¹ Kalinka, Walerian, Pisma pomniejsze. Część IV (Minor writings. Part IV) (Cracow, 1902), 44Google Scholar.

² Unless there is an established and uncontroversial English form, like Warsaw or Vienna, place names are given in the official language of the states to which they belong nowadays, hence Przemyśl (Polish) but Lviv (Ukrainian). The only deviation from this principle is for the localities radically renamed in the twentieth century, hence Prešporok for Bratislava. Cyrillic is rendered with the help of the simplified romanization of the Library of Congress (without diacritics and primes).

³ More precisely, Galicia was still a theater of war, where Austrian, Polish, and Russian armies vied with each other, but Polish forces held Lviv. For the Senechiv episode, see Vadym Adadurov, “‘Virnopiddanyi sluha Ioho Tsisarsʹkoi Velychnosti’: svit politychnykh pohliadiv vladyky Antoniia Anhelovycha” (The Most Loyal Servant of his Imperial Majesty: The worldview of the bishop Antonii Anhelovych) in Impers'ki identycznosti v ukrains'kii istorii XVIII – pershoi polovyny XIX st. (Imperial Identities in Ukrainian History of the First of the Eighteenth Through the First Third of the Nineteenth Century), eds. Vadym Adaurov and Volodymyr Sklokin, 217–24 as well as Michael Harasiewicz, Annales ecclesiae ruthenae, gratiam et communionem cum s. Sede Romana habentis ritumque Graeco-Slavicum observantis cum singulari respectu ad dioeceses ruthenas Leopoliensem, Premisliensem et Chelmensem (Annals of the Ruthenian Church in communion with the Holy Roman See . . . ), ed. Michael Ritter von Malinowski (Lviv, 1862), 926–35. For an overview of the whole 1809 campaign, see Krzos, Kazimierz, Z księciem Józefem w Galicji w 1809 roku (With Prince Joseph in Galicia in 1809) (Warsaw, 1967)Google Scholar; Bronisław Pawłowski, Lwów w 1809 r. (Lviv in 1809) (Lviv, 1909); and Pawłowski, Bronisław, Wojna polsko-austriacka 1809 r. (Polish-Austrian war of 1809) (Warsaw, 1999)Google Scholar.

⁴ As I intend to locate this article within the historiography of Ukrainian nation-building, I render all names of Galicia's Greek Catholic clergymen in modern Ukrainian forms. This is a somewhat anachronistic practice, as in the available written sources we find them in Polish, Latin, German, or Church Slavonic, for example, Michał Harasiewicz (Polish), Michael Harasiewicz (German and Latin), and Mikhail Garasevich (Ruthenian Church Slavonic). For personal names, I use a simplified romanization of the Library of Congress (with primes but without diacritics)

⁵ For these two iconic episodes of European history, see Tackett, Timothy, When the King Took Flight (Cambridge, MA, 2003)Google Scholar and Wolf, Hubert, Der Unfehlbare: Pius IX. und die Erfindung des Katholizismus im 19. Jahrhundert (Munich, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ I use the terms “Commonwealth” and “Poland-Lithuania” to refer to the early modern republican polity that ceased to exist in 1795 similarly to how the present-day Slovak distinguishes between Uhorsko and Uhri (polyethnic Kingdom of Hungary as a whole and all its inhabitants) and Maďarsko and Maďari (today's Hungary and ethnic Hungarians). I also tend to use “Austria” for the whole of the Habsburg monarchy, not only its predominantly German-speaking lands.

⁷ For the basic biographical information on Anhelovych and Harasevych, see two footnotes in Kyrylo Studynsʹkyi's introduction to Ukrainsʹko-rusʹkyi arkhiv: Materialy do istorii kulʹturnoho zhyttia v Halychyni v 1795–1857 rr. Zamitky i teksty (Ukrainian-Ruthenian archive: Materials on the history of cultural life in Galicia 1795–1857. Notes and texts), vol. xiii–xiv (1920), v–vi; J. Umiński's entry in Polski Słownik Biograficzny (Polish Biographical Dictionary), vol. 1 (Cracow, 1935), 112; entry on Anhelovych in Wurzbach, vol. 1, 39–40; Amvrozii Androkhovych, “Lʹvivsʹke ‘Studium Ruthenum,’” (Lviv “Ruthenian Study”) Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva im. Shevchenka, vol. 146 (1927), 46–53 and 68–75; Amvrozii Androkhovych, “Videns'ke Barbareum. Istoriia Korolivsʹkoi Generalʹnoi Hreko-katol. Semynarii pry Tserkvi Sv. Varvary u Vidni z pershoho periodu ii isnuvannia (1775–1784)” (Viennese Barbareum. History of the Royal General Seminary at the Church of St. Barbara in Vienna in its first period of existence, 1775–1784) in Hreko-katolytsʹka Dukhovna Semynariia u Lʹvovi. Materialy i rozvidky. T. 1 (Greek Catholic Clerical Seminary in Lviv. Materials and Studies), ed. Iosyf Slipyi (Lviv, 1935), 186–87 and 206–7. Vienna's confidence in Harasevych and Anhelovych can be seen for example in AVA Inneres PHSt 28/g: Angellowicz, Anton, österreichfreundliches Verhalten während der polnischen Insurrektion and AVA Adel HAA AR 339.18.

⁸ Gil, Andrzej and Skochylias, Ihor, Kościoły wschodnie w państwie polsko-litewskim w procesie przemian i adaptacji: metropolia kijowska w latach 1458–1795 (Eastern Churches in the Polish-Lithuanian Polity in the Course of Changes and Adaptations: Kyiv Metropolitanate 1458–1795) (Lublin, 2014)Google Scholar; Ludomir Bieńkowski, “Organizacja Kościoła Wschodniego w Polsce” (Organization of the Eastern Church in Poland), in Kościół w Polsce, II: Wieki XVI–XVIII (Church in Poland, II: Sixteenth-Eighteenth Centuries), ed. Jerzy Kłoczowski (Cracow, 1969), 781–1049; Edward Likowski, Dzieje Kościoła unickiego na Litwie i Rusi w XVIII i XIX wieku: uważane głównie ze względu na przyczyny jego upadku. Cz. 1 (History of the Uniate Church in Lithuania and Rusʹ in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: Observed from the Vantage Point of its Fall) (Warsaw, 1906); Iuliian Pelesh, Geschichte der Union der ruthenischen Kirche mit Rom von den ältesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart. Bd. 2, Von der Wiederstellung der Union mit Rom bis auf die Gegenwart (1598–1879) (Vienna, 1880); Korczok, Antoni, Die griechisch-katholische Kirche in Galizien (Leipzig, 1921), 1–22Google Scholar.

⁹ Kto jest stroną zaczepiającą Austrya czy Francya (Who is the aggressive side, Austria or France?) ([Lviv], 1805); List pasterski do duchowieństwa i ludów dycezyów przemyskiey, samborskiey, sanockiey, lwowskiey, halickiey i kamienieckiey, tudzież chałmskiey, bełskiey i brzeskiey (Pastoral letter to the clergy and peoples of the dioceses of Przemyśl, Sambir, Sanok, Lviv, Halych, Kam'ianetsʹ, Belz, and Brest) ([Lviv], 1805); Uwagi patryoty austryackiego nad niektórémi artykułami umieszczonémi w zagranicznych gazetach (Remarks of an Austrian patriot on some articles published in foreign newspapers) ([Lviv], 1805); Observations d'un patriote Autrichien sur divers Articles insérés dans les Gazettes étrangères ([Lviv], 1805); there existed also a German-language version of the latter.

¹⁰ Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych w Warszawie (henceforth AGAD), Akta Rady Ministrów Księstwa Warszawskiego, 66, 141.

¹¹ For a bird's eye overview of the awakeners, see Trencsényi, Balázs, Janowski, Maciej et al., A History of Modern Political Thought in East Central Europe. Volume I: Negotiating Modernity in the Long Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 2016), 168–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Galician Ruthenian examples, see Iakiv Holovatsʹkyi, O pervom literaturno-umstvennom dvizhenii rusinov v Galitsii so vremen avstriiskogo vladeniia v toi zemle (On the First Literary-Intellectual Movement of the Ruthenians in Galicia from the Time of Austrian Rule in that Land) (Lviv, 1865); Studynsʹkyi, Kyrylo, Polʹsʹki konspiratsii sered rusʹkykh pytomtsiv i dukhovenʹstva v Halychyni v rokakh 1831–1846 (Polish Conspiracies Among Ruthenian Seminarians and Clergymen in Galicia 1831–1846) (Lviv, 1908)Google Scholar; Kyrylo Studynsʹkyi, “Prychynky do istorii kulʹturnoho zhyttia Halytsʹkoi Rusy v litakh 1833–1847” (Provisional Observations on the Cultural Life in Galicia 1833–1847), in Korespondentsiia Iakova Holovatsʹkoho v litakh 1835–1849 (Iakiv Holovatsʹkyi's Correspondence 1835–1849), ed. Kyrylo Studynsʹkyi (Lviv, 1909), i–civ; Mykhailo Vozniak, Iak probudylosia ukrainsʹke narodnie zhyttia v Halychyni za Avstrii (How the Ukrainian National Life was Awakened in Galicia under Austria) (Lviv, 1924); Mykhailo Tershakovets', Markiian Shashkevych ta ioho idei na tli ukrainsʹkoho vidrodzhennia (Markiian Shashkevych and his Ideas Against the Background of the Ukrainian Rebirth) (Lviv, 2021).

¹² Classics of modernism include: Chlebowczyk, Józef, On Small and Young Nations in Europe: Nation-forming Processes in Ethnic Borderlands in East-Central Europe (Wrocław, 1980)Google Scholar; Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, 1983)Google Scholar; Hroch, Miroslav, Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe: A Comparative Analysis of the Social Composition of Patriotic Groups among the Smaller European Nations (Cambridge, 1985)Google Scholar; Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge, 1990). The idea that nations are a fundamentally modern phenomenon has been present, if not necessarily dominant, in European scholarship since at least the second half of the nineteenth century. See: Ernest Renan, Qu'est-ce que'une nation (Paris, 1882); I. Snitko [Stanisław Herburt-Heybowicz], Zarys pojęć o narodzie (A Sketch of Conceptions Concerning Nation) (Lviv, 1901); Verhandlungen des zweiten deutschen Soziologentages vom 20.-22. Oktober 1912 in Berlin (Berlin, 1913); Volodymyr Starosolʹsʹkyi, Teoriia natsii (Theory of Nation) (Vienna, 1922); Marceli Handelsman, Rozwój narodowości nowoczesnej (Development of Modern Nationality), 3 vols. (Warsaw, 1924, 1926, 1937); Walter Sulzbach, Imperialismus und Nationalbewusstsein (Frankfurt am Main, 1959); Timothy Snyder, Nationalism, Marxism, and Modern Central Europe: A Biography of Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz, 1872–1905 (New York, 2018). For a brief discussion of this longer history of debates on nations and nationalism, see Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism, 1–5.

¹³ Niederhauser, Emil, The Rise of Nationality in Eastern Europe (Budapest, 1982), 44Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Joseph Stalin's definition is perhaps the best-known example of the objectivist essentialism questioned by constructivists: “A nation is a historically evolved, stable community of language, territory, economic life and psychological make-up manifested in a community of culture,” Stalin, Joseph, Marxism and the National and Colonial Question (London, 1936), 8Google Scholar, quoted after Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism, 5.

¹⁵ For a Romantic-like picture of the pre-modern world see chapters 2, 4, and 5 in Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, e.g., the assertion: “Agrarian man can be compared with a natural species which can survive in the natural environment” (51). For important disclaimers see Hobsbawm, Eric, “Peasants and Politics,” Journal of Peasant Studies 1, no. 1 (October 1973): 1–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar and the exchange with Corrigan, Philip, “On the Politics of Production: A Comment on ‘Peasants and Politics’ by Eric Hobsbawm,” Journal of Peasant Studies 2, no. 3 (April 1975): 341–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the broad and deep circulation of information in Europe before the nineteenth century see: Emanuel Rostworowski, Legendy i fakty XVIII w. (Legends and facts of the eighteenth century) (Warsaw, 1963), 145–94, 465–86; Blanning, T. C. W., The Culture of Power and the Power of Culture: Old Regime Europe 1660–1789 (Oxford, 2002), 103–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 356–441; Filippo de Vivo, Information and Communication in Venice: Rethinking Early Modern Politics (Oxford, 2007); Radway, Robyn, “Brief Notes on the Long War in the Early Modern News Cycle,” Austrian History Yearbook 50 (2019): 17–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a perspective that focuses on the change from the struggles of mid eighteenth century to those of the nineteenth, see Charles Tilly, “Contentious Repertoires in Great Britain, 1758–1834,” Social Science History 17, no. 2 (Summer, 1993): 253–80. For the difficulty of clearly delimiting modern politics from the “traditional” resistance, see Mykhailo Drahomanov, Novi ukrainsʹki pisni pro hromadsʹki spravy (1764–1880) (New Ukrainian songs about the social issues 1764–1880) (Kyiv, 1918); Hobsbawm, Eric, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movements in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Manchester, 1959)Google Scholar; Aung-Thwin, Maitrii, The Return of the Galon King: History, Law, and Rebellion in Colonial Burma (Athens, OH, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zayarnyuk, Andriy, Framing the Ukrainian Peasantry in Habsburg Galicia, 1846–1914 (Toronto, 2013), 76–176Google Scholar.

¹⁶ For the power of nationalist messages in the eighteenth century, see Bell, David, The Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism, 1680–1800 (Cambridge, MA, 2001)Google Scholar; Colley, Linda, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (London, 2003)Google Scholar; Blanning, The Culture of Power and the Power of Culture, 184–356.

¹⁷ See for example such characteristic statements in Gellner, Nations and Nationalism: “Nationalism as such is fated to prevail, but not anyone particular nationalism” (47); and “the principle of nationalism . . . is itself in the least contingent and accidental” (56). Caspar Hirschi, The Origins of Nationalism: An Alternative History from Ancient Rome to Early Modern Germany (Cambridge, 2012), 1–33 offers a constructivist critique of the 1980s' modernism. See also the discussion in Umut Özkırımlı, Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction (Basingstoke, 2010), 72–142, 190–219.

¹⁸ John-Paul Himka, “The Construction of Nationality in Galician Rusʹ: Icarian Flights in Almost All Directions,” in Intellectuals and the Articulation of the Nation, eds. Ronald G. Suny and Michael D. Kennedy (Ann Arbor, 1999), 111, 125, 126.

¹⁹ King, Jeremy, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans: A Local History of Bohemian Politics, 1848–1948 (Princeton, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Judson, Pieter, Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, MA, 2006)Google Scholar; Gary Cohen, The Politics of Ethnic Survival: Germans in Prague, 1861–1914, 2^nd ed., rev. (West Lafayette, 2006); Zahra, Tara, Kidnapped Souls: National Indifference and the Battle for Children in the Bohemian Lands, 1900–1948 (Ithaca, 2008)Google Scholar. We could add to this Bohemian list Alexander Maxwell's Choosing Slovakia: Slavic Hungary, the Czechoslovak Language and Accidental Nationalism (London, 2009). For an archeology of this situational actor-focused approach see Judson, Pieter, “A ‘Deák School of History,’” Journal of Austrian-American History 7, no. 1 (2023): 9–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ Michał Łuczewski, Odwieczny naród: Polak i katolik w Żmiącej (Primordial Nation: Being Polish and Catholic in the village of Żmiąca) (Toruń, 2012); Zayarnyuk, Framing the Ukrainian Peasantry. Keely Stauter-Halsted, The Nation in the Village: The Genesis of Peasant National Identity in Austrian Poland, 1848–1914 (Ithaca, 2001); and Yaroslav Hrytsak, Ivan Franko and His Community (Edmonton, 2018) (Ukrainian original published in 2006) are transitional cases, combining the rigid mode of conceptualizing nation-building and a more contingency-focused practical approach.

²¹ The work of the orthodox Soviet Marxist Hryhorii Herbilʹsʹkyi's can serve as an illustration. In his Peredova suspilʹna dumka v Halychyni (Progressive Social Thought in Galicia) (Lviv, 1959) after an introductory mise-en-scène chapter he jumps immediately to the activists of the 1830s. Five years later, in his Rozvytok prohresyvnykh idei v Halychyni u pershii polovyni XIX stolittia (Development of Progressive Ideas in Galicia in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century) (Lviv, 1964) he adds a short chapter on Ivan Mohylʹnytsʹkyi and some other figures of his generation, emphasizing two themes: their language work and their interest in Russian scholarship (53–71). Still, the 1830s and 1840s clearly dominate (132–246).

²² Ivan Franko, “Zhyttia Ivana Fedorovycha i ioho chasy” (Life of Ivan Fedorovych and his Times) in Ivan Franko, Zibrannia tvoriv u p‘iatdesiaty tomakh. Tom 46: Knyha I: Istorychni pratsi (1883–1890) (Full Collection of Works in Fifty Volumes. Vol. 46: Book I: Historical Works), eds. Iaroslav D. Isaievych and Vitalii H. Sarbei (Kyiv, 1985), 9; Handelsman, Rozwój narodowości 3, 60–97; Ivan L. Rudnytsky, “The Role of Ukraine in Modern History” and “The Ukrainians in Galicia Under Austrian Rule,” in Ivan L. Rudnytsky, Essays in Modern Ukrainian History (Edmonton, 1987), 11–36, 315–52; Jan Kozik, The Ukrainian National Movement in Galicia: 1815–1849 (Edmonton, 1986); Snyder, Timothy, The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 (New Haven, 2003), 122–32Google Scholar; Hrytsak, Ivan Franko, xiii–xxiii, 77–120; Andriy Zayarnyuk and Ostap Sereda, The Intellectual Foundations of Modern Ukraine: The Nineteenth Century (Abingdon, 2023), 43–44, 62–64. Even Himka in “Icarian Flights,” 115, asserts that the actual nation-building starts only in the 1830s or, at best, 1820s. For an inspiring attempt at offering an alternative interpretation focused on the revolutionary politics and the internationalist ideals of the Vormärz period see Procyk, Anna, Giuseppe Mazzini's Young Europe and the Birth of Modern Nationalism in the Slavic World (Toronto, 2019)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ For the difficulty of finding universally valid markers of nationality in the nineteenth century, see Zayarnyuk and Sereda, Intellectual Foundations of Modern Ukraine, 108–9.

²⁴ This judgment originated with Havryło Rusyn [Iakiv Holovatsʹkyi], Zustände der Russinen von Galizien: Ein Wort zur Zeit (Leipzig, 1846), 8–11. Holovatsʹkyi's account is full of vitriol but is not inaccurate. In 1797, Harasevych as a lecturer of the Lviv Studium Ruthenum was reprimanded for teaching in Polish instead of Ruthenian, Androkhovych “Studium Ruthenum,” 73. Except for one pastoral letter, reproduced by Harasevych in his work, I know of no Ruthenian-language texts issued by Anhelovych, Harasiewicz, Annales, 787–90, whereas, for example, we do have a bilingual pastoral letter of Petro Biliansʹkyi Poslanie pastyrskoe do dukhovenstva i liudu dietsezii lvovskoi i peremyskoi/List pastoralny do duchowieństwa i ludu diecezyi lwowskiey i przemyskiey (Pastoral Letter to the Clergy and People of the Dioceses of Lviv and Przemyśl) (Lviv, 1795). Two negative assessments formulated by nationalist historians against the prelates of Anhelovych's cohort will suffice here. Iuliian Okhrymovych, Rozvytok ukrainsʹkoi natsionalʹno-politychnoi dumky (vid pochatku XIX stolittia do Mykhaila Drahomanova) (Development of the Ukrainian National-Political Thought from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century until Mykhailo Drahomanov) (Lviv, 1922), 30: “Galician clergymen . . . had no national ideals, demanded nothing, but instead accepted anything that was given to them with servile thanks” (this author uses also the derogatory term rutenstvo, which can be compared to the pejorative use of the label “Little Russian” across the Zbruch). Vozniak, Iak probudylosia ukrainsʹke zhyttia, 10–21 briefly describes the activities of such church leaders as Skorodynsʹkyi, Anhelovych, and Harasevych, repeatedly deploring their neglect of the national language, treating it as tantamount to disrespect to the national cause (even though he has some sympathy for Harasevych). Kozik, Ukrainian National Movement, 26 reproduces this language-centric approach, albeit without the nationalist undertone: “The Ukrainians’ ready resignation from the Ruthenian language at Lviv University is also proof that, at least until 1809, there was no awareness of a national problem in Galicia.” See also Herbilʹsʹkyi, Peredova suspilʹna dumka, 32–34 and his Rozvytok prohresyvnykh idei v Halychyni, 5–6, 56–57, 71.

²⁵ Examples of this attitude include: Hrushevsky, Michael, A History of Ukraine (New Haven, 1941), 469–74Google Scholar, 487–93; Ivan Kryp'iakevych et al., Velyka istoriia Ukrainy (A Large History of Ukraine) (Winnipeg, 1948), 663–94; Dmytro Doroshenko, Narys istorii Ukrainy (Sketch of the History of Ukraine) (Munich, 1966), 298–303; John-Paul Himka, “The Greek Catholic Church and Nation-Building in Galicia, 1772–1918,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 3/4 (December 1984): 426–52; Rudnytsky, Essays in Modern Ukrainian History, 315–23; Iaroslav Hrytsak, Narys istorii Ukrainy: Formuvannia modernoi ukrainsʹkoi natsii XIX-XX stolittia (Sketch of the History of Ukraine: The Formation of the Modern Ukrainian Nation) (Kyiv, 1996), 41–53; Magocsi, Paul R., A History of Ukraine (Seattle, 1996), 385–405Google Scholar; Subtelny, Orest, Ukraine: A History (Toronto, 2000), 213–25Google Scholar, 237–42. Magocsi, Paul R., The Roots of Ukrainian Nationalism: Galicia as Ukraine's Piedmont (Toronto, 2002), 50CrossRefGoogle Scholar even concluded in a programmatic article first published in 1989 that all the work of the late eighteenth century was in vain, so “the Ukrainian national revival had to start again from scratch.” Characteristically, Kyrylo Studynsʹkyi titled his study of the Lviv General Seminary, the single most important institution for the reproduction of the Greek Catholic clergy, Lvivsʹka dukhovna Semynaryia v chasakh Markiiana Shashkevycha (1829–1843.) (Lviv Clerical Seminary in the Time of Markiian Shashkevych, 1829–1843) (Lviv, 1916). Thus, even in studying this topic, he reinforced the centrality of the national awakening embodied in the heroic leader of the Ruthenian Trinity.

²⁶ Amvrozii Androkhovych, “Istoriia hreko-katolytsʹkoi Generalʹnoi Dukhovnoi Semynarii u Lʹvovi 1783–1810” (History of the Greek Catholic Clerical Seminary in Lviv, 1783–1810) in Hreko-katolytsʹka Dukhovna Semynariia u Lʹvovi. Materialy i rozvidky. T. 3 (Greek Catholic Clerical Seminary in Lviv. Materials and Studies), ed. Iosyf Slipyi (Lviv, 1935), 61–505. For an overview of Androkhovych's work, see Serhii Olenych, “Istoriia osvity u doslidzhenniakh Amvrosiia Androkhovycha (1879–1942)” (History of Education in the Research Works of Amvrosii [sic] Androkhovych), Problemy humanitarnykh nauk: zbirnyk naukovykh pratsʹ Drohobytsʹkoho derzhavnoho universytetu imeni Ivana Franka. Seriia Istoriia (Problems of humanities: Collection of scholarly works of the Ivan Frank Drohobych State University. Series History), no. 11/53 (2022): 310–25.

²⁷ Marʹian Mudryi, “Avstrorusynstvo v Halychyni: sproba okreslennia problemy” (Austro-Ruthenianism in Galicia: an attempt at determining the phenomenon) Visnyk Lvivsʹkoho Universytetu. Seriia Istorychna, no. 35/36 (2000): 571–604; Adadurov, “Virnopiddanyi sluha”; Adadurov, Fundatsiia Halytsʹkoi Mytropolii u svitli dyplomatychnoho lystuvannia Avstrii ta Sviatoho Prestolu 1807–1808 rokiv: zbirnyk dokumentiv (Foundation of the Galician Metropolitanate in the Light of the Diplomatic Correspondence of Austria and the Holy See 1807–1808: Collection of Documents) (Lviv, 2011); Adadurov, Podil kyivsʹkoi ta pidnesennia halytsʹkoi uniinykh mytropolii: dokumenty ta materialy vatykansʹkykh arkhiviv (Division of the Kyivan Metropolitanate and Erection of the Galician Metropolitanate: Documents and Materials from the Vatican Archives) (Lviv, 2019).

²⁸ Adadurov, “Virnopiddanyi sluha,” 196–201, 230–31. Zayarnyuk and Sereda, Intellectual Foundations of Modern Ukraine, 34–35, in turn, characterize Harasevych and Anhelovych as representing “a pre-national, but no longer ‘traditional’ worldview.”

²⁹ Quentin Skinner, “Moral Principles and Social Change,” in Skinner, Quentin, Visions of Politics: Volume 1: Regarding Method (Cambridge, 2002) 145–57Google Scholar. Cf. Gary Marker, “Constitutio Medievalis: The Politics of Language and the Language of Politics in the 1710 Constitution,” in Pylyp Orlyk: zhyttia, polityka, teksty, ed. Natalia Iakovenko (Kyiv, 2011), 249: “The point here is not about uncovering what Orlyk ‘really’ thought in his heart of hearts, an enterprise that lies beyond the meager tools of documentary historians who are fated to rely upon textual and physical remnants of a past time to try to reconstruct matters as they appear to us in distant hindsight. Instead, we need to inquire into how Orlyk chose to present himself, his arguments, and his images textually.”

³⁰ Hirschi, Origins of Nationalism, 34–50.

³¹ For the opposition between national thought and nationalism see Leerssen, Joep, National Thought in Europe: A Cultural History (Amsterdam, 2006), 14–17Google Scholar.

³² Wolff, Larry, Venice and the Slavs: The Discovery of Dalmatia in the Age of Enlightenment (Stanford, 2001), 331Google Scholar.

³³ Hen-Konarski, Tomasz, “No Longer Just Peasants and Priests: The Most Recent Studies on Nation Building in Nineteenth-Century Ukraine,” European History Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2015): 728CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ Hrushevsʹkyi, Mykhailo, “Z bizhuchoi khvyli. Halychyna i Ukraina” (From the Current Moment: Galicia and Ukraine) Literaturno-Naukovyi Vistnyk 36, no. 12 (December 1906): 494Google Scholar.

³⁵ Title of the collection of essays by Paul R. Magocsi, Of the Making of Nationalities There is No End (Boulder, 2000). Magocsi also happens to be one of the champions of the Rusyn nationalism. John-Paul Himka has suggestively explored the question of contingency, competing offers, and plausible alternative scenarios in his “Icarian Flights,” passim but see especially 112 and 144–45. See also a suggestive comparison of nation-building to Tetris as a game in which it is impossible to achieve a definitive victory in Edin Hajdarpašić, Whose Bosnia? Nationalism and Political Imagination in the Balkans, 1840–1914 (Ithaca, 2015), 206. For the Polish-Lithuanian and pan-Rusʹ/Russian alternatives to the Galician Ukrainian national movement see Adam Świątek, Gente Rutheni, Natione Poloni: The Ruthenians of Polish Nationality in Habsburg Galicia (Edmonton, 2019) and Wendland, Anna Veronika, Die Russophilen in Galizien: Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Russland, 1848–1915 (Vienna, 2001)Google Scholar.

³⁶ Synod of Zamość is a central event of the Ruthenian Uniate history, so the literature on it is extensive. For a traditional account see Pelesh, Geschichte der Union, 420–45. For the newest perspective see Ihor Skochylias, ed., Zamoisʹkyi provintsinyi sobor Rusʹkoi Uniinoi Tserkvy. Knyha 1: Diiannia ta postanovy (Zamość Provincial Synod of the Ruthenian Uniate Church. Vol. 1: Proceedings and Resolutions) (Lviv 2021). For the general outlook of the Uniate Church in the period following the Synod of Zamość see: Ihor Skochylias, “The Uniate Church in Right-Bank Ukraine in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century: Paradoxes of Regional Adaptation,” in Eighteenth-Century Ukraine: New Perspectives on Social, Cultural, and Intellectual History, eds. Zanon E. Kohut, Volodymyr Sklokin et al. (Toronto, 2023) 424–54; Larry Wolff, Disunion within the Union: The Uniate Church and the Partitions of Poland (Cambridge, MA, 2020); and Barbara Skinner, The Western Front of the Eastern Church: Uniate and Orthodox Conflict in Eighteenth-century Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia (DeKalb, 2009), 36–111.

³⁷ For example, Prince Adam K. Czartoryski suggested in 1789 at the diet held in Warsaw that the Uniate higher clergy should be encouraged to return to the Eastern-style dress and ceremonies, because their lifestyle had alienated the Ruthenian commoners by becoming too similar to the Latin church elite, AGAD, Archiwum Sejmu Czteroletniego, 1, 535 (Session 89, 16 April 1789). See Oleh Turij, “Der ‘ruthenische Glaube’ und die ‘treuen Ruthenen’: Die habsburgische Politik bezüglich der griechisch-katholischen Kirche,” in Grenzregionen der Habsburgermonarchie im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert: Ihre Bedeutung und Funktion aus der Perpektive Wiens, ed. Hans-Christian Maner (Münster, 2005), 125–26 and Handelsman, Rozwój narodowości 3, 61.

³⁸ For example, in a 1724 letter to Pope Benedict XIII Metropolitan Lev Kyshka speaks of gens Ruthena, whereas in a 1720 pastoral letter to Archimandrite Ivan-Khryzostom Radzyminsʹkyi-Frantskevych he uses the phrase gens nostra Roxolana. In turn, Pope Clement XI in a 1720 letter of salutation to the synod fathers employed the term Ruthena natio. It remains to be determined if there was any significant difference of meaning between the words gens and natio. All quotes after Zamoisʹkyi provintsinyi sobor, 98, 218, 232. Adadurov, “Virnopiddanyi sluha,” 195 quotes an official communication from 1807 between Vienna and Rome where the former speaks of “la nation Ruthène grec unie.” This might suggest that as late as the first decade of the nineteenth century the Austrian government could use the term nation as a synonym for confession.

³⁹ For example, in April 1789 at the diet held in Warsaw Jacek Jezierski spoke of “our Ruthenian brethren” (braci naszych Rusinów), clearly meaning the nobility of the Ruthenian palatinates. Prince Adam K. Czartoryski, in turn, claimed to possess expertise in the Ruthenian matters, as “a citizen and old/former Ruthenian” (obywatel i dawny Rusin), although his family had adhered to the Latin rite since the early seventeenth century, AGAD, Archiwum Sejmu Czteroletniego, 82, 535 (Sessions: 74, 2 April 1789; and 89, 16 April 1789).

⁴⁰ Uniate clergymen's level of education was certainly more uneven than the average among the Latin Catholics, but it was not as bad as the stereotypes would have it. Although it was not unusual to encounter candidates to priesthood in the 1770s who had not attended any school, there were also many who had had some exposure to the ratio studiorum offered in Jesuit, Piarist, and Basilian schools of the time, as is clearly visible in the data amassed by Amvrozii Androkhovych, “Lvivsʹke Studium Ruthenum,” Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva imeni Shevchenka 131 (1921): 147–85.

⁴¹ Bieńkowski, “Organizacja Kościoła Wschodniego,” 1032. Pop is a term used in Polish exclusively for Orthodox Christian and Greek Catholic priests. Nowadays, it is considered derogatory.

⁴² Richard Butterwick, The Polish Revolution and the Catholic Church, 1788–1792: A Political History (Oxford, 2012), 92, 191–98; Ostling, Michael, “‘Poison and Enchantment Rule Ruthenia.’ Witchcraft, Superstition, and Ethnicity in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,” Russian History 40, no. 3/4 (2013): 488–507CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For suggestive examples in published primary sources see: Adam Moszczeński, Pamiętnik do historyi polskiéj w ostatnich latach panowania Augusta III. i pierwszych Stanisława Poniatowskiego (Memoir on the Polish history in the last years of the reign of Augustus III and the first ones of Stanislaus Poniatowski) (Poznań, 1858), 11–13; Hugo Kołłątaj, Stan oświecenia w Polsce w ostatnich latach panowania Augusta III (The state of Enlightenment in Poland in the last years of Augustus III) (1750–1764). T. 1, 2 (Poznań, 1881), 17–18, 139–41; Jędrzej Kitowicz, Pamiętniki ks. A. Kitowicza do panowania Augusta III i Stanisława Augusta (Rev. Kitowicz's memoir on the reign of Augustus III and Stanislaus Augustus) (Lviv, 1882), vol. 1: 137–40, vol. 2: 357–61.

⁴³ Skinner, Western Front, 112–43, 169–223; Butterwick, Polish Revolution, 299–303.

⁴⁴ Teodozy Brodowicz, Widok przemocy na słabą niewinność srogo wywartej (Image of Violence Fiercely Inflicted upon a Helpless Innocence), ed. Iakiv Holovatsʹkyi (Lviv, 1861). The most accessible English-language accounts of these events are Skinner, The Western Front, 183–95; and Butterwick, Richard, “Deconfessionalization? The Policy of the Polish Revolution towards Ruthenia, 1788–1792,” Central Europe 6, no. 2 (2008): 91–121CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁵ Moszczeński, Pamiętnik, 13: “None of the magnates lived in Ukraine . . . they preferred to have Eastern-rite churches (cerkwie) built in their settlements, rather than the Latin churches (kościoły), because the Eastern-rite churches cost nothing except for the wood granted to the village assembly for the construction, whereas the equipment of a Latin church is very costly.”

⁴⁶ Perhaps the most suggestive example is that of Iason Smohozhevsʹkyi, Poland-Lithuania's Uniate metropolitan in the 1780s who had been born as a Latin and only transitioned upon entering the Basilians in his late teens. See Andrzej Zięba's entry in Polski Słownik Biograficzny, vol. 39 (Cracow, 1999), 216–25. Smohozhevsʹkyi is also the main protagonist of Wolff's Disunion with the Union.

⁴⁷ Himka, John-Paul, “The Conflict between the Secular and the Religious Clergy in Eighteenth-Century Western Ukraine,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 15, no. 1/2 (1991): 35–47Google Scholar; Derek Beales, Joseph II, Volume II: Against the World, 1780–1790 (Cambridge, 2009), 314–16; Bowman, William D., Priest and Parish in Vienna, 1780 to 1880 (Boston, 1999), 1–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 212–20.

⁴⁸ Orientalist depictions of the local population and environment are a classical topic of Galicia studies. The most important exploration of this theme is Larry Wolff, The Idea of Galicia: History and Fantasy in Habsburg Political Culture (Stanford, 2010), but see also: Klemens Kaps, Ungleiche Entwicklung in Zantraleuropa: Galizien zwischen überregionaler Verflechtung und imperialer Politik (1772–1914) (Vienna, 2015); Christoph Augustynowicz, “Blutsaugen als othering oder Reiseerfahrungen aus dem Galizien des 18. Jahrhunderts. Einige Beobachtungen zu Postkolonialismus und Vampir(ismus)-Diskurs” and Klemens Kaps, “Kulturelle Differenzen des Ökonomischen: Galizische Entwicklungsdiskurse im Spannungsfeld räumlicher Funktionalisierung und sozialer Bruchlinien (1772–1848),” Historyka: Studia Metodologiczne 42 (2012): 61–76 and 97–116; Christoph Mick, “Reisen nach ‘Halb-Asien.’ Galizien als binnenexotisches Reiseziel,” in Zwischen Exotik und Vertrautem: Zum Tourismus in der Habsburgermonarchie und ihren Nachfolgestaaten, eds. Peter Stachel and Martina Thomsen (Bielefeld, 2014), 95–112. For older critical treatment of these stereotypes underwritten by the Polish national sentiment, see Ludwik Finkel, “Memoryał Antoniego hr. Pergena, pierwszego gubernatora Galicyi, o stanie kraju” (Count Pergen's Memorial on the State of Galicia) Kwartalnik Historyczny Year XIV (1900), 24–43 and Władysław Chotkowski, Historya polityczna Kościoła w Galicyi za rządów Marii Teresy (Political History of the Church in Galicia under Maria Theresa), vol. 1 (Cracow, 1909), 52–78. For comparison, see Peter Stachel, “Halb-kolonial und halb-orientalisch? Dalmatien als Reiseziel im 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert,” in Stachel and Thomsen, Zwischen Exotik und Vertrautem, 165–99; Valentina Glajar, “‘Halb-Asien’ to Europe: Contrasting Representations of Austrian Bukovina,” Modern Austrian Literature 34, no. 1/2 (2001): 15–35.

⁴⁹ For Shchavnytsʹkyi, see Androkhovych “Studium Ruthenum,” 41–46; Androkhovych “Barbareum,” 166–69; and Fr. Tichý, “U sv. Barbory ve Vídni” (At St. Barbara in Vienna) Dunaj: Revue Rakoských Čechoslovaků, Year XII (1935), 57–62.

⁵⁰ Androkhovych “Barbareum,” 47–57; Paul R. Magocsi, “Eastern Christians in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1526–1918,” in Eastern Christians in the Habsburg Monarchy, eds. John-Paul Himka and Franz A. J. Szabo (Edmonton, 2021), 1–14.

⁵¹ For the Haugwitzian Revolution, see Stollberg-Rilinger, Barbara, Maria Theresa: The Habsburg Empress in Her Time (Princeton, 2021), 202–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵² This concept has been codified by Muratori, Ludovico Antonio, Della pubblica felicità, oggetto de’ buoni principi (Lucca, 1749)Google Scholar and further popularized by Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi.

⁵³ Elisabeth Kovács, “Beziehungen von Staat und Kirche im 18. Jahrhundert,” in Österreich im Zeitalter des aufgeklärten Absolutismus, ed. Erich Zöllner (Vienna, 1983), 29–53; Ernst Wangermann, “Reform Catholicism and Political Radicalism in the Austrian Enlightenment,” in The Enlightenment in National Context, eds. Roy Porter and Mikuláš Teich (Cambridge, 1981), 127–40; Franz A. J. Szabo, Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism 1753–1780 (Cambridge, 1994), 209–57; Beales, Joseph II: Against the World, 68–89, 271–332; Stollberg-Rillinger, Maria Theresa, 563–648; Harm Klueting, “The Catholic Enlightenment in Austria or the Habsburg Lands,” in A Companion to the Catholic Enlightenment in Europe, eds. Ulrich Lehner and Michael Printy (Leiden, 2010), 127–64.

⁵⁴ [Franz Stephan Rautenstrauch], Entwurf zur Einrichtung der theologischen Schulen in den k. k. Erblanden (Vienna, 1784). See also: Thomas Wallnig, “Franz Stephan Rautenstrauch (1734–1785): Church Reform for the Sake of the State,” in Enlightenment and Catholicism in Europe: A Transnational History, eds. Jeffrey D. Burson and Ulrich L. Lehner (Notre Dame, 2014), 209–26; Josef Müller, Der pastoraltheologisch-didaktische Ansatz in Franz Stephan Rautenstrauchs “Entwurf zur Einrichtung der theologischen Schulen” (Vienna, 1969); Beda F. Menzel, Abt Franz Stephan Rautenstrauch von Břevnov-Braunau: Herkunft, Umwelt und Wirkungskreis (Königstein im Taunus, 1969). Mykhailo Shchavnytsʹkyi considered Rautenstrauch an important patron of all Greek Catholics in the Monarchy, Androkhovych “Barbareum,” 11. At the very least, the Abbot of Břevnov was aware of the Galician affairs as an active member of the Geistliche Hofkommission, for example in July 1783, he expressed his opinion on Bishop Biliansʹkyi's conflict with the Basilians, Władysław Chotkowski, Historya polityczna 2, 455.

⁵⁵ For this establishment, see Peter Hersche, Der Spätjansenismus in Österreich (Vienna, 1977), 274–305.

⁵⁶ For a brief discussion of this process, see John-Paul Himka, “German Culture and the National Awakening in Western Ukraine before the Revolution of 1848,” in German-Ukrainian Relations in Historical Perspective, eds. Hans-Joachim Torke and John-Paul Himka (Edmonton, 1994), 30–34. Specifically for Barbareum, see Androkhovych “Barbareum”; Regii seminarii græco-catholici Viennæ ad Sanctam Barbaram recens fundati leges, atque institutiones (Laws and Institutions of the Recently Established Royal Greek Catholic Seminary at St. Barbara in Vienna) ([Vienna, 1779 or 1780]); Archiwum Państwowe w Przemyślu, Archiwum Biskupstwa Grecko-katolickiego w Przemyślu (henceforth APP, ABGK), 9428: Historia Regij Generalis Seminarii Græco Catholici Viennae ad S. Barbaram per Imperatricem et Reginam Apostolicam Mariam Theresiam clementissime fundati (History of the Royal General Greek Catholic Seminary established at St. Barbara in Vienna by the clemency of the Empress and Apostolic Queen Maria Theresa).

⁵⁷ For a very accessible introduction to the question of general seminaries, see Ernst Popp, “Zum Besten von Staat und Religion – Die geistliche Hofkommission” (Ph.D diss., University of Vienna, 2019), 204–70.

⁵⁸ Josephinism is a deeply problematic concept originating in the specific circumstances of the Vormärz. Nevertheless, at this point, its complete elimination from history writing would cause more confusion than benefit. For an in-depth discussion, see Franz L. Fillafer and Thomas Wallnig, “Einleitung,” in Josephinismus zwischen den Regimen: Eduard Winter, Fritz Valjavec und die zentraleuropäischen Historiographien im 20. Jahrhundert, eds. Franz L. Fillafer and Thomas Wallnig (Vienna, 2016), 7–50.

⁵⁹ Marya Jarosiewiczówna emphasizes in her work the hostility of Galicia's Polish-speaking noble elite towards Austria, but we must not forget that her vision is strongly colored by the patriotic outlook of her intellectual environment: see her “Galicya a sprawa polska (październik 1806–lipiec 1807)” (Galicia and the Polish question (October 1806–July 1807)), Biblioteka Warszawska 2 (1912): 245–86 and “Polacy pod rządem austryackim na początku XIX wieku” (Poles under the Austrian government at the beginning of the nineteenth century), Biblioteka Warszawska 3 (1913): 568–99. Michał Baczkowski offers a more complicated picture: W służbie Habsburgów: Polscy ochotnicy w austriackich siłach zbrojnych w latach 1772–1815 (In the Habsburg Service: Polish Volunteers in the Austrian Armed Forces in the Years 1772–1815) (Cracow, 1998).

⁶⁰ Dorota Wereda, Biskupi unickiej metropolii kijowskiej w XVIII wieku (Bishops of the Uniate Metropolitanate of Kyiv in the Eighteenth Century) (Lublin, 2013), 28–38.

⁶¹ For a unique testimony of Biliansʹkyi's conduct, see Anonymous, Historia domowa od nominacyi na biskupstwo lwowskie, halickie i Kamieńca Podolskiego Jaśnie Wielmożnego J. X. Piotra Bielańskiego (Domestic History . . . of the Bishop Petro Biliansʹkyi) kept in the collection of the Andrey Sheptytsky National Museum of Lviv, Rkl-100. See also Michał Wąsowicz's entry in Polski Słownik Biograficzny, vol. 2 (Cracow, 1936), 34–35; Julian Pelesz, Geschichte der Union der ruthenischen Kirche mit Rom von den ältesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart. Bd. 2: Von der Wiederstellung der Union mit Rom bis auf die Gegenwart (1598–1879) (Vienna, 1880), 676–83; Chotkowski, Historya polityczna 2, 449–64.

⁶² For example, the communication of 19 April 1797 concerning the affairs of the Lviv General Seminary from APP, ABGK, 9337, 34. See also Vushko, Iryna, The Politics of Cultural Retreat: Imperial Bureaucracy in Austrian Galicia, 1772–1867 (New Haven, 2015), 18–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶³ For the fledgling Polish-Lithuanian intelligentsia, see Janowski, Maciej, Birth of the Intelligentsia 1750–1831 (Frankfurt am Main, 2014)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Early modern nobiliary republicanism formed the point of departure for the nineteenth-century Polish insurrectionary irredentism: Władysław Konopczyński, Polscy pisarze polityczni XVIII wieku: do Sejmu Czteroletniego (Polish political writers of the eighteenth century: until the Four-Years Diet) (Warsaw, 1966); Zofia Zielińska, Republikanizm spod znaku buławy: publicystyka Seweryna Rzewuskiego z lat 1788–1790 (Republicanism under the sign of mace: Seweryn Rzewuski's polemical writings 1788–1790) (Warszawa, 1988); Andrzej Walicki, The Enlightenment and the Birth of Modern Nationhood: Polish Political Thought from Noble Republicanism to Tadeusz Kosciuszko (Notre Dame, 1989); Anna Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Queen Liberty: The Concept of Freedom in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Leiden, 2012); Jerzy Michalski, Rousseau and Polish Republicanism (Warsaw, 2015); Anna Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, The Political Discourse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: Concepts and Ideas (New York, 2021). For its transformation in the early nineteenth century and the role of the French Revolution, see Michael G. Müller, “Poland,” in Nationalism in the Age of the French Revolution, eds. Otto Dann and John Dinwiddy (London, 1988), 113–28; Handelsman, Rozwój narodowości 2, 17–48; Jarosław Czubaty, Zasada ‘dwóch sumień’: Normy postępowania i granice kompromisu politycznego Polaków w sytuacjach wyboru (1795–1815) (The Principle of Double Conscience: Norms of Conduct and Limits of Compromise of Poles in Situations of Choice) (Warsaw, 2005); Andrzej Nowak, “Początki rozwoju idei powstańczej w polskiej myśli politycznej” (Beginnings of the Development of the Insurrectionary Idea in the Polish Political Thought) and Jarosław Czubaty, “Insurekcja, rewolucja, wojna. Koncepcje odbudowy państwa polskiego na przełomie XVIII i XIX wieku” (Insurrection, Revolution, War. Conceptions of the Restoration of the Polish State at the Turn of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries) in Wbrew królewskim aliansom: Rosja, Europa i polska walka o niepodległość w XIX wieku (Against the Royal Alliances: Russia, Europe, and the Polish Struggle for Independence in the Nineteenth Century), eds. Łukasz Adamski and Sławomir Dębski (Warsaw, 2016), 21–62.

⁶⁵ Teodora Shek Brnardić, “Modalities of Enlightened Monarchical Patriotism in the Mid-eighteenth Century Habsburg Monarchy,” in Whose Love of Which Country?: Composite States, National Histories and Patriotic Discourses in Early Modern East Central Europe, eds. Balázs Trencsenyi and Márton Zászkaliczky (Leiden, 2010), 631–61; Franz L. Fillafer, Aufklärung habsburgisch: Staatsbildung, Wissenskultur und Geschichtspolitik in Zentraleuropa 1750–1850 (Göttingen, 2020), 24–29; Ernst Wangermann, “Joseph von Sonnenfels und die Vaterlandsliebe der Aufklärung,” in Joseph von Sonnenfels, ed. Helmut Reinalter (Vienna, 1988), 157–69; Klueting, Harm, “‘Bürokratischer Patriotismus’: Aspekte des Patriotentums im theresianisch–josephinischen Österreich,” Aufklärung 40, no. 2 (1991): 37–52Google Scholar; Stauber, Reinhard, “Vaterland - Provinz - Nation: Gesamtstaat, Länder und nationale Gruppen in der österreichischen Monarchie 1750–1800,” Aufklärung 10, no. 2 (1998): 55–72Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ APP, ABGK, 9470, 2–3. Adadurov analyzes the same letter but uses a copy from the State Historical Archive in Lviv, “Virnopiddanyi sluha,” 197–200. We find a similar argument in Anhelovych's pastoral letter from 1805 reproduced in Anna Krochmal, “Biskupi uniccy Antoni Angełłowicz i Ferdynand Ciechanowski wobec wydarzeń epoki napoleońskiej” (Uniate Bishops Antoni Angełłowicz and Ferdynand Ciechanowski in the face of the events of the Napoleonic period), Miscellanea Historico-Archivistica, t. XX (2013), 184–86.

⁶⁷ HHStA Provinzen Galizien 4–14 (1796–1811): Kirchliche Würdenträger in Galizien, 3, 5.

⁶⁸ Himka, “The Conflict between the Secular and the Religious Clergy,” 35–47.

⁶⁹ For Striletsʹkyi, see Androkhovych, “Vidensʹke Barbareum,” 170–71 and Willibald M. Plöchl, St. Barbara zu Wien: Die geschichte der griechisch-katholischen Kirche und Zentralpfarre St. Barbara. Band 1 (Vienna, 1975) 143–54.

⁷⁰ Klemens Wenzel von Metternich, Mémoires, documents, et écrits divers, ed. Richard de Metternich, Part II (1816–48), Vol. VII (Paris, 1883), 211. Quoted after Wolff, The Idea of Galicia, 151. Metternich espoused a similarly negative assessment of the Polish mindset already in the first decade of the nineteenth century, occasioning inquiries by the Austrian administration in Galicia. See Emil Kipa, Austria a sprawa polska w r. 1809 (Austria and the Polish Question) (Warsaw, 1952), 8–15. See Vadym Adadurov, “Identities of Little Russian Society through the Prism of Napoleon's Russian Campaign,” in Kohut, Eighteenth-Century Ukraine, 203–4.

⁷¹ “ . . . potens factio Gallorum principiis (sic dictis revolutionisticis) imbuta,” Harasiewicz, Annales, 540.

⁷² For an exploration of this theme in the later period, see Jana Osterkamp, Vielfalt ordnen: das föderale Europa der Habsburgermonarchie (Vormärz bis 1918) (Göttingen, 2021).

⁷³ Gazeta Krakowska (Cracow Gazette) 1809, no. 29 (9 April), 337–38. We need to read this piece in the context of the government propaganda efforts intensified in 1808–09, for which see Michał Baczkowski, “Austriacka propaganda w Galicji w latach 1795–1815” (Austrian propaganda in Galicia in the years 1795–1815), Studia Historyczne, no. 3 (1999): 361–74 and “Czy Kraków mógł zostać stolicą Galicji na początku XIX wieku?” (Could Cracow Become the Capital of Galicia at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century?), Zeszyty Naukowe UJ: Prace Historyczne no. 136 (2009): 49–56.

⁷⁴ Wolff, Idea of Galicia, 4–8 and passim.

⁷⁵ Johann Christian von Engel, Geschichte der Ukraine und der ukrainischen Cosaken, wie auch der Königreiche Halitsch und Wladimir (Halle, 1796); Rohrer, Joseph, Versuch über die slavischen Bewohner der österreichischen Monarchie (Vienna, 1804)Google Scholar; Kratter, Franz, Briefe über den itzigen Zustand von Galizien (Leipzig, 1786)Google Scholar; Balthasar Hacquet, Neueste physikalisch-politische Reisen in den Jahren 1788 und 1789 durch die Dacischen und Sarmatischen oder Nördlichen Karpathen, Erster Theil (Nuremberg, 1790). Curiously, the first part of Engel's work, devoted to the Ukrainian Cossacks, was immediately translated into Polish, but the translation was never published. An almost clean handwritten copy titled Historya Ukrainy i ukraińskich kozaków przełożona z niemieckiego dzieła Jana Chrystjana Engela wydanego w Halle w 1796. (History of Ukraine and Ukrainian Cossacks translated from a German work of Jan Chrystian Engel published in Halle in 1796) is now in the possession of the University of Vienna, kept in the Fachbereichsbibliothek Osteuropäische Geschichte und Slawistik. I would like to thank Benedikt Stimmer for helping me to locate it. See also Wolff, Venice and the Slavs, 328–29.

⁷⁶ For the phenomenon of eighteenth-century adventurers and charlatans, see Maciejko, Paweł, The Mixed Multitude: Jacob Frank and the Frankist Movement, 1755–1816 (Philadelphia, 2011), 216–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, Anna, Gulliver in the Land of Giants: A Critical Biography and the Memoirs of the Celebrated Dwarf Joseph Boruwlaski (London, 2016), 15–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 61–119, 167–72.

⁷⁷ Hirschi, Origins of Nationalism, 88–98, 119–79.

⁷⁸ Skinner, “Moral Principles,” 149–50.

⁷⁹ AVA Inneres PHSt 490: Angellowicz, Anton, Denkschrift über die Lage der griechisch katholischen Kirche in Galizien, 1806, 1: “ . . . die Majorität des Volkes und der Urstamm der Einwohner, die ruthenische Nation . . . ” To get an idea of what kind of demands Anhelovych had at that time, see his “Allerunterthänigste Bitte” submitted to the emperor in December 1806 and reproduced by Mykhailo Malynovsʹkyi in Die Kirchen- und Staats-Satzungen bezüglich des griechisch-katholischen Ritus der in Galizien (Lviv, 1861), 424–30.

⁸⁰ “ . . . daß das Haus Oesterreich in seinen ausgedehnten Staaten Niemanden habe, der ihm mehr anhänglich und zugethan wäre, als es im Königreiche Galizien der ruthenische Klerus und das ruthenische Volk ist.” Harasiewicz, Annales, 829. For the handwritten original, see HHStA Provinzen Galizien 4–14 (1796–1811): Kirchliche Würdenträger in Galizien, 20.

⁸¹ Adadurov, “Virnopiddanyi sluha,” 196–201.

⁸² The lexicon of natural law and universal citizenship is omnipresent in the Austrian civil legislation of the time, which makes it difficult to select one illustration, but see, for example, articles 28 and 29 of the pilot Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch für Westgallizien (Vienna, 1797), 10 and articles 16, 17, 18 of the Allgemeines bürgerliches Gesetzbuch (Vienna, 1811), 6–7. See also Strakosch, Henry E., State Absolutism and the Rule of Law: The Struggle for the Codification of Civil Law in Austria, 1753–1811 (Sydney, 1967)Google Scholar; Fillafer, Aufklärung habsburgisch, 335–417, 443–53.

⁸³ Wiener Zeitung 1836, no. 174 (1 August), 985.

⁸⁴ Denys Zubrytsʹkyi, later one of the pioneers of Galician Ruthenian history writing, in 1809 actively collaborated with the occupation authorities established by the Duchy of Warsaw in Przemyśl. For more examples of such ambiguities as late as the 1830s, see Procyk, Mazzini's Young Europe, 95–132.

⁸⁵ “Poloni solent extollere suum patriotismum nationalem, quem requirunt etiam admirandum ab aliis nationibus. Non minus propugnabant quoque Rutheni, Poloniae subjecti, libertates et jura sua nationalia contra Polonos.” Harasiewicz, Annales, 414.

⁸⁶ Emilian Kossak articulates this accusation in his brochure Odpowiedź na historyę “O unii kościoła grec. kat. Ruskiego” przez ks. Michała Malinowskiego, kanonika świętojurskiego we Lwowie, w 1862 r. wydaną (Lviv, 1863), although without providing any substantial evidence.

⁸⁷ Feodosii Steblii, Predtecha Rusʹkoi Triitsi: Peremyshlʹsʹkyi kulʹturno-osvitnii oseredok pershoi polovyny XIX st. (Forerunners of the Ruthenian Triad: Przemyśl Cultural-Educational Centre of the First Half of the Nineteenth Century) (Lviv, 2003).

⁸⁸ Fillafer, Aufklärung habsburgisch, 39–51; Walter Landi, “Joseph von Hormayr zu Hortenburg (1781–1848). Romantische Historiographie im Zeitalter der Restauration zwischen patriotischer Loyalität und liberalen Unruhen,” in Eliten in Tirol zwischen Ancien Régime und Vormärz/Le élites in Tirolo tra Antico Regime e Vormärz, eds. Marco Bellabarba et al. (Innsbruck, 2010), 385–405.

⁸⁹ For the official exchange on this delicate issue, see Ukrainsʹko-rusʹkyi arkhyv, vol. 3 (1907), 121–24.

⁹⁰ For a taste of the bitterness between the representatives of the two milieux, see Holovatsʹkyi, Zustände der Russinen.

⁹¹ Hrytsak, Ivan Franko, 163.

⁹² Tyroleans’ hostility toward Enlightened reforms should not be misunderstood as resulting from the lack of development in the region, as in fact it underwent a complex transformation in that period. Tyrolean conservatism was rather a very modern attempt at conceptualizing and controlling the changes in question. Miriam J. Levy, Governance & Grievance: Habsburg Policy and Italian Tyrol in the Eighteenth Century (West Lafayette, 1988); Cole, Laurence, “Nation, Anti-Enlightenment, and Religious Revival in Austria: Tyrol in the 1790s,” The Historical Journal 43, no. 2 (June, 2000): 475–97Google Scholar; Reinhard Stauber, Der Zentralstaat an seinen Grenzen: Administrative Integration, Herrschaftswechsel und politische Kultur im südlichen Alpenraum 1750–1820 (Göttingen, 2001); Beales, Joseph II: Against the World, 492–94, 597–98, 624–25; Laurence Cole, “Vom Sonderfall zum europäischen Normalfall? Zur kollektiven Identitätsbildung in Tirol um 1809,” in Eliten in Tirol, 113–42; Span, Michael, Ein Bürger unter Bauern? Michael Pfurtscheller und das Stubaital 1750–1850 (Vienna, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Siemann, Wolfram, Metternich: Strategist and Visionary (Cambridge, MA, 2019), 275–78Google Scholar, 322–25; Fillafer, Aufklärung habsburgisch, 39–49; Stollberg-Rillinger, Maria Theresa, 330–34; Berg, Scott, Finding Order in Diversity: Religious Toleration in the Habsburg Empire, 1792–1848 (West Lafayette, 2022), 75–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Trencsényi, Modern Political Thought in East Central Europe, 116–67; Reinalter “Joseph von Sonnenfels als Gesellschaftstheoretiker,” in Reinalter, Sonnnfels, 139–56. For a fascinating study of one such conservative man of Enlightenment in the nineteenth century, see Siemann, Metternich, 45–88, 98–131, 555–58, 579–92, 726–36, 746–55.

⁹⁴ Niederhauser, Rise of Nationality, 181–95, 223–33; Hroch, Social Preconditions, 44–61, 98–106; Mikuláš Teich, “Bohemia: From Darkness into Light,” in Porter and Teich, Enlightenment in National Context, 141–63; Josef Taborský, Reformní katolík Josef Dobrovský (Reform Catholic Josef Dobrovský) (Brno, 2007); Mária Vyvíjalová, “Bratislavský generálny seminár a jeho význam pre slovenské národné hnutie” (Bratislava General Seminary and its Significance for the Slovak National Movement) in Slovenské učené tovarišstvo 1792–1992 (Slovak Learned Society 1792–1992), ed. Milan Petráš (Trnava, 1993), 19–40; Eva Kowalská, “The Enlightenment and the Beginnings of the Modern Slovak Nation,” Ľudovít Haraksim “Slovak Slavism and Panslavism,” and Dušan Kováč, “The Slovak Political Programme: From Hungarian Patriotism to the Czecho-Slovak State,” in Slovakia in History, eds. Mikuláš Teich, Dušan Kováč, and Martin D. Brown (Cambridge, 2011), 87–136; Maxwell, Choosing Slovakia.

⁹⁵ Niederhauser, Rise of Nationality, 274–87; Bernath, Mathias, Habsburg und die Anfänge der rumänischen Nationsbildung (Leiden, 1972)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hitchins, Keith, The Idea of Nation: The Romanians of Transylvania, 1691–1849 (Bucharest, 1985)Google Scholar; Radu Nedici, Formarea identității confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea. Biserică și comunitate (The Formation of Greek Catholic Confessional Identity in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania. Church and Community) (Bucharest, 2013); Greta-Monica Miron, “New Uses of an Old Theme: The Roman Origins of Romanians in the Discourse of the Greek Catholic Elite in Eighteenth-Century Transylvania,” in Central European Pasts: Old and New in the Intellectual Culture of Habsburg Europe, 1700–1750, eds. Ines Peper and Thomas Wallnig (Berlin, 2022), 441–58.

⁹⁶ Pisani, Paul, La Dalmatie, de 1797 à 1815: épisode des conquêtes napoléoniennes (Paris, 1893)Google Scholar; Monika Senkowska-Gluck, Rządy napoleońskie w Ilirii 1809–1813 (Napoleonic rule in Illyria 1809–1813) (Wrocław, 1980); Andrija Dorotić, Politički spisi (Political writings) (Split, 1995); Pederin, Ivan, “Otpor francuskoj vlasti u Dalmaciji i Ilirskim pokrajinama poslije 1806” (Resistance to the French Administration in Dalmatia and Illyrian Provinces Following 1806) Radovi Zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Zadru no. 45 (2003): 291–308Google Scholar; Broers, Michael, Napoleon's Other War: Bandits, Rebels and their Pursuers in the Age of Revolutions (Oxford, 2010), 81–83Google Scholar; Reinhard Stauber, “Politische und soziale Integration in ‘Illyrien’ in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, ” in Eliten in Tirol, 61–82; Reinhard A. Stauber, “The Illyrian Provinces,” in The Napoleonic Empire and the New European Political Culture, eds. Michael Broers, Peter Hicks, and Agustin Guimerá (London, 2012), 241–53; Marko Trogrlić and Josip Vrandečić, “French Rule in Dalmatia, 1806–1814: Globalizing a Local Geopolitics,” in Napoleon's Empire: European Politics in Global Perspective, ed. Ute Planert (New York, 2015), 264–76; Trencsényi, Modern Political Thought in East Central Europe, 128–30.

⁹⁷ Hroch, Social Preconditions, 62–75; Osmo Jussila, Seppo Hentilä, and Jukka Nevakivi, From Grand Duchy to a Modern State: A Political History of Finland since 1809 (London, 1999); Łukasz Sommer, Mowa ojców potrzebna od zaraz: Fińskie spory o język narodowy w pierwszej połowie XIX wieku (The Language of Fathers is Urgently Needed: Finnish Polemics Concerning the National Language in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century) (Warsaw, 2009); Kurunmäki, Jussi and Marjanen, Jani, “Catching Up Through Comparison: The Making of Finland as a Political Unit, 1809–1863,” Time & Society 30, no. 4 (2021): 559–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Evgenii Egorov, “Perevod so shvedskogo na ‘finliadskii’: politicheskaia identichnostʹ Velikogo Kniazhestva Finliandskogo (1831–1854)” (Translation from Swedish to ‘Finlandic’: political identity of the Grand Duchy of Finland 1831–1854) Ab imperio, no. 4 (2021): 203–37.

⁹⁸ Classical works of this elite-focused tradition include Wacław Lipiński [V'iacheslav Lypynsʹkyi], Szlachta na Ukrainie. Udział jej w życiu narodu na tle jego dziejów (Nobility in Ukraine. Its part in the life of the nation against the background of its history) (Cracow, 1909); Wacław Lipiński [V'iacheslav Lypynsʹkyi], Stanisław Michał Krzyczewski. Z dziejów walki szlachty ukraińskiej w szeregach powstańczych pod wodzą Bohdana Chmielnickiego (Stanisław Michał Krzyczewski. From the History of the Ukrainian Nobility's Struggle in the Insurrectionary Ranks Under the Leadership of Bohdan Khmelʹnytsʹkyi) (Cracow, 1912); Oleksandr Ohloblyn, Liudy staroi Ukrainy (People of Olden Ukraine) (Munich, 1959); Nataliia Polonsʹka-Vasylenko, Istoriia Ukrainy (History of Ukraine), 2 vols. (Munich, 1972, 1976). There are several more recent works building on this tradition: Frank Sysyn, Between Poland and the Ukraine: the dilemma of Adam Kysil, 1600–1653 (Cambridge, MA, 1985); Kohut, Zenon, Russian Centralism and Ukrainian Autonomy: Imperial Absorption of the Hetmanate, 1760s–1830s (Cambridge, MA, 1988)Google Scholar; and Plokhy, Serhii, The Cossack Myth: History and Nationhood in the Age of Empires (Cambridge, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Natalia Starchenko, “Znaity mistse dlia shliakhty v ukrainsʹkii istorii. Viziia optymistychna” (Finding a Place for the Nobility in Ukrainian History. An Optimistic Vision) available at https://www.istpravda.com.ua/articles/2021/06/8/159640/ (accessed 20 February 2023).

⁹⁹ Roman Szporluk, “Ukraine: From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State,” Daedalus 126, no. 3, 92.

¹⁰⁰ Quoted after Himka, “Icarian Flights,” 146. Two points must be noted here: firstly, Drahomanov spoke of the conservative churchmen of his time; secondly, the Russian-language adjective russkii could mean both Ruthenian and Russian, depending on the context.

¹⁰¹ Szporluk, “Ukraine: From Periphery to State,” 91–92. Roman Szporluk pointed out the inherently political nature of the activities classified by Hroch as belonging to the allegedly innocuous folkloric phase A. I fully agree with Szporluk's observation, but here my argument is different, namely I try to show that in the Galician Ruthenian case the cultural activities of the 1830s had been preceded by sensu stricto political claim making of the Napoleonic era.

¹⁰² Himka, “Icarian Flights,” 154.

¹⁰³ Stourzh, Gerald, Die Gleichberechtigung der Nationalitäten in der Verfassung und Verwaltung Österreichs 1848–1918 (Vienna, 1985)Google Scholar; Judson, Pieter, Exclusive Revolutionaries: Liberal Politics, Social Experience, and National Identity in the Austrian Empire, 1848–1914 (Ann Arbor, 1996), 193–272CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Judson, Guardians of the Nation, 1–65; Judson, Pieter, Habsburg Empire: A New History (Cambridge, MA, 2016) 269–75Google Scholar, 292–316.