¹ Cited in Bieniarzówna, Janina and Małecki, Jan M., Dzieje Krakowa, vol. 3, Kraków w latach 1796–1918 (Cracow, 1979), 7Google Scholar; and see the facsimile on p. 19 of that work.

² On the “Jacobin” fear, see Bieniarzówna, Janina and Małecki, Jan M., Dzieje Krakowa, vol. 2, Kraków w wiekach XVI–VIII (Cracow, 1984), 604Google Scholar. Galicia was to become the Polish Piedmont only after the Ausgleich of 1867Google Scholar. In his memoirs, the poet Kajetan Koźmian portrayed Austrian rule in the early days after the Third Partition as the least favorable of the three fates for Poles; see Koźmian, Kajetan, Pamiętniki, 2 vols. (Wrocław, 1972), 1: 274–77.Google Scholar

³ Bieniarzówna, and Małtecki, , Dzieje, 3:7Google Scholar. May belongs to those figures regularly mentioned as finally deserving of a monographic study. The closest thing to a biography can be found in the pages of Pachoński, Jan Lubicz, Drukarze, księgarze, i bibliofile kmkowscy 1750–1815 (Cracow, 1962), 74–81, 179–90.Google Scholar

⁴ Cited in Bieniarzówna, and Malecki, , Dzieje, 2:545.Google Scholar

⁵ The peculiarly Polish institution of the confederation was an armed league of citizens who, in the expression of their legally guaranteed right to resist, made common cause in the pursuance of justice for a grievance.

⁶ For Cracow's role in the Confederation of Bar, the ensuing Russo-Polish War, and the First Partition, see Bieniarzówna, and Małecki, , Dzieje, 2:546–53.Google Scholar

⁷ Cited in ibid., 552. For lack of access to Forster's original German-language text, I have had to translate his words from the Polish version. On Cracow between the First and Second Partitions (1772–1793), see ibid., 553–99.

⁸ This according to an official Austrian report of 07 31, 1797Google Scholar, as cited by Pachoński, , Drukarze, 147Google Scholar. For other contemporary reports on the state of Cracow, see Snopek, Jerzy, Prowincja oświe-cona. Kultura literacka Ziemi Krakowskiej w dobie Oświecenia 1750–1815 (Warsaw, 1992), 421–28.Google Scholar

⁹ Cited in Bieniarzówna, and Małecki, , Dzieje, 2:589, 592Google Scholar. For a study of the Enlightenment in the Cracow province, see Snopek, , ProwincjaGoogle Scholar. See also Opałek, K., Myśl Oświecenia w Krakowie (Cracow, 1955).Google Scholar

¹⁰ On Cracow in the events of the Constitution of May 3, the Confederation of Targowica, the Russo-Polish War, and the Second Partition, see Bieniarzówna, and Małecki, , Dzieje, 2:593–99.Google Scholar

¹¹ On Cracow in the events surrounding the Kościuszko Uprising and the Third Partition, see ibid., 600–611, and works by Pachoński, Jan Lubicz, especially Kościuszko na Ziemi Krakowskiej (Warsaw, 1984).Google Scholar

¹² On Cracow in the years between the Third Partition and the formation of the post-Napoleonic Republic of Cracow in 1815, see Bieniarzówna, and Małecki, , Dzieje, 3:7–37Google Scholar, and Mencel, Tadeusz, Galicja zachodnia 1795–1809. Studium z dziejów ziem polskich zaboru austriackiego po III rozbiorze (Lublin, 1976).Google Scholar

¹³ See Bieniarzówna, and Małecki, , Dzieje, 3:20.Google Scholar

¹⁴ For biographical details, see Pachoński, , Drukarze, 74–81, 179–90Google Scholar. On May's Gabinet, see Mizia, T., “Jeden z pierwszych czytelni w Polsce (J. Maja w Krakowie),” Przegląd Historyczno-Oświatowy 11 (1968).Google Scholar

¹⁵ See Pachoński, , Drukarze, 79–80Google Scholar, and idem, Kośduszko, 42.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cited in Bieniarzówna, and Małecki, , Dzieje, 3:23Google Scholar. The prison letter is most readily available in Kołłątaj, Hugo, Wybór pism politycznych, ed. Leśnodorski, Boguslaw (Wrocław, 1952), 291–96Google Scholar. On the Society of Polish Republicans, see Handelsman, Marceli, “Ideologia polityczna Towar-zystwa Republikanów Polskich (1798–1807),” in his Rozwój narodowości nowoczesnej (Warsaw, 1973), 111–67.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See the facsimile of the title page in Pachoński, , Drukarze, 187.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cited in ibid., 185. Tsarist agents characterized May in 1795 as a dangerous conspirator, who, via two Frenchmen, an Italian, and an Englishman, maintained contacts with Grodno, Nieśwież, Kiev, Riga, and Saint Petersburg; see Opałek, , Myśl, 199.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See the facsimile of the title page to issue no. 2 (Mar. 24, 1794) in Pachoński, , Drukarze, 81Google Scholar. Here above the masthead we find in an ornamental box the text “T. K. [Tadeusz Kosciuszko] 24th of March 1794 in Cracow.” The four sides of the box are ringed with the text “Liberty, integrity, independence, as long as our strength shall last.”

²⁰ On May and the Cracow Gazette, see also Bieńtkowski, Wiesław, “Jan May—założyciel i pierwszy redaktor Gazety Krakowskiej w latach 1796–1831,” Prasa współczesna i dawna 2 (1959): 155–66.Google Scholar

²¹ See Bieńkowski, Jan, “Jan May,” in Polski słownik biograficzny (Wroclaw, 1975), 20:272Google Scholar; Pachoński, , Drukarze, 77–79Google Scholar. May seems to have avoided the other breadwinner—popular religious books.

²² Huber, Franz Xaver, Franklin czyli Wolna Wola (Cracow, 1798), 158Google Scholar (hereafter cited as Polish, Franklin)Google Scholar; idem, Franklins freier Wille. Ein Wink für denkende Menschen (Leipzig [Vienna], 1787 and 1789), 159Google Scholar (hereafter cited as German, Franklin)Google Scholar. All translations are from the Polish version.

²³ Polish, Franklin, 242–43Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 245–46.Google Scholar

²⁴ On Candide imitations in the late eighteenth century, see Mornet, Daniel, “Les imitations du Candide de Voltaire au XVIIIe siècle,” in Mélanges offerts pars ses amis et ses élèves à M. Gustave Lanson (Paris, 1922), 298–303Google Scholar; Mortier, Roland, “Deux imitations oubliées de Candide au XVIIIe siècle,” Neophilologus 35 (1951): 17–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Oake, Roger B., “Jean-Louis Castilhon and Ambrose Gwinett,” Revue de Littérature Comparée 28 (1954): 318–22Google Scholar; Thacker, Christopher, “Son of Candide,” Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 58 (1967): 1515–31Google Scholar; Rustin, Jacques, “Les suites de Candide au XVIIIe siècle,” Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 90 (1972): 1395–416Google Scholar; Vercruysse, Jeroom, “Les enfants de Candide,” in Essays on the Age of Enlightenment in Honor of Ira O, Wade, ed. Macary, Jean (Droz, Geneva, 1977), 369–73Google Scholar; and Mercier, Roger, “Les contes de Voltaire. Accueil du public et influence,” in Voltaire et Rousseau en France et en Pologne, ed. Rzadkowska, Ewa and Przybylska, Elzbieta (Warsaw, 1982), 159–70.Google Scholar

²⁵ In addition to footnote comments on the story's course (Polish, Franklin, 229Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 232)Google Scholar, at one point the otherwise omniscient narrator explains, “He spoke to her of many other things, which we cannot impart to the Reader because we did not hear them” (Polish, Franklin, 148Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 148).Google Scholar

²⁶ It is unidentified in the standard bibliography of Polish-language novels of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; see Rudnicka, Jadwiga, Bibliografia powieści polskiej 1601–1800 (Wroclaw, 1964), 108.Google Scholar

²⁷ This is the supposition of the leading specialist, Bodi, Leslie, in Tauwetter in Wien. Zur Prosa der österreichischen Aufklärung 1781–1795 (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), 317.Google Scholar

²⁸ Gugitz, Gustav, “Ein Deutschböhme als literarischer Parteigänger der Franzosen im Jahre 1809. F. X. Huber und der Morgenbote,” Deutsche Arbeit 8 (1909): 618.Google Scholar

²⁹ This is corroborated by the anonymous review of the second edition found in the Oberdeutsche, allgemeine Litteraturzeitung (Salzburg) 20, no. 2 (1789): 569–70.Google Scholar

³⁰ See the facsimile of the title page published in Bodi, , Tauwetter, 396.Google Scholar

³¹ Bodi (ibid., 304) cites this passage from Huber, 's Beytrag zur Charakteristik und Regierungs-Geschichte der Kaiser Joseph II. Leopold II. und Franz II. of 1800 (56–57).Google Scholar

³² See von Wurzbach, Constantin, Biographisches Lexikon des Kaisertums Oesterreich (Vienna, 1863), 9:373–74Google Scholar; and Giebisch, Hans and Gugitz, Gustav, eds., Bio-bibliogmphisches Literaturlexikon Österreichs. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Vienna, 1964), 169.Google Scholar

³³ Full, [pseud.], Briefe über den gegenwärtigen Zustand der Litteratur ([Vienna?], 1788), 63Google Scholar, as cited by Bodi, , Tauwetter, 296Google Scholar. The most reliable bibliographic information—though still to be treated with caution—is to be found in Wernigg, Ferdinand, Bibliographie österreichischer Drucke der “erweiterten Preβfreiheit” (1781–1795), vol. 1 (Vienna, 1973)Google Scholar. The dosest thing to a biographical sketch can be found in the pages of Bodi, , Tauwetter, 296–311, 339–53, 403–8Google Scholar. See also Gugitz, , “Ein Deutschböhme.”Google Scholar

³⁴ Both the assessment and Huber's statement appear in Bodi, , Tauwetter, 308.Google Scholar

³⁵ Cited in ibid., 309–10.

³⁶ Cited in ibid., 340, from Full, 's Briefe (119–20).Google Scholar

³⁷ Cited in ibid., 347.

³⁸ The term “thaw” (Tauwetter) for the period of “broadened freedom of the press” under Joseph II comes from the title of Bodi's 1977 book on the literature of the Enlightenment in Vienna. For an overview of the “retreat from enlightened despotism” at the end of Joseph's reign, see Wangermann, Ernst, From Joseph II to the Jacobin Trials: Government Policy and Public Opinion in the Habsburg Dominions in the Period of the French Revolution (London, 1959)Google Scholar. On the Viennese Jacobin affair, see Wangermann, , From Joseph II, 133–67Google Scholar; Körner, Alfred, Die Wiener Jakobiner (Stuttgart, 1972)Google Scholar; and Renalter, Helmut, Die Französische Revolution und Mitteleuropa. Erscheinungsformen und Wirkungen des Jakobinismus. Seine Gesellschaftstheorien und politischen Vorstellungen (Frankfurt am Main, 1988)Google Scholar, and the extensive bibliography found there (228–34) on the general problem of Jacobinism in Austria-Hungary. On the narrowing of Joseph, 's “broadened freedom of the press”Google Scholar under Joseph, Leopold, and Francis, see Wangermann, , From Joseph II, 44–49, 108–9.Google Scholar

³⁹ Or has Bodi on this one occasion confused our Huber with the other one, who was for much of his life a journalist in Passau? See Bodi, , Tauwetter, 426Google Scholar, but also Wurzbach, , Biographisches Lexikon, 374–75.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ On this last known chapter in Huber's life, see Gugitz's study, which was based on the Vienna police archives. According to a report of Police Director von Schüller, dated 01 31, 1810Google Scholar, “He [that is, Huber] departed from here with the French, because, due to his sentiments for the enemy, which had been made publicly known, he did not find it good to remain here longer, and he resides at present in Munich, where he now has his previous living from giving instruction, and he must support himself in a pitiful author's situation” (cited in Gugitz, , “Ein Deutschböhme,” 619).Google Scholar

⁴¹ I am adapting, among other things, the title of Darnton, 's most recent study (The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France [New York, 1995])Google Scholar of the relationships between the French Revolution and “philosophical books,” that is, “forbidden best-sellers,” not all of which belong to literature of the highest rank.

⁴² On Przybylski, see Pachoński, , DrukarzeGoogle Scholar; Dutkowa, Renata, “Jacek Przybylski,” in Polski słownik biograficzny (Wrocław, 1986), 20:98–102Google Scholar; Chamcówna, Miroslawa, “Zakus nad zaciekami Wszechnicy Krakowskiej, Czyli o pewnej polemice literacko-naukowej z XVIII w,” Studia i materiały z dziejów nauki polskiej, Historia nauk społecznych 6, no. 2 (1958): 103–33.Google Scholar

⁴³ On Potocki, see Koźmian, , Pamiętniki, 56–57Google Scholar. On the destruction of the printings, see the memoirs of Grabowski, Ambroży (2:104–5)Google Scholar, as cited in Sinko, Zofia, Powieść zachodnioeuropejska w kulturze literackiej polskiego Oświecenia (Wroclaw, 1968), 251.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ On Voltaire and Voltaireanism in Poland, see Smolarski, M., Studia nad Wolterem w Polsce (L'viv, 1918)Google Scholar; Smoleński, W., Przewrót umysłowy w Polsce wieku XVIII. Studia historyczne (Warsaw, 1923)Google Scholar; Szarama, M., Walter w czasopismach stanisławowskich (Cracow, 1963)Google Scholar; Libera, Zdzisław, “Quelques remarques sur la réception de Voltaire en Pologne,” 57–66Google Scholar, and Warchoł, Jadwiga, “Candide ou l'optimisme de Voltaire dans les lumières polonaises,” 145–57, both in Voltaire et Rousseau en France et en Pologne (Warsaw, 1982)Google Scholar; and Warchoł, Jadwiga, “De l'audience des contes philosophiques de Voltaire dans les lumières polonaises,” in Autour du XVIIIe siècle en France et en Pologne: Les Cahiers de Varsovie, ed. Rzadkowska, Ewa and Żurowska, Joanna (Warsaw, 1985)Google Scholar. On the only overt Polish defender of Voltaire in the period, Tomasz Teodor Weichardt, see Snopek, Jerzy, “Tomasz Teodor Weichardt. Karta z dziejów Oświecenia,” Przegląd Humanistyczny 25, no. 3 (1981): 85–94.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Among other critical statements, Przybylski translated from Zabuesnig the following for his Polish readers: “Soon after these beautiful poems there appeared Candide; or, The Best of All Possible Worlds, which is likely one of the most godless and most harmful works that his pen created. I do not pause over the structure of his romance, the stupid ideas, the improbable chances, the monotonous resurrections of individuals who were supposed to have been considered dead, or the indecent and crude expressions” (cited in Warchol, , “Candide,” 154).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ In 1799 Przybylski published a short poem congratulating May on his name day: “Do Im. Pana Jana Maya w dzień imienin dnia 24 Czerwca 1799 od Drukarzy.” Standard works on Polish libertinism and Jacobinism are Snopek, Jerzy, Objawienie i oświecenie. Z Dziejów libertyn-izmu w Polsce (Wroclaw, 1986)Google Scholar; and Leśnodorski, Boguslaw, Polscy Jakobini. Karta z dziejów insu-rekcji 1794 roku (Warsaw, 1960).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Gazeta Krakowska, 1798, no. 13 (02 14, 1798): 155Google Scholar. The title translates as Gil Blas German; or, The Adventures of Peter Claus.

⁴⁸ Cited in Snopek, , Prowincja, 51Google Scholar. For a facsimile edition of the title page—clearly an edition with more aspirations to high culture than the octavo Franklin—see Ulewicz, Tadeusz, ed., W kręgu “Gofreda” i “Orlando”. Księga pamiątkowa sesji naukowej Piotra Kochanowskiego (w Krakowie, dnia 4–6 kwietnia 1967 r.), Polska Akademia Nauk, Oddział w Krakowie, Prace Komisji histo-rycznoliterackiej, 22 (Wroclaw, 1970), 135.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See Snopek, , Prowincja, 151.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Gazeta Krakowska, 1799, no. 22 (03 17): 260.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Gazeta Krakowska, 1799, no. 72 (09 8): 860.Google Scholar

⁵² Gazeta Krakowska, 1798, no. 17 (02 28): 201.Google Scholar

⁵³ Gazeta Krakowska, 1799, no. 28 (04 7): 331–32.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Huber's only overt “presence” (if that is the proper term for it) in Polish culture was through his Lustspiel and opera libretto entitled Das unterbrochene Opferfest, which was translated into Polish as Przerwana ofiara by Wojciech Bogusławski and first performed in Warsaw, on 11 5, 1802Google Scholar; it was performed fifty-six times by 1814. The translation was printed in vol. 7 of the collected works of that father of the Polish theater (see Bogusławski, Wojciech, Dzieła dramatyczne, vol. 7 [Warsaw, 1823])Google Scholar. This seems to have been a work by our F. X. Huber. (Giebisch, , Bio-bibliographisches Literaturlexikon, 169Google Scholar, says it was; Wurzbach, , Biographisches Lexikon, 375Google Scholar, attributes it to the other F. X. Huber.) The other operetta ascribed to Huber by Szwankowski, Eugeniusz, Teatr Wojciecha Boguslawskiego w latach 1799–1814 (Wrocław, 1954), 306Google Scholar, a certain Das Sonnenfest der Braminen/Święto braminów słońca, may actually have been the work of one Carl Friedrich Ha(n)s(e)ler (this according to Giebisch and other sources). It is worth noting that Polish theater studies have ascribed both these works to François(!) Huber (see Lipiński, Jacek, Recenzje teatralne Towarzystwa Iksów 1815–1819 [Wroclaw, 1956], 12, 408Google Scholar; and Szwankowski, , Teatr Wojciecha Bogusławskiego, 295, 306).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Geschichte Peter Clausens is available in facsimile edition as vol. 3 of von Knigge, Adolph, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Raabe, Paul (Nendeln, Liechtenstein, 1978)Google Scholar. On Knigge, see Kogel, Jörg-Dieter, Knigges ungewöhnliche Empfehlungen zu Aufklärung und Revolution (Berlin, 1991)Google Scholar; Kaeding, Peter, Adolph von Knigge. Begegnungen mit einem freien Herrn (Berlin, 1991)Google Scholar; Grabe, Reinhold, Das Geheimnis des Adolph Freiherrn von Knigge. Die Wege eines Menschenkenners (Hamburg, 1936)Google Scholar; Spengler, Karl, Die publizistische Tätigkeit des Freiherrn Adolph von Knigge während der französischen Revolution (Bonn, 1931)Google Scholar; Fehn, Ernst-Otto, “Knigges ‘Manifest’. Geheimbundpläne im Zeichen der Französischen Revolution,” in Geheime Gesellschaften, ed. Ludz, Peter Christian (Heidelberg, 1979), 369–98Google Scholar; and most recently, Göttert, Karl-Heinz, Knigge; oder, Von den Illusionen des anständigen Lebens (Munich, 1995)Google Scholar. On Knigge's opinion of Peter Claus, see Göttert, , Knigge, 79Google Scholar. It appears that a fragment of Über den Umgang mit Menschen was published in Polish in Przemyśl in 1817 under the title The Art by Which Wives Are to Conduct Themselves in Their Life with Their Husbands in Order Not to Lose Love and Respect (Sztuka, jak żony w pożyciu swem z mężem zachować się, mają, aby miłości i szacunku nie utraciły). A Hebrew translation, apparently of the entirety, appeared in Warsaw in 1866. The earliest English translation I have found appeared in London in 1799. A Russian translation appeared in 1820–23. The first American edition was printed in Troy (New York?) in 1805. Although Knigge has been identified as the author of the German Gil Bias (Rudnicka, , Bibliografia, 158)Google Scholar, his presence in Polish literary culture has—as far as I have been able to tell—passed without comment. He is not treated, for example, in the excellent study by Sinko, (Powieść zachodnioeuropejska)Google Scholar of Western European novels and romances in the culture of the Polish Enlightenment, since that study ends with the year 1795.

May's Polish edition of Peter Claus may well owe something to the French version that appeared in Paris in 1789 under the title Le Gils Bias allemand, ou aventures de Pierre Claus. Knigge himself, in the preface to a second authorized edition of the work in 1794 (Knigge complained of pirated editions), surveyed the three translations (French, Dutch, and English) that had appeared since the first edition of 1783. Making an argument similar to mine here, Knigge suggested that the English version, The German Gil Blas; or, The Adventures of Peter Claus (London, 1793)Google Scholar, had been made from the French, since only here—and not in Knigge—do we find the words Gils Bias allemand. Following this argumentation a little further, we should note that English readers knew from the title page that the work had been “translated from the German of Baron Knigge” (see von Knigge, Adolph, Geschichte Peter Clausens, 2nd ed., 3 vols. [Frankfurt, 1794], 1:iv–vi)Google Scholar. Again, it would seem likely that May knew what he was publishing—and yet he kept silent.

⁵⁶ For a history of the Illuminati, a collection of primary sources, and a bibliography, see van Dülmen, Richard, Der Geheimbund der Illuminaten, 2. unveränderte Auflage (Stuttgart, 1977)Google Scholar. See also Fehn, Ernst-Otto, “Zur Wiederentdeckung des Illuminatenordens. Ergänzende Bemerkungen zu Richard van Dülmens Buch,” in Geheime Gesellschaften, ed. Ludz, 231–64Google Scholar. On Knigge and the Illuminati, see van Dülmen, , Der Geheimbund, 43–44, 70–72Google Scholar. On Bahrdt and the Deutsche Union, see Flygt, Sten Gunnar, The Notorious Dr. Bahrdt (Nashville, Tenn., 1963)Google Scholar; Mühl-pfordt, Günter, “Europarepublik im Duodezformat. Die internationale Geheimgesellschaft Union—ein radikaler aufklärischer Bund der Intelligenz (1786–1796),” in Freimaurer und Geheimbünde im 18. Jahrhundert in Mitteleuropa, ed. Reinalter, Helmut (Frankfurt am Main, 1983), 319–64Google Scholar; and the bibliography in Jacob, Otto and Majewski, Ingrid, Karl Friedrich Bahrdt, Radikaler deutscher Aufklärer (25.8.1740–23.4.1792), Bibliographie (Halle, 1992)Google Scholar. Knigge noted that “nowadays one meets few people of all estates who have not been… at least for a time a member of such a secret fraternity,” and he called for people to give up such “leagues that are partially useless, silly, partially harmful to society” (see von Knigge, Adolph, Über den Umgang mit Menschen, 3 vols. [Hannover, 1796], 3:193–94Google Scholar; or see the reprint, Knigge, , Sämtliche Werke, ed. Raabe, 10:731–32).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Wiener Zeitschrift 4 (1792): 141Google Scholar, cited in Sommer, Friedrich, Die Wiener Zeitschrift (1792–1793). Die Geschichte eines antirevolutionären Journals (Leipzig, 1932), 45Google Scholar. On Hoffmann and his conspiracy theories of the French Revolution, see Silagi, Denis, Ungarn und der geheime Mitarbeiterkreis Kaiser Leopolds II (Munich, 1960), 55–60Google Scholar; Sommer, , Die Wiener Zeitschrift, 45–47, 77–84Google Scholar; Epstein, Klaus, The Genesis of German Conservatism (Princeton, N.J., 1966), 517–35Google Scholar. Hoffmann, wrote: “It is not the French who are the inventors of this great project to turn the world upside down. This honor falls to the Germans. To the French belongs the honor that they made the beginning in carrying it out” (Wiener Zeitschrift 5 (1793): 556Google Scholar, cited in Sommer, , Die Wiener Zeitschrift, 47).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ In Summer, 's view (Die Wiener Zeitschrift, 129)Google Scholar, it was on account of his pamphlet against Hoffmann that Huber lost access to Emperor Leopold. The work was entitled Kann ein Schriftsteller wie Herr Professor Hoffmann Einfluβ auf die Stimmung der deutschen Völker und auf die Denkart ihrer Fürsten Haben? (Vienna, 1792)Google Scholar. On Hoffmann and Huber, see Sommer, , Die Wiener Zeitschrift, 128–33Google Scholar; and Epstein, , Genesis, 532–33Google Scholar. A police report of 1810 stated: “Huber, a Bohemian by birth, is indisputably much more dangerous [than one of his collaborators in 1809, a certain Wieland], because he is much more talented, crafty, and familiar with the monarchy. Under His Majesty Joseph II he was the organ of the discontented, and under his protection he wrote the notorious political novel Herr Schlendrian; oder, Der Richter nach den neuesten Gesetzen. Later he enjoyed and misused the trust of His Majesty Leopold II. Then he went abroad, but he came back to Vienna several years ago…. He deserves the watchful eye of the police in the highest degree” (cited in Gugitz, , “Ein Deutschböhme,” 618).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Cited in Sommer, , Die Wiener Zeitschrift, 77–78.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ From Huber, 's Beytrag of 1800, p. 117Google Scholar, cited by Sommer (ibid., 131). It also appears in the Jacobin novel of Pipitz, Franz Ernst, Der Jakobiner in Wien. Oesterreichische Memoiren aus dem letzten Dezennium des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts (Zürich and Winterthur, 1843), 33Google Scholar, which drew heavily on Huber in its portrayal of Hoffmann.

⁶¹ von Knigge, Adolph, Die Reise nach Braunschweig (Hannover, 1794), 43Google Scholar, available in facsimile edition in Knigge, , Sämtliche Werke, ed. Raabe, vol. 7.Google Scholar

⁶² From May 1796 at the Vienna Polizeihofstelle: “Correspondence with Freiherr von Knigge concerning the seditious plan announced by him to overturn the monarchic states in 1796. Only to be filed, since Knigge has died in the meantime” (cited in Fehn, , “Knigges ‘Manifest,’” 387Google Scholar; see also 372).

⁶³ The authorities attempted to curtail the passing of Polish books between the partitions, and we should not exaggerate the extent of May's market beyond the Cracow lands. In 1808, the police established that thirty-seven issues of the Cracow Gazette had made it to Warsaw and Vilnius; see Pachoński, , Drukarze, 186.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Mencel, , Galicja zachodnia, 377Google Scholar. For a discussion of the peculiarities of Austrian censorship in Galicia, see ibid., 372–79.

⁶⁵ On decentralization in Bohemia, see ibid., 375. On von Baum's work as Poland specialist and censor, see ibid., 27–28, 32–35, 307, 373. One of the things he kept out of the papers was the word “Pole” (Polak)Google Scholar; see ibid., 378, and Pachoński, , Drukarze, 179.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ For an overview of publishing in Cracow in the eighteenth century, see Pirożyński, Jan, “Die Bedeutung Krakaus für den polnischen Buchdruck und Buchhandel des 18. Jahrhunderts,” in Buch- und Verlagswesen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Kommunikation in Mittel- und Osteuropa, ed. Göpfert, Herbert G., Kozielek, Gerard, and Wittmann, Reinhard (Berlin, 1977), 155–73.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek (Berlin) 81, no. 2 (1788): 451.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung (Jena), 1788, 277Google Scholar. This journal was on the list of foreign reviews that May was importing to Cracow in 1793; see Pachoński, , Drukarze, 78.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Oberdeutsche, allgemeine Litteraturzeitung (Salzburg) 20, no. 2 (1789): 569–70.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Polish, Franklin, 88Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 88–89.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Polish, Franklin, 133–35Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 133–35.Google Scholar

⁷² Polish, Franklin, 166Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 167.Google Scholar

⁷³ Polish, Franklin, 140–41Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 141.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Polish, Franklin, 241–42Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 244–45.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Polish, Franklin, 146Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 146.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Polish, Franklin, 147–48, 177Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 147–48, 178.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ In 1792, during the Confederation of Targowica, Father Jan Albertrandi, cathedral canon of Warsaw, introduced a list of prohibited books, many of which were libertine and republican entertainments in the style of Franklin and Peter Claus. For the list and a discussion of its contents, see Łojek, Jerzy, “Series librorum prohibitorum z 1793 roku,” Przegląd humanistyczny 9, no. 3 (1965): 125–32Google Scholar. Most of the entries were French. Only one work, no. 63, What Is the Pope? (Cóż jest papież?, described as a German work printed in Vienna and Prague, presumably Eybel, Josef Valentin's Was ist der Papst?)Google Scholar, seems to have stemmed from the Josephine context. Does this list of books banned in Warsaw offer further evidence for a partitioning of cultural constellations that placed Warsaw in relationship to Paris and Cracow in relationship to Paris, Warsaw, and—more and more—Vienna?

⁷⁸ Polish, Franklin, 96–100Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 96–99Google Scholar. The central episode of Peter Claus, book 2, is the “Dream of Herr Brick,” which offers a plan for a rationally reformed state and society.

⁷⁹ See Franklin, Benjamin, The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 7, 1777–1779, ed. Smyth, Albert Henry (New York, 1907), 26.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Hale, Edward Everett, Franklin in France: From Original Documents, Most of Which Are Now Published for the First Time (Boston, 1887), 1:80Google Scholar, cited in Van Doren, Carl, Benjamin Franklin (New York, 1991), 570.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Nor have contemporary Franklin bibliographies taken note of Huber's Franklin, whether in German or in Polish. It does not appear in Ford, Paul Leicester, A List of Books Written by, or Relating to, Benjamin Franklin (Brooklyn, 1886)Google Scholar; Buxbaum, Melvin H., Benjamin Franklin, 1721–1906: A Reference Guide, vol. 1 (Boston, 1983)Google Scholar; or in the pages of Victory, Beatrice Marguerite, Benjamin Franklin and Germany (Philadelphia, 1915)Google Scholar. It is listed in Dippel, Horst, Americana Germanica 1770–1800. Bibliographie deutscher Amerikaliteratur (Stuttgart, 1976), 105Google Scholar, but without the attribution to Huber.

⁸² Polish, Franklin, 164Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 165.Google Scholar

⁸³ We should recall that Islamic elements were somewhat less “conventional,” and somewhat more “real,” for Austrian and for Polish readerships than for non-Austrian Germans and other West Europeans: how many Austrians and Poles had “become Turks against their wills”?

⁸⁴ See Thomas Jefferson's letter to Smith, Reverend William of 02 19, 1791Google Scholar: “I can only therefore testify in general that there appeared to me more respect and veneration attached to the character of Doctor Franklin in France than to that of any other person in the same country, foreign or native. I had opportunities of knowing particularly how far these sentiments were felt by the foreign Ambassadors and ministers at the court of Versailles. The fable of his capture by the Algerines, propagated by the English news-papers, excited no uneasiness; as it was seen at once to be a dish cooked up to the palate of their readers. But nothing could exceed the anxiety of his diplomatic brethren, on a subsequent report of his death, which, tho’ premature, bore some marks of authenticity” (The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 19, 24 January to 31 March 1791, ed. Boyd, Julian P. [Princeton, N.J., 1974], 112–13)Google Scholar. This story must have been well known. Jefferson's letter made its way into the preface to the 1827 edition of Franklin's works in Polish (Franklin, Benjamin, Życie i Pisma Benjamina Franklina przełożone z ięzyka Angielskiego [Warsaw, 1827], 2:4).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Libiszowska, Zofia, “Franklin w Polsce XVIII wieku,” Zeszyty naukowe Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Nauki humanistyczno-społeczne, seria 1, zeszyt 27 (1962): 70, 77Google Scholar. On the images of Franklin and Washington in Polish society of the late eighteenth century, see Libiszowska, , “Franklin w Polsce”Google Scholar; and Drozdowski, Marian M., “George Washington in Polish Historiography and Historical Writings,” Polish Review 34 (1989): 127–72.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Gazeta Narodowa i Obca, no. 46 (06 8, 1791): 185–86.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Franklin, Benjamin, Kolęda na rok 1793, Czyli jak żyć na świecie (Warsaw, 1793), 3–4.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ That is, Christoph Wilhelm Hufeland (1762–1836), a noted medical authority of the late Enlightenment and author of a widely read and translated work entitled Die Kunst, das menschliche Leben zu verlängern (Vienna and Prague, 1797).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Franklin, , Kolęda, 7, 10, 13, 15, 18, 19, 22Google Scholar. Here are the sayings as they appear in Franklin, Benjamin, Writings (New York, 1987)Google Scholar: “God helps them that help themselves” (1296); “Early to bed, and early to rise, makes a Man healthy, wealthy and wise” (1296); “The Cat in Gloves catches no Mice” (1297); “Little Strokes fell great Oaks” (1297); “Keep thy Shop, and thy Shop will keep thee” (1298); “A fat Kitchen makes a lean Will” (1298); “Women and Wine, Game and Deceit, / Make the Wealth small, and the Wants great” (1299); “A Ploughman on his Legs is higher than a Gentleman on his Knees” (1300).

⁹⁰ Franklin, Benjamin, Zdania polityczne y moraine Beniamina Franklina na każdy dzień roku dla oświecenia y użytku Amerykanow wydane (Warsaw, 1795), 7.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Polish, Franklin, 16–32Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 19–35.Google Scholar

⁹² Kożmian, , Pamiętniki, 270Google Scholar. On the forced recruitment of Polish soldiers in the Austrian army, see also Mencel, , Galicja zachodnia, 21–22, 59–60.Google Scholar

⁹³ In addition to the post-1798 Polish translations of Franklin mentioned above, see Jed-licki, Jerzy, Jakiej cywilizacji Polacy potrzebują. Studia z dziejów idei i wyobraźni XIX wieku (Warsaw, 1988), 217, 219, 262, 360.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Organic work refers to an anti-insurrectionist position of the late nineteenth century that placed hopes for the Polish future in small steps aimed at bettering existing social and economic conditions for Poles within the framework of the three partitions.

⁹⁵ Polish, Franklin, 121Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 120–21.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Polish, Franklin, 38–39Google Scholar; German, Franklin, 36.Google Scholar