² Antonino Paterno-Castello, Marchese di San Giuliano was born in 1852 in Catania (Sicily) where he belonged to a local noble family. After experience in local politics he entered the Chamber of Deputies in 1882. He was a supporter of Crispi, and like him an advocate of colonial expansion. A Minister in the Pelloux government of 1898, he subsequently travelled widely, became Minister for Foreign Affairs briefly at the end of 1905 and ambassador in London (1906–9) and in Paris (1909–10). He returned to the Foreign Ministry as Minister in March 1910, and served there continuously until his death in October 1914.

³ Albertini, Luigi, The origins of the war of 1914 (trans. Massey, I. M.. London, 1952–), ii, p. 245.Google Scholar

⁴ This new evidence comes principally from two sources: (i) D[ocumenti] D[iplomatici] I[taliani], 4th and 5th series, ed. Augusto Torre. None of these volumes has yet appeared, but two—covering the period 14 July–16 Oct. 1914—are in an advanced state of preparation. The author wishes to thank Prof. M. Toscano and Prof. A. Torre for their kindness in allowing him to consult them in proof; (ii) G[erman D[iplomatic] D[ocuments], July 1914–May 1915, available on microfilm at the Public Record Office (U.C. ii, Reels 22–8).

⁵ Giolitti, Giovanni, was born in 1842 at Mondovi in Piedmont. He was a civil servant from 1862 to 1882 when he entered the Chamber of Deputies. He became Treasury Minister under Crispi, 1889–90, and Prime Minister for the first time in 1892–93. He was Minister of the Interior from February 1901 to October 1903 and was subsequently three times Prime Minister, namely from October 1903 to March 1905, May 1905 to December 1909 and March 1911 to March 1914.

⁶ Salandra, Antonio, who was born at Troia (Puglia) in 1853, had pursued an academic career. He entered Parliament in 1886. He held various ministerial posts for brief periods in the 1890's and later, in two ministries headed by Sonnino was Minister of Finance (February-March, 1906) and Treasury Minister (December 1909–March 1910). He had become Prime Minister in March 1914.

⁷ Albertini, op. cit. i, p. 559.

⁸ D.D.I.

⁹ Giolitti, Memorie della vita mia, pp. 511–17. Salandra tried to get into touch with him without success. His views were not known in Rome until 2 August and he did not return to Italy until the 4th.

¹⁰ La Vita, 28 September, published this diagnosis: ‘an acute form of gouty dyspepsia accompanied also by vomiting and other grave symptoms.’

¹¹ [Die] D[utschen] D[okumente zum] K[riegsausbruch] (Berlin, 1927), i, 75.Google Scholar

¹² G.D.D.: 2 August, San Giuliano to Flotow; 3 August, Victor Emmanuel III to von Kleist; 4 August, Austrian Ambassador's views. This threat of revolution was largely employed by San Giuliano as an excuse for Italy's declaration of neutrality; it was deliberately exaggerated for the purpose.

¹³ Albertini, op. cit. ii, pp. 245, 252.

¹⁴ Albertini, op. cit. ii, pp. 247–54 is very critical of this. But in condemning San Giuliano for his weakness he does not allow for the fundamental weakness of the Minister's position. In 1913, when he had been more resolute, he had been certain both of German support and that of a strong government at home. Now he was faced by a Germany intent on seconding Austria-Hungary, while at home there was a feeble government and Salandra instead of Giolitti behind him.

¹⁵ D.D.K. i, 64: 16 July; i, 68: 18 July.

¹⁶ Oesterreich Ungarns Aussenpolitik von der Bosnischen Krise 1908 bis zum Kriegsausbruch 1914 (Vienna, 1930), viii, 10460, 21 July.Google Scholar

¹⁷ D.D.I.: 22 July.

¹⁸ Salandra, A., La Neutralità Italiana (Milan, 1928), pp. 76–80Google Scholar: despatches to his ambassadors and a letter to the Italian King.

¹⁹ D.D.I.: 26 July (two dispatches); 28 July; 29 July (2). On 26 July he forbade Avarna to see Berchtold about compensation, for fear of worsening relations with Austria-Hungary, but two days later he changed his mind and demanded ‘an explicit reply’ from Vienna.

²⁰ D.D.K. i, 150: 24 July, Bollati to Jagow; i, 244: 25 July, Flotow to the German Chancellor.

²¹ D.D.I.: San Giuliano to Avarna and Bollati.

²² D.D.I.: 28 July, ditto.

²³ Op. cit. ii, p. 252. For a contrary view cf. Toscano, M., L'Italia e la crisi europea del luglio 1914 (Milan, 1940)Google Scholar. There the claim is made that ‘of all the Great Powers of the continent, Italy, more than any other, acted loyally and with tenacity to the last moment to prevent the outbreak of the war’.

²⁴ D.D.I.: 17 July, San Giuliano to Carlotti (St Petersburg), Avarna and Bollati. The information came from the German ambassador, Flotow, with whom he was on very good terms, not least because they were invalids together at Fiuggi.

²⁵ D[ocuments] D[iplomatiques] F[rançais] (1871–1914), 3rd series, x, 546; B[ritish] D[ocuments on the Origins of the war] (London, 1926), xi, 161; [Die] Int[ernazionalen] Bez[iehungen im Zeitalter des Imperialismus] (Berlin, 1931–4), i. 4. 245, 329.

²⁶ D.D.I.: 22 and 25 July (Russian attitude); 28 and 29 July (British).

²⁷ D.D.I.: 22 July.

²⁸ D.D.F. xi, 153: 25 July: Barrère reports–‘Sa réponse ne pourrait leur parvenir que vers six heures, c'est à dire trop tard pour entreprendre une démarche à Vienne.’

²⁹ D.D.I.: 25 July.

³⁰ D.D.I. 25 July; D.D.F. xi, 137; B.D. xi, 154.

³¹ D.D.K. i, 249; D.D.F. xi, 159; B.D. xi, 202.

³² B.D. xi, 365; 31 July.

³³ Albertini, L., Venti Anni [di Vita Politica] (Bologna, 1951–), pt. ii, vol. i, pp. 359, 378.Google Scholar

³⁴ D.D.I.: 9 August.

³⁵ Two days later, San Giuliano in submitting the proposals to Imperiali in London for communication to Grey, amended this to read: ‘in case of final victory Italy will have the Trentino up to the main Alpine watershed and Trieste’ (D.D.I.).

³⁶ Later it became—though with some significant modifications—the basis for the Treaty of London which Italy signed with the Entente as a preliminary to entering the war. A comparison of two further stages in its evolution—the drafts of 25 September and 5 March 1915 (Sonnino's version)—with the signed treaty is to be found in Tadini, G., Il marchese di San Giuliano nella tragica estate del 1914 (Bergamo, 1945), pp. 105–20Google Scholar.

³⁷ D.D.I.: 13 August, San Giuliano to Salandra, ‘We must not forget the probability that Austria and Germany are going to win….’

³⁸ D.D.I.: 29 August.

³⁹ D.D.I.: 13 September, ‘Already the conviction is spreading that now it is only with difficulty that the fortunes of the war could turn in favour of Austria-Hungary’.

⁴⁰ D.D.I.: 16 September.

⁴¹ Either through a concentration of Russian strength against Germany, or a separate peace. San Giuliano sought assurances against both of these.

⁴² D.D.I.: 17 September, San Giuliano to Imperiali.

⁴³ D.D.I.: 28 September.

⁴⁴ Albertini, Venti Anni, pt. ii, vol. i, pp. 342, 356.

⁴⁵ He was particularly worried lest news of the talks with the Entente might leak out and insisted that they should take place only in London: D.D.I.: 16 August, San Giuliano to Salandra.

⁴⁶ Carteggio Avarna-Bollati in Rivista Storica Italiana, June 1949 et seq. throws valuable light on the views and conduct of two of his ambassadors.

⁴⁷ D.D.I.: 3 August. The German argued that French participation presented a casus foederis; San Giuliano denied it. But it was harder to resist Entente offers of Trentino and Trieste (D.D.I. 13 August).

⁴⁸ D.D.I.: 15 August. He was constantly rebuking the Prime Minister for failing to exercise an adequate control over the newspapers, for he feared that some indiscretion might ruin his careful plans.

⁴⁹ Int. Bez. ii. 6, 219.

⁵⁰ When the agitation died down he temporarily shelved the plan, but it was later revised to include the occupation of Valona itself. After his death the project was executed with exquisite skill. Late in October an advance guard went in—armed with medical supplies—and the occupation force of marines was not disembarked until Christmas Day.

⁵¹ D.D.I.

⁵² D.D.I.: 3 October, San Giuliano to Imperiali; G.D.D.: 6 October, Flotow to German Chancellor.

⁵³ Cadorna, Luigi, La guerra alla fronte italiana (Milan, 1921), i, pp. 41–50Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Salandra, op. cit. p. 317.

⁵⁵ Salvemini, G., Dal Patto di Londra alla pace di Roma (Turin, 1925), p. xxxiiGoogle Scholar: ‘Physically and morally he was a weak man, and like all weak men he liked to avoid irrevocable decisions as long as immediate necessity did not seize him by the scruff of the neck.’

⁵⁶ Quoted in Giornale d'Italia, 17 October.

⁵⁷ D.D.I. 16 August, San Giuliano to Salandra.

⁵⁸ Int. Bez. ii, 6, 104. San Giuliano used this expression in talking to the Russian ambassador.