⁸² Petersen-von Luschan, 170, no. 20 g.

⁸³ French, , “Isinda and Lagbe” 88, 2.3Google Scholar, no. 4, pl. 4.10.2.

⁸⁴ E.g. Naour, Tyriaion no. 36 (Triad) on south face of rock, nos 37, 38 and 39 (stelai) on south face, and nos 40 and 45 (Dioscuri) facing southeast.

⁸⁵ As suggested by an inscription on a Dioscuri relief (D13) inside the İn cave; see Milner below no. 6.

⁸⁶ Cf. Yazır Göl where four Triad reliefs (T7–10) are clustered on the east side of the lake, roughly facing the lake.

⁸⁷ Lloyd, S., Early Highland Peoples of Anatolia (London, 1967)Google Scholar on Alaca Hüyük, 70–2, and on Eflatun Pınar, 78–9; Jewell, E. R., Archaeology and History of Western Anatolia (Dissertation, Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1974) 164Google Scholar; Bryce, , Lycians 179Google Scholar, c, on the Eliyãna.

⁸⁸ Robert, , “Documents” 56Google Scholar; however, Parker, R., Miasma: Pollution and Purification in Early Greek Religion (Oxford, 1983) 212Google Scholar discusses healing springs sacred to particular deities, including Herakles and Artemis.

⁸⁹ Robert, , “Documents” 596–7Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Hellenica III, 67Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Robert, , “Documents” 561Google Scholar, n. 19 and 20.

⁹² Robert, , “Documents” 555Google Scholar.

⁹³ Robert, , “Documents” 552Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ The Dioscuri relief at Oinoanda is located outside the city wall; Milner and Smith, 16.

⁹⁵ Coulton, J. J., “The Fortifications at Balboura”, Revue des études anciennes 96 (1994) Vol. 1–2, 327–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Coulton, J. J., Milner, N. P., Reyes, A. T., “Balboura Survey: Onesimos and Meleager: Part I”, AnSt XXXVIII (1988) 144Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ “The Upper Theatre at Balboura”, AnSt XLIV (1994) 27–46Google Scholar, though he inclines to the 2nd century, esp. 44.

⁹⁷ Mitchell, S., AnSt XLV (1995) 16Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Milner and Smith, no. 4; see Milner below note 12. See also the rock-cut sarcophagi and Artemis Lagbene relief from Alafahrettin (Kemer Mevkii); French, , “Isinda and Lagbe” 88, 2.3Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ See note 9 above.

¹⁰⁰ Childs, W. A. P., The City-Reliefs of Lycia (Princeton, 1978)Google Scholar on Lycian tombs and tombsculpture, esp. 97–106 on the funerary function of reliefs.

¹⁰¹ See below, no. 11.

¹⁰² Money, D. K., “Lions of the Mountains”, AnSt XL (1990) 45–6Google Scholar, on art at Balboura.

¹⁰³ See note 85 above.

¹⁰⁴ Ussishkin, D. “Hollows, ‘Cup-Marks’, and Hittite Stone Monuments”, AnSt XXV (1975) 85–103Google Scholar; Neue, P., “Schalensteine und Schalenfelsen in Boğazköy-Hattuşa”, Ist Mitt 27–28 (1977–1978) 61–72Google Scholar; and Işık, F., “Zur Enstehung Phrygischer Felsdenmaler”, AnSt XXXVII (1987) 163–78Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁶ J. J. Coulton informs me of a small rectangular cutting on a rock face above the Nymphaeum at Balboura, which might have held a loose relief. See Robert, L., Opera Minora Selecta IV 198–9Google Scholar, on a group of Kakasbos reliefs now in Antalya Museum said to have been found below a rock with hewn niches.

¹⁰⁷ See note 69 above.

¹⁰⁸ Robert, , Hellenica III, 58, n. 4Google Scholar and 69–70, n. 3.

¹⁰⁹ One Triad relief (T2) forms the boundary of a settlement.

¹¹⁰ A. S. Hall and J. J. Coulton, op. cit. (note 2) 149–51, and Coulton, J. J., “Termessians at Oinoanda”, AnSt XXXII (1982) 126–31Google Scholar; most recently Eilers, C. F. and Milner, N. P., “Q. Mucius Scaevola and Oenoanda: A New Inscription”, AnSt XLV (1995) 84–8Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ It is not certain whether the territory was empty or previously settled. Coulton, , “Northern Lycia” 83–5Google Scholar discusses the population of Balboura and the southern Kibyratis. S. Mitchell argues that the Pisidians were already hellenised by this date: “Hellenismus in Pisidien”, Asia-Minor-Studien 6 (Münster, 1992) 3–4Google Scholar.

¹¹² Cf. Henig, M., CSIR Vol. I, (7) xviiGoogle Scholar. See also Momigliano, A., Alien Wisdom: the Limits of Hellenization (Cambridge, 1975) 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 7.

¹¹³ Bossert, H. Th. et al. , Karatepe Kazıları (Ankara, 1950) pl. xiii, 64, and 56–9Google Scholar; Orthmann, W., Untersuchungen zur späthethitischen Kunst (Bonn, 1971) 494, B4, pl. 18Google Scholar; and Frankfort, H., The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (Harmondsworth, 1970) 310Google Scholar, and fig. 363.

¹¹⁴ Syme, R., Anatolica: Studies in Strabo, ed. Birley, A. (Oxford, 1995) 285Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ The iconography of the Dioscuri reliefs can be seen to have survived into the Early Christian Period; see the relief of two horsemen flanking a cross on a lintel from a church at Oinoanda; Mitchell, S., AST XIII.ii (1996) 73, fig. 7Google Scholar; Mitchell, S., AnSt XLV (1995) 16Google Scholar.

* With acknowledgments to the Turkish authorities for permission to survey the site, to the British Academy and the B.I.A.A. generally, and the Craven and Meyerstein Funds, Oxford, and Christ Church, Oxford, specifically, for contributing funds to my work on site, and to the government representatives Bay Mehmet Şener, Elazığ museum, and Bay Haluk Yalçınkaya, Milas museum, for their help in 1986 and '87. I also thank Dr. J. J. Coulton who directed the Balboura Survey, for inviting me to take part, and for constructive criticism of a draft of this article. He also supplied the data for inscriptions not at the site of Balboura. Thanks for comments are also due to Prof. O.R. Gurney and Dr. B. Levick.

¹ Burkert, W., Greek Religion, tr. Raffan, J. (1985), 212Google Scholar.

² Cf. Liddell, Scott, Jones, A Greek Lexicon ⁹ s. vv.

³ A famous example from early Christian writers is N.T. Matth. 1.20: ἰδού ἄγγελος Κυρίου κατ᾿ ὄναρ ἐϕάνη αὐτῷ, λέγων…, cf. 2.13, 2.23. It has roots in several ancient Near Eastern cultures, see Gurney, O. R., “The Babylonians and the Hittites”, in Loewe, M. and Blacker, C. (edd.), Divination and Oracles (London 1981), 142–73Google Scholar.

⁴ Nock, A. D., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World (Oxford, 1986) I, 45–7Google Scholar; Lane, E. N., Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Dei Menis III (Leiden, 1976) 24Google Scholar; Bömer, F., Untersuchungen über die Religion der Sklaven in Griechenland and Rom II (Wiesbaden, 1960) 109Google Scholar, and IV² (Stuttgart, 1990) 298–9; Veyne, P., “Une évolution du paganism greco-romain: injustice et piété des dieux, leurs ordres ou ‘oracles’,” !Latomus XLV (1986) 259–83Google Scholar: during the Principate the gods began to order mortals to make vows which they later had to fulfil.

⁵ Cf. Milner, N. P. and Smith, M. F., “New votive reliefs from Oinoanda,” AnSt XLIV (1994), 65–76, at 70 ff.Google Scholar, no. 4.

⁶ Cf. Roscher, W. H. (ed.), Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie I ii(1886–1890), 2179Google Scholar, from the Theatre of Pompey in Rome.

⁷ See P. Veyne, art. cit (n. 4).

⁸ So, Robert, L., BCH CVII (1983), 569 ff.Google Scholar, 573, L., and Robert, J., La Carie II (1954) 140Google Scholar.

⁹ Cf. L., and Robert, J., La Carie II (1954) 75, 331Google Scholar. Naour, C., Tyriaion en Cabalide (1980) 19Google Scholar marks the Pisidian character of the Dioscuri-and-goddess cult; in this group she may have often lacked a more specific name, and is only once named in Dioscuri reliefs, although the Dioscuri are often named; cf. Robert, L., BCH CVII (1983) 568Google Scholar, 560 no. 10 (Macun Asarı): Άρτέμι[δι] Άρχεσίλαος εὐχήν.

¹⁰ Cf. Naour, 21–2; and on Hermes, cf. Milner and Smith, art cit. (n. 5) 74–5. Similarly, in the “Twelve Gods” reliefs from Komba, central Lycia, additional deities are Artemis (always), and on occasion the “Father of the gods” and Hermes; cf. L. Robert, 593.

¹¹ L. Robert, 572.

¹² Mitchell, S., AnSt XLV (1995) 15–6Google Scholar. Cf. Milner and Smith, art. cit. (n. 5) 70 ff., no. 4, where the hypothesis of a fountain may now be discounted. The arched feature is certainly an arcosolium (pers. comm. J. J. Coulton). The reliefs at Lagbe are also not far from arcosolia. At Balboura too, Money, D. K., “Lions of the Mountains: the Sarcophagi of Balboura,” AnSt XL (1990) 48Google Scholar “W46–47” and 49 “S 15”, noted the proximity to tombs of the reliefs T1 (close to an arcosolium) and D1. Cf. Tyler Jo Smith, above, p. 20.

¹³ Cf. Tyler Jo Smith, above, p. 18.

¹⁴ Arteimas, Gidlasis, Maramotas, Moles, Molesis, Nenas, Trokondas.

¹⁵ Manes, Midas.

¹⁶ Artemon, Athenodoros, Euagapetos, Hermaios, Hikesios, Magas, Meno[philos], Rhesia.

¹⁷ Cf. Hall, A. S., Coulton, J. J., “A Hellenistic Allotment List from Balboura in the Kibyratis,” Chiron XX (1990), 109–58Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Artemon (4 ×), Hermaios (2 ×), Magas. See especially Brixhe, loc. cit. (n. 33).

¹⁹ Cf. the Dictaean Cave in Crete, the Corycian Cave in Cilicia (Hicks, E. L., JHS XII (1891) 239 ff.Google Scholar) and the caves of the Theoi Agrioi which were located in the Mt. Kragos area of Lycia according to Alexander Polyhistor, apud Steph. Byz. s.v. κράγος. Coulton, J. J., AnSt XLII (1992) 7Google Scholar, reports the presence of quantities of early Iron Age pottery around the entrance to the cave at İn taşı.

²⁰ Cf. AnSt XLI (1991) 32Google Scholar n. 25.

²¹ Cf. AnSt XXXIX (1989) 60Google Scholar.

²² Zgusta, L., Kleinasiatische Personennamen (1964)Google Scholar, § 1512.31.

²³ Mitford, T. B., in Temporini, H. (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 18.3 (1990) 2138Google Scholar, with ref. to Houwink Ten Cate, P. H. J., The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period, Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui X (Leiden 1961), 125 ffGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ Naour, op. cit. (n. 9), 91 no. 44, pl. xv.

²⁵ Bean, G. E., Journeys in Northern Lycia 1965–67, Denkschr. Akad. Wien, phil.-hist. Kl. 85 (1965), 9Google Scholar.

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²⁷ Ibid. pl. ix.

²⁸ Smyth, H. W., The Sounds and Inflections of the Greek Dialects: Ionic (Oxford 1894), 379Google Scholar.

²⁹ Brixhe, C., Le dialecte grec de Pamphylie, Bibl. Inst. fr. Ét. Anat. Istanbul XXVI (1976), 101–2Google Scholar § 33.

³⁰ It is, however, used of a Balbouran buried in a 3rd.–2nd. c. B.C. cemetery at Sidon, Syria; his painted stele is in İstanbul Archaeological Museum: Διοσκουρίδη Εξαβοου Πισίδη Βαρβουλεῦ sic συμμάχων σημεοϕόρε χρηστὲ Χαίρε. Κεραίας ό ἀδελϕὸς ἔστησε, “Dioskourides son of Exaboas(?), Pisidian, Ba(l)bou(r)an, standard-bearer of the Allies, good man, farewell. Keraias his brother set it up.” Cf. Parlasca, K., Syrische Grabreliefs hellenistischer und römischer Zeit, Trierer Winckelmannsprogramme 3 (Mainz 1981) 6Google Scholar, pl. 2.3; Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes (Paris 1937) 366Google Scholar.

³¹ Cf. Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes (1937), 155 ffGoogle Scholar.

³² See above (n. 9).

³³ Brixhe, C., “Étymologie populaire et onomastique en pays bilingue,” Revue de Philologie LXV (1991), 63–81 at 77–9Google Scholar. Cf. AnSt XLI (1991) 35Google Scholar.

³⁴ Also Hall and Coulton, art. cit. (n. 17) (Balboura).

³⁵ Ibid. and Zgusta § 576.4 (Balboura).

³⁶ Ib. § 576.1 (Termessus Major).

³⁷ Ib. § 580.2 (a Balbouran in Sidon quoted at n. 30 above, a local instance from Boubon, and one from Karayük Pazar nr. Denizli). The name is also probable in an unpublished correction to an inscr. from Balboura, , SEG XXVI (1976–1977) 1413Google Scholar = inv. no. 20. Note that there was a Pisidian city close to Kremna called Keraia/Keraion (BE 1978: 501Google Scholar, Zgusta, L., Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen (Heidelberg 1984) § 484)Google Scholar, a Greek place-name like Kremna itself.

³⁸ IGR III 1502Google Scholar. See Cousin, G., BCH XXIV (1900), 337Google Scholar, Robert, L., BCH CVII (1983), 558Google Scholar no. 5, Nollé, J. (ed.), Side I (Inschr. Kleinasien 43) (1993) 213Google Scholar n. 77.

³⁹ See H.S. Versnel, “Religious Mentality in Ancient Prayer,” in id. (ed.), Faith, Hope and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World, Studies in Greek and Roman Religion II (Leiden, 1981), 45 ff.

⁴⁰ Cf. Weinreich, O., “Θεοὶ Έπήκοοι,” Ath. Mit. XXXVII (1912), 1–68Google Scholar, esp. 55 ff. = Ausgewählte Schriften I (1969), 131–95Google Scholar, esp. 175–86; H.S. Versnel, loc. cit., 34–37. According to H. W. Pleket, ibid., 182 n. 140, the epithet is frequent in cults of the Oriental, orientalised Greek, and more generally of healing, gods, or gods who bring σωτηρία, such as Asclepios, Demeter, and the Dioscuri. Cf. Baslez, M.-F., Recherches sur les conditions de pénétration et de diffusion des religions orientales à Délos (Paris, 1977), 294 ff.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Chapouthier, F., Les Dioscures au service d'une Déesse, Bibl. Éc. fr. Athènes et Rome CXXXVII (1935), 68Google Scholar no. 60, for a specially-made votive lamp for the Dioscuri and Moon-goddess, from the Fayum, Egypt.

⁴² Cf. Hanson, A. E., “Memorandum and speech of an advocate,” ZPE VIII (1971), 15–27Google Scholar. But see now Lewis, N., On Government and Law in Roman Egypt (1995) 292–7Google Scholar: perhaps ni(k)e is meant.

⁴³ Avi-Yonah, M., Abbreviations in Greek Inscriptions, (Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine IX (Supp.)), 1940, 85–6Google Scholar. An iota could be meant by the stroke, which may sometimes occur over the M, not through it; cf. μ(ά)ρ(τυς) with the downstroke of the rho continuing through the mu, ibid. 87. N.b. also p. 86 μιθ(ωτής).

⁴⁴ Feissel, D., Worp, K. A., “La requête d'Appion, évêque de Syene à Théodose II: P. Leid. Z révisé,” Oudheidkundige Mededelingen LXVIII (1988), 97–111Google Scholar, at 102 n. 47, SEG XXXVIII (1988) 1466Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ See Feissel and Worp for this gloss on ῥεγεῶνος (line 2). However, it is properly used as the technical term for an area of imperial landed estates, equivalent to a tractus in Roman administrative terminology, cf. Jones, A. H. M., The Later Roman Empire 284–602 (1964), 713Google Scholar, Hirschfeld, O., Die Kaiserlichen Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Diocletian (1905³, repr. Berlin 1963), 125–6, 133–4Google Scholar. Further refs. in Side I (Inschr. Kleinasien 43), 213 n. 78.

⁴⁶ This is rarer than Greek ἐπὶ + gen. for this translation, cf. Mason, H. J., Greek Terms for Roman Institutions (1974) 141Google Scholar, but is found for instance in ἀπὸ κοίτης = a cubiculo in an inscr. from the estate of Calpurnius, M.Longus near Tefenni, to the north-east of Oinoandan and Balbouran territory on the far side of Lake Kabalitis, IGR IV 894Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Cf. Oxford Latin Dict. s.v. “ex, e 13(b).” The Greek prefers gen. pl. in this sense, e.g., MAMA I 168Google Scholarἀπὸ καμπιδουκτόρων ὠρδεναίου, I 216Google Scholar αὐγουστάλιος καὶ ἀπὸ (Laodicea Combusta).

⁴⁸ Carrié, J.-M., “Bryonianus Lollianus de Side ou les avatars de l'ordre equestre,” ZPE 35 (1979), 213–24, at 217–8Google Scholar; cf. Roueché, C., Aphrodisias in late Antiquity, JRS monogr. V (London 1989), 23–4Google Scholar on ἀπὸ πριμιπιλαρίων and ἐξ ἐπάρχων λεγιῶνος.

⁴⁹ Hist. Eccl. 8.11.2Google Scholar: , translated by Rufinus as Adauctus… honoribus palatii per gradus singulos usque ad officiorum magisterium perfunctus, rationes quoque per illud tempus summarum partium administrans in supra dicta urbe degebat…

⁵⁰ Cf. Ramsay, W. M., JHS VIII (1887), 498Google Scholar, μισ[θ]ωτὴ[ς χωρίων τ]οῦ Καίσαρος, near Nacolea in Phrygia, but the restoration of χωρίων is uncertain. Cf. Hirschfeld, 129 n. 1, citing also CIL VIII 10570, 14464Google Scholar 1.30, Dig. 19.2.49 (Modestinus) and 49.14.45 §13 (Paulus).

⁵¹ The Latin prefers the plural for the purely honorary meaning.

⁵² Cf. Carrié, loc. cit., who prefers this explanation of the ?late 3rd. c. civilian career of Lollianus.

⁵³ Broughton, T. R. S., “Roman Asia Minor,” in Frank, T. (ed.), An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome IV (1938), 662Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Cf. Robert, L., Hellenica X (1955), 71Google Scholar n.1, used only in the imperial administration, apparently.

⁵⁵ Cf. J., and Robert, L., La Carie II (1954), 292–93Google Scholar. N.b., οἰκόνομος seems to have denoted a vilicus or dispensator in Asia Minor, unlike Egypt, where it often meant “accountant”.

⁵⁶ Cf. Jones, 413, has magistri rei privatae or rationales one for each late-Roman diocese; below them were procuratores, e.g., proc. saltuum responsible for large estates or conglomerations of estates. Egyptian papyri show that there was a procurator of imperial estates for each city. Some provinces had their own rationalis (καθολικός): Egypt had one, as well as a magister privatae (μάγιστρος τῆς πριονάτης), even while part of the diocese of Oriens. See also Pflaum, H.-G., Les procurateurs équestres sous le haut-empire romain (1950), 85 ff., 99 ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ OGIS 526 = IGR IV 1651Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Parsons, P. J., “Philippus Arabs and Egypt,” JRS LVII (1967), 134–41Google Scholar, esp. 138–9; Bowman, A. K., “Papyri and Roman Imperial History, 1960–75,” JHS LXVI (1976), 165Google Scholar. Contra, Parassoglou, G. M., Imperial Estates in Roman Egypt, American Studies in Papyrology XVIII (Amsterdam, 1978), 87Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Cf. Hirschfeld, op. cit. (n. 45) 35–6. At 134 n. 2, he suggests CJ 1.54.2 is about non-patrimonial procurators. But a fortiori the low-ranking type of procurator was prohibited from imposing fines too.

⁶⁰ Hirschfeld, 133.

⁶¹ The most up-to-date data on this family are in Raepsaet-Charlier, M.-T., Prosopographie des femmes de l'ordre senatorial (I^er–II^e siècles) (1987) 230Google Scholar no. 257. See also the stemma in Milner, N. P. and Mitchell, S., AnSt XLV (1995) 100Google Scholar.

⁶² PIR ² 832 C.

⁶³ Her grandfather Claudius Dryantianos was a leading citizen of Patara, cf. Milner and Mitchell, 103. Her father Claudius Titianus, also called Ti. Claudius Flavianus Titianus Q. Vilius Proculus L. Marcius Celer M. Calpurnius Longus, is related to the Longus, M. Calpurnius (IGR IV 894, 895Google Scholar, cf. 897, identical acc. to Cagnat comm. ad 894) who had estates at Alastos, near Tefenni. He had a δοῦλος οἰκονόμος (dispensator) also called Artemon (IGR IV 895Google Scholar).

⁶⁴ Cf. IGR IV 897Google Scholar, reading ἔτονς ασ՛ (line 1: Heberdey, dated A.D. 224–5) reported by Leschhorn, W., Antike Ären, (Historia Einzelschriften LXXXI, 1993), 533Google Scholar no. 9. The fragmentary inscription records a dedication on behalf of orophylakes of an estate run by a misthotes.

⁶⁵ Jones, A. H. M., Studies in Roman Government and Law (Oxford 1960) 164Google Scholar; ILS 2392, 2424.

⁶⁶ We know that veterans were settled in the area; there was a κολωνία in the territory of Balboura, cf. Naour, op. cit. (n. 9) 38 no. 8.

⁶⁷ Cousin, G., BCH XXIV (1900), 338Google Scholar; F. Chapouthier op. cit. (n. 41) 25–6; Nollé, J., Side I (Inschr. Kleinasien 43), 212Google Scholar, no. TEp 9; cf. Ruge, W., RE XVIGoogle Scholar ii col. 2390, Robert, L., Villes d'Asie Mineure (1935¹) 168–9, (1962 ²) 365–66Google Scholar; Daux, G., BCH C (1976), 225–226Google Scholar, cf. SEG XXVI (1976–1977) 1438Google Scholar; cf. Robert, L., BCH CVII (1983) 558Google Scholar no. 5.

⁶⁸ Braunstein, O., Die politische Wirksamkeit der griechischen Frau (Diss. Leiden, 1911), 70Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ See the list of examples in Laminger-Pascher, G., Index Grammaticus zu den griechischen Inschriften Kilikiens und Isauriens I, Sitzungsberichte der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften ph.-hist. Kl. 284.3 (Vienna, 1973), 49Google Scholar, with n. 66; cited by G. Daux, art. cit. See also J. Nollé, op. cit., 213, accepting this interpretation.

⁷⁰ Roscher, W., Lexikon I i (1884–1886), 1164–6Google Scholar s.v. “Dioskuren” (A. Furtwängler); cf. Nollé, 213, n. 81, for further refs. Nollé's suggestion to read = Μ(ε)γ(άλοι) is not supported by Avi-Yonah, 84, as there is no horizontal hasta on the central upright.

⁷¹ Robert, L., Hellenica XI–XII (1960), 338 ff.Google Scholar Cf. Διόσκοροι Σαμοθρᾴκων ἐπιϕανεῖς θεοὶ ἀδαμεῖ[ς ἀ]εί (Beyşehir), Robert, L., BCH CVII (1983), 419Google Scholar.

⁷² For κρίματα, cf. IGR III 58, 66Google Scholar (Prusias ad Hypium); Dion., Hal.Ant. Rom. 4.12.3Google Scholar.

⁷³ Wörrle, M., Stadt und Fest im kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien, Vestigia vol. 39 (Munich, 1988), 27 ff., 33Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ TAM II i 250Google Scholar, dated by the eponymous priesthood of the League of Licinnius Longus.

⁷⁵ Naour, C., “Inscriptions de Lycie,” ZPE XXIV (1977), 270Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Cf. Kom[..]ra, an estate, which contained 107 slaves, and was owned by the city of Kibyra, IGR 4.914 and Nollé, J., ZPE XLVIII (1982) 267–73Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Cf. the Oinoandan Licinnius Longus, A.D. 131/2, Licinnius Stasithemis before A.D. 123, and another Licinnius in A.D. 146. See Wörrle 41 n. 118, 43–43; Zimmermann, M., Untersuchungen zur historischen Landeskunde Zentrallykiens, Antiquitas I.42 (1992), 252, 260Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Cf. Balland, A., Fouilles de Xanthos VII (1981), 227–8Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Inv. no. YÇ 1124.

⁸⁰ Bechtel, F., Die historischen Personennamen des Griechischen bis zur Kaiserzeit (1917), 109Google Scholar; Pape, W., Benseler, G. E., Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen³ (1911), 302Google Scholar; IGR III 484Google Scholar (Oinoanda).

⁸¹ Bechtel, 272; Pape-Benseler, 1626. Presumably the revels are those of Dionysos.

⁸² Bechtel, 577. Cf. ῾Ρησώ from Crete, 1st. c. B.C./A.D., listed by Fraser, P. M. and Matthews, E. (edd.), A Lexicon of Greek Proper Names I (Oxford 1987)Google Scholar. Gignac, F. T., A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods I (Milan 1976), 243Google Scholar, details the phonological process whereby unaccented eta between rho and sigma could become epsilon in the koine of the Empire.

⁸³ Coulton, J. J., AnSt XLII (1992) 8Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ On this local form of the Thraco-Anatolian rider-god, see Frei, P., “Die Götterkulte Lykiens in der Kaiserzeit,” in Temporini, H. (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II 18.3 (1990) 1808–10Google Scholar; Robert, L., “Un dieu anatolien: Kakasbos,” Hellenica III (1946), 38–74Google Scholar; 172–3; add Hellenica VII (1949), 57–8Google Scholar; Hellenica X (1955), 13Google Scholar; Hellenica XIII (1965), 99Google Scholar; Annuaire du Collège de France: 61^e année (1961), 314Google Scholar; 63^e année (1963), 350; Villes d'Asie Mineure² (1960), 362Google Scholar n. 4.

⁸⁵ F. Bechtel, 531. Cf. W. H. Roscher, op. cit. (n. 6) 631 s.v. “Zeus (Beinamen)”; Farnell, L. R., The Cults of the Greek States I (1896), 66–7Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Cf. Fraser and Matthews, s. vv.

⁸⁷ See Liddell, Scott, Jones, A Greek Lexicon ⁹ s.vv. for this meaning.

⁸⁸ Petersen, E. and von Luschan, F., Reisen in Lykien, Milyas und Kibyratis II (1889), 171Google Scholar no. 214, fig. 79.

⁸⁹ Not over it, as per Petersen and v.Luschan.

⁹⁰ Cf. Zgusta, op. cit. (n. 21) § 912; RE XV ii (1932) 1526–40Google Scholar s.v. “Midas (1)–(5)”.

⁹¹ Zgusta § 108.11 and 108.1. Cf. no. 4. above.

⁹² Orromous at Oinoanda (BE 1978: 462Google Scholar), Balboura (Hall, Coulton, art. cit. (n. 17), 114 C 31), and Tyriaion in the territory of Balboura (Naour, op. cit. (n. 9) 20 no. 3); Oromōs at Küçük Söğle, in the Elmalı plain (İplikçoğlu, B., Çelgin, G., Çelgin, A.V. (edd.), Neue Schriften aus Nord-Lykien I, Sitzungsberichte der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften ph.-hist. Kl. 584 Bd. (Vienna, 1992), 21Google Scholar no. 9).

⁹³ Ormous, from Cilicia, and Ōrmas, from Isauria (Zgusta §§ 1106.2 and 1659).

⁹⁴ Koerner, R., Die Abkürzung der Homonymität in griechischen Inschriften (Sb. Akad. Berlin 1961 no. 2).Google Scholar