The 1972–73 program entitled Extending the Teaching Competence of Urban Aboriginal Mothers, described by Watts and Henry,(1977), drew both on cultural deprivation and cultural difference theory, in a way that invites consideration of the possibility of reconciliation of these two apparently opposing positions.

First, to elucidate the program and its research bases, it aimed to enhance the prospects for school success of Grade 1 and later 4-year old Aboriginal children in Brisbane, not by focusing directly on the child in a school or pre-school setting, but by working with parent and child at home.

This focus was suggested by a number of studies in the sixties (e.g. Bernstein, 1961; Hunt, 1961; Dave, 1963; Douglas, 1964; Hess and Shipman, 1965; Coleman, 1966; Wiseman, 1967), indicating that the home is a more important determinant of school success than the school itself.

In particular, Hess,(1969) saw ten family characteristics as significant for the child’s optimal development: demand for high achievement, maximization of verbal interaction, engagement with attentiveness to the child, maternal teaching behaviour, diffuse intellectual stimulation, warm affective relationship with the child, feelings of high regard for child and self, pressure for independence and self-reliance, quality and severity of disciplinary rules, and use of conceptual rather than arbitrary regulatory strategies.

Watts, (1971) found maternal characteristics such as active interest in, and high aspirations for the child, to be more significant for the school achievement of Aboriginal than white adolescent girls.

Once upon a time a little boy called Johnny started school. He was very excited. His Mummy and Daddy had been telling him for what seemed a long time that he would soon go to school. At school he would learn to read and write and do sums. Johnny's Mummy bought him some new clothes - school clothes - and a little suitcase for his school lunch. At last the day arrived, and Mummy took Johnny to the school. Mummy talked to some big people and signed some papers. A nice lady came and talked to Johnny and Mummy. Then Mummy said it was time to go and she would see Johnny after school. The nice teacher lady took Johnny into a room with a lot of other children.

Aboriginal children, like all others, have a love and enthusiasm for physical activity in the form of play, games and sport. For a variety of reasons, this enthusiasm does not always carry over into the other areas of the school program. Mitchell’s (1973) comments are quite commonplace – and they apply not only in Aboriginal schools:

Actually, it is not so surprising that Aboriginal people show an interest in physical activity as evidence suggests that recreational activities formed an integral part of the traditional way of life. The amount of time available for, and the extent and quality of the leisure pursuits, is suggested by Tonkinson (1974):

Throughout 1974 and 1975 I worked among Aboriginal people in Rural Town, S.W. Queensland. With one exception, all Aboriginal people in this country town have attained at least a primary education. Further, almost 30 per cent of men and women in the 16–30 age group have attended some secondary school; although only two completed grade 10 in 1974, a further three attended tenth arade in 1975.

These figures reflect the pattern of Queensland Aboriginal education as presented in Roper (1970:55). On the basis of these trends it should be possible to hypothesize that younger Aboriginals are attaining higher educational standards than their parents. But the figures lie – simply because more children are staying at school for longer periods this does not mean that they either learn more at school or are experiencing more satisfaction in the school situation.

Obviously the proportion of individuals who attend at least some secondary school is increasing; Aboriginal parents generally support the principle that education is essential if the child is to acquire reasonable employment. Such schemes as the Aboriginal Secondary Grant Scheme are recognised by the Aboriginal community as worthwhile endeavours, not only because they enable parents to support their children for longer periods at school, but because they make the whole educational issue topical. Discussions about the grant lead to discussions about children’s problems at school. Ambitions for “good jobs” are intrinsically linked with educational achievement. Education officers associated with the Aboriginal Secondary Grant are sought out, asked for help to “have the kids sent to boarding school”, as the Rural Town high school does not teach classes beyond Grade 10, and their expertise enlisted to find employment. This concern is not restricted to high school students either. Mothers generally recognise that:

In 1975 we were preparing a source book of the Northern Territory for the Northern Territory Curriculum Branch. There was a thick book at the end of it, but it was evident to us that only one section of the population was represented. That was the European, and only the literate part of that. The Aboriginal view of the past was simply not available from history books, nor, except to Aboriginal children, from anywhere else. It was obvious, that to produce an Aboriginal history of the Territory, we would have to move from reading the written word to listening to the spoken.

This was the task we set ourselves for 1977–78. Employed by the Curriculum Branch, and backed by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, we would act as editors in the task of presenting an Aboriginal history of the Northern Territory to school children. All interviews and discussions would be taped, and cassettes made to go with each booklet of transcriptions and illustrations.

Faced with an enormous amount of material, vast distances to cover, and not unlimited time, we decided, rather than produce a hotch-potch volume of what we had managed to record, to edit a series of shorter books on different themes. Some are on specific topics, like the Coniston massacre, or wartime recollections. Other topics are more general but no less interesting: how, when and why did Aboriginal people give up (or were forced to give up) traditional life; how they adapted to the European intrusion; why there has been a shift to out-stations and a preference for bicultural education?

Obviously we have not been able to visit large areas of the Territory. We chose mostly to visit places where we already knew someone. Often this was the teacher, who would ask the community in advance if it were interested in taking part in the project. Almost everywhere, the older people were keen to tell stories of the early days, especially when they knew their words would be heard and read by children throughout the Territory. Generally the stories are no older than the third generation, and in English.