¹ Schneider, Rebecca, Performing Remains: Art and War in Times of Theatrical Reenactment (London and New York, 2011), 102 Google Scholar.

² Adorno, Theodor W., Essays on Music, ed. Richard Leppert, trans. Wesley Blomster (Berkeley, 2002), 418 Google Scholar. The ‘happier years’ were presumably those prior to World War I, an era that felt profoundly past despite its recentness, as Thomas Mann noted in his foreword to Der Zauberberg (1924).

³ See Levin, David J., ‘ Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg: drastisch oder gnostisch?’, in Angst vor der Zerstörung: Der Meister Künste zwischen Archiv und Erneuerung, ed. Robert Sollich, Clemens Risi, Sebastian Reus and Stephan Jöris (Berlin, 2008), 260–271 Google Scholar, and Robert Sollich, ‘Hier gilt’s der Kunst – Aber welcher? Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg als Katalysator künstlerischer Selbstreflexion im Wandel ihrer Geschichte’, in Angst vor der Zerstörung, ed. Sollich et al., 75–96. Levin argues that Die Meistersinger got left behind in staging terms until Katharina Wagner’s new production for the Bayreuth Festival in 2007, while Robert Sollich (dramaturg to Katharina Wagner’s production) maintains that proponents of Regietheater have been slow to tackle the work, and that attempts at modernisation have been met with particular aggression. There is, however, nothing inherent in Die Meistersinger that prevents experimental staging: Wieland Wagner’s 1956 and 1963 productions at Bayreuth, Hans Neuenfels’s 1994 production at Stuttgart and Peter Konwitschny’s 2002 production at Hamburg are examples of radical Meistersinger stagings that pre-date Katharina Wagner’s provocative 2007 interpretation. For a selective production history that includes stagings from the premiere to 2015, see Sheil, Áine, ‘The Performance Legacy of Die Meistersinger ’, in Richard Wagner, Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg, Overture Opera Guides, series ed. Gary Kahn (Richmond, 2015), 55–72 Google Scholar.

⁴ Weitz, Eric D., Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy (Princeton, 2007), 137 Google Scholar.

⁵ Weitz, , Weimar Germany, 138 Google Scholar.

⁶ Röder, Adam, Der Weg des Zentrums (Berlin, 1925), 44 Google Scholar.

⁷ Turner, Victor, From Ritual to Theater: The Human Seriousness of Play (New York, 1982), 46 Google Scholar.

⁸ See Peusch, Vibeke, Opernregie-Regieoper. Avantgardistisches Musiktheater in der Weimarer Republik (Frankfurt am Main, 1984), 234–235 Google Scholar. All translations in this article are mine unless otherwise indicated.

⁹ The municipal theatre in Hanover also responded to newcomers in the audience by banning the consumption of bread rolls during performances and by requesting that the audience did not laugh at inappropriate moments. See Schmidt, Dörte and Weber, Brigitta, eds., Keine Experimentierkunst: Musikleben an Städtischen Theatern in der Weimarer Republik (Stuttgart and Weimar, 1995), 24 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Holl, Karl, ‘Oper in Not’, Die Theaterwelt 5 (1930), 117–131 Google Scholar.

¹¹ Stuckenschmidt, H.H., ‘Ist die Oper überlebt?’, Das Kunstblatt 14 (1930), 226 Google Scholar. A good example of the existential choices opera audiences had to make during the Weimar Republic is given in Stahl, Ernst Leopold, Das Mannheimer Nationaltheater: Ein Jahrhundert deutscher Theaterkultur im Reich (Mannheim, 1929), 372 Google Scholar. According to Stahl, a single portion of beef cost more than a good ticket to an opera during the inflation period. Rather than indicating the affordability of opera at the time, this statistic demonstrates how drastic an effect the inflation had on basic living costs, and shows how difficult it must have been for Weimar citizens to maintain established lifestyle patterns.

¹² Bekker, Paul, Das Operntheater (Leipzig, 1931), 123 Google Scholar.

¹³ The programming of operetta due to challenging economic conditions was widespread, and it affected theatres as well as opera houses. See Willett, John, The Theatre of the Weimar Republic (New York, 1988), 77 Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Jaspers, Karl, Die geistige Situation der Zeit (Berlin and Leipzig, 1931), 102 Google Scholar.

This concern also manifested itself in an anonymous article in the conservative-nationalist Zeitschrift für Musik (1929), which poured scorn on attempts to make opera relevant to the 1920s through updated settings and costumes. This kind of updating capitulated to animalistic audiences, the author argued, people for whom time only related to the present, as opposed to those of ‘bourgeois-schooled understanding and sensibility’, who were in a position to understand earlier centuries through art works. See the unattributed article, ‘Die Rettung der bürgerlichen Oper’, Zeitschrift für Musik 96 (1929), 227.

¹⁵ See Der Neue Film 4 (1927), n.p.

¹⁶ See Hake, Sabine, German National Cinema (London, 2002), 14 Google Scholar.

¹⁷ See Gilliam, Bryan, ‘Stage and Screen: Kurt Weill and Operatic Reform in the 1920s’, in Music and Performance during the Weimar Republic, ed. Bryan Gilliam (Cambridge, 1994), 1–2 Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Diebold, Bernhard, Anarchie im Drama: Kritik und Darstellung der modernen Dramatik, 3rd edn (Frankfurt am Main, 1925), 450 Google Scholar.

¹⁹ According to Willett, ‘more elaborate apparatuses like the cinema and the opera, being by nature so much slower to move, continued to produce Expressionist works (Berg’s Wozzeck in 1925, Lang’s Metropolis in 1927) long after the movement was otherwise defunct’. Willett, The Theatre of the Weimar Republic, 76. Constructivist sets dispensed with painted backdrops and commonly consisted of abstract architectonic structures that organised the stage in a three-dimensional manner.

²⁰ For more on the Weimar Zeitoper, with its characteristic emphasis on everyday life and modern technology, see Cook, Susan C., Opera for a New Republic: The Zeitopern of Krenek, Weill, and Hindemith (Rochester, 2010)Google Scholar and Mehring, Frank, ‘Welcome to the Machine! The Representation of Technology in Zeitopern ’, Cambridge Opera Journal 11 (1999), 159–177 Google Scholar.

²¹ For more on the use of sound media within Weimar opera, see Rehding, Alexander, ‘On the Record’, Cambridge Opera Journal 18 (2006), 59–82 Google Scholar.

²² See Markus Brudereck, ‘Der “Pünktchen-Sadist”: Rudolf Krasselt und sein Regieteam’, in Schmidt and Weber, Keine Experimentierkunst, 143. According to Brudereck, this was the first time that moving projections were used in the opera house at Hanover, and this was the first Wagner production that involved cinematography. The production was designed by Kurt Söhnlein, who worked at Bayreuth and was close to Siegfried Wagner.

²³ See Ebert, Carl, ‘Mein Programm’, Blätter des Hessischen Landestheater (1927/8), 1 Google Scholar.

²⁴ Mordo, Renato, ‘Zur Krise und Gesundung des deutschen Theaters’, Blätter des Hessischen Landestheater (1927/8), 162–163 Google Scholar.

²⁵ Rabenalt, Arthur Maria, Das provokative Musiktheater der zwanziger Jahre. Ein Rückblick (Munich, [1965]), 8 Google Scholar.

²⁶ See Kaiser, Hermann, ed., 300 Jahre Darmstädter Theater in Berichten von Augenzeugen (Darmstadt, 1972), 136 Google Scholar. Claire Eckstein, who was Director of Dance at Darmstadt, had trained under the celebrated expressionist choreographer and pedagogue Mary Wigman.

²⁷ On productions at the Krolloper, see Curjel, Hans, Experiment Krolloper 1927–1931 (Munich, 1975)Google Scholar; Heyworth, Peter, Otto Klemperer: His Life and Times. Volume I, 1885–1933 (Cambridge, 1983), 246–372; and Carnegy, Patrick, Wagner and the Art of the Theatre (New Haven and London, 2006), 234–260 Google Scholar. László Moholy-Nagy, who created particularly uncompromising constructivist sets for the Kroll productions of Offenbach’s Les Contes d’Hoffmann and Hindemith’s Hin und Zurück, was an instructor at the Bauhaus. Oskar Schlemmer, who created the designs for a production of Schoenberg’s Die glückliche Hand, also worked as a designer at the Bauhaus.

²⁸ For a detailed account of the critical response to the production, see Siddiqui, Tash, ‘Flying the Republican Colours: The 1929 Krolloper Production of Der fliegende Holländer ’, The Wagner Journal 6 (2012), 15–34 Google Scholar. Siddiqui notes that reviews of the production concentrated on the staging more than the music, and that ‘it was indeed designer Dülberg’s starkly architectonic, rectilinear sets that supplied the shock of the new’. ‘Flying the Republican Colours’, 20.

²⁹ Peusch, , Opernregie-Regieoper, 230 Google Scholar.

³⁰ Benedict, Carl Siegmund, ‘Symbol und Natur im Kunstwerk Wagners’, in Offizieller Bayreuther Festspielführer 1924, ed. Karl Grunsky (Bayreuth, 1924), 155 Google Scholar.

³¹ Karl Holl, ‘Bayreuth 1924’, Frankfurter Zeitung (3 August 1924), reproduced in Der Festspielhügel: Richard Wagners Werk in Bayreuth, ed. Herbert Barth (Munich, 1976), 126.

³² ‘Wenn die Papageien des Herrn Paul Bekker in Frankfurter und andern Blättern die neue Regie mit ihren Versimpelung des Wagner’schen Originalbildes befürworten, so muß ihnen ein energisches Hände weg! zugerufen werden.’ Röder, Adam, ‘Die “expressionistische Regie”’, Karlsruher Kunstwarte (1925), 186 Google Scholar.

³³ According to Markus Brudereck, the new style of Sievert’s 1925 Ring cycle at Hannover was appreciated by critics but booed by members of the public, who were used to the old decorations, ‘painted to the last detail’. Brudereck, ‘Der “Pünktchen-Sadist”’, 148.

³⁴ Bie’s review of a performance at the Staatsoper Berlin was published on 10 August 1932 in an unidentified newspaper held in collected materials on Die Meistersinger, at the Theaterwissenschaftliche Sammlung, University of Cologne. Bie wrote for the Berliner Börsen-Courier, a left-liberal newspaper, and Die Weltbühne, a high-profile left-wing weekly journal dedicated to art and politics that was banned by the National Socialists in 1933.

³⁵ Groos, Arthur, ‘Constructing Nuremberg: Typological and Proleptic Communities in Die Meistersinger ’, 19th-Century Music 16 (1992), 29 Google Scholar.

³⁶ Diebold, Bernhard, Der Fall Wagner: Eine Revision (Frankfurt am Main, 1928), 13 Google Scholar.

³⁷ Diebold, , Der Fall Wagner, 23, 31 Google Scholar.

³⁸ Schillings, Max, ‘Geleitwort’, Blätter der Staatsoper 4 (1924), 1 Google Scholar. All translations in this article of the text of Die Meistersinger are by Peter Branscombe and can be found in Richard Wagner, Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg, ed. Kahn, 81–323.

³⁹ Koch, Max, Richard Wagners geschichtliche völkische Sendung (Langensalza, 1927), 17 Google Scholar.

David B. Dennis draws attention to a Völkischer Beobachter article on the 1923 Munich Festival that asserted ‘of all our rich possessions, practically nothing is left to us but our holy German Art’. Dennis, ‘“The Most German of all German Operas”: Die Meistersinger through the Lens of the Third Reich’, in Wagner’s Meistersinger: Performance, History, Representation, ed. Nicholas Vazsonyi (Rochester, 2003), 106–7.

⁴⁰ Review by Robert Oboussier in an unidentified Berlin newspaper from October 1932: Theaterwissenschaftliche Sammlung, University of Cologne. Folder identification mark: ‘Universität zu Köln. Richard Wagner. Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg. 1930/31 – 39/40’.

⁴¹ Rohlfing, Adolf, ‘Ende der Oper’, Der Scheinwerfer 3 (1929), 22 Google Scholar.

⁴² Strobel, Heinrich, ‘Opernpublikum’, Melos 7 (1928), 111 Google Scholar.

⁴³ Köhler, Franz-Heinz, Die Struktur der Spielpläne deutschsprachiger Opernbühnen von 1896 bis 1966 (Koblenz, 1968), 38 Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Altmann, Wilhelm, ‘Beiträge zur Opernstatistik und zum Opernspielplan’, Musik im Leben: Eine musikpolitische Gesamtschau 5 (1929), 83 Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Stahl, , Das Mannheimer Nationaltheater, 400 Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ With one volume per season and in almost every case no index according to work, the Deutscher Bühnen-Spielplan yields its information in an extremely unwieldy and not always reliable manner. The journal lists performances for each month of the season according to theatre, but the editors were evidently dependent on theatre managements for their statistics, and in some cases theatre directors failed to submit the relevant details. The journal only lists public theatres, and for that reason performances at Bayreuth are not included.

⁴⁷ Heinrich Chevalley, ‘Bayreuth’, Leipziger Tageblatt (26 July 1924), n.p.

⁴⁸ See Humperdinck, Eva, Zwei Söhne: Siegfried Wagner als Regisseur der Werke seines Vaters Richard Wagner 1904–1930 und sein Regie-Assistant Wolfram Humperdinck, 1924–1925–1927 (Koblenz, 2001), 95 Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Kilian, Eugen, ‘Randglossen zur Regie der Meistersinger’, Neue Musik-Zeitung 46 (1925), 159–160 Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Kilian, , ‘Randglossen zur Regie der Meistersinger’, 161 Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Richard Wagner, Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg, Vollständiger Klavierauszug von Karl Tausig (Mainz, n.d.) (piano reduction published by Schott and Co, used as a production book by Siegfried Wagner in 1911); Richard Wagner, Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg, Vollständiger Klavierauszug von Karl Tausig (Mainz, n.d.) (piano reduction published by Schott and Co; inscribed, signed and used by Siegfried Wagner as a production book, but undated). Das Nationalarchiv der Richard-Wagner-Stiftung Bayreuth.

⁵² Garratt, James, Music, Culture and Social Reform in the Age of Wagner (Cambridge, 2010), 84 Google Scholar.

⁵³ Weitz, , Weimar Germany, 298 Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Anonymous, ‘Bayreuther Festspiele 1924’, Völkischer Kurier (26 July 1924), n.p.; Heinrich Chevalley, Hamburger Fremden-Blatt (25 July 1925), n.p.

⁵⁵ Busch, Fritz, Aus dem Leben eines Musikers (Zurich, 1949)Google Scholar, reproduced in Der Festspielhügel: Richard Wagners Werk in Bayreuth, ed. Herbert Barth (Munich, 1976), 130; Adolf Aber, ‘Um die Zukunft Bayreuths’, Berliner Tageblatt (1 August 1924), n.p.

⁵⁶ Daeglau, Greta, ‘Bayreuther Festspielarbeit’, in Bayreuther Festspielführer 1925, ed. Karl Grunsky (Bayreuth, 1925), 93–95 Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Chevalley, ‘Bayreuth’, n.p.

⁵⁸ Richard Sternfeld, ‘Ein Schlußwort über Bayreuth’, Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (8 September 1924), n.p.

⁵⁹ Holl, , ‘Bayreuth 1924’, 123 Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Diebold, , Der Fall Wagner, 7 Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Diebold, , Der Fall Wagner, 11–12 Google Scholar.

⁶² Diebold, , Der Fall Wagner, 8 Google Scholar.

⁶³ Diebold, Der Fall Wagner, 9. Black, white and red were the colours of both the pre-war German Empire and the Nazi Party. It is unclear if Diebold is referring to the Nazi Party here; perhaps his comment relates more to what he sees as reactionary/anti-republican forces rather than to one specific party.

⁶⁴ Anonymous, Morgenpost Berlin (23 July 1924), n.p.

⁶⁵ Cornelia Schmitz-Berning points out that the ‘Heil’ greeting has a very long history and can be traced to German medieval literature, but in Vokabular des Nationalsozialismus she also notes that in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries it was understood as an explicitly German greeting, particularly among pan-Germanists. She quotes a 1935 article by Manfred Pechau on the National Socialists and the German language, which argues that in 1923 the phrases ‘Heil Hitler’ and ‘Heil Ludendorff’ were used interchangeably, and that the greeting was copied by other parties, with variations ranging from ‘Heil Hugenberg’ (Hugenberg was an influential nationalist politician and businessman) to ‘Heil Moscow’. The word ‘Heil’ was therefore by no means exclusive to the Nazis in 1924, but it had already become very politicised by this point. See Schmitz-Berning, Cornelia, Vokabular des Nationalsozialismus (Berlin, 2007), 299–301 Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ According to Richard Sternfeld, ‘the Deutschland-Lied was, however, no longer sung in the last performance, unlike at the start’, which raises the possibility that several performances provoked the same response. Karl Holl writes of ‘the subsequent cries of Heil that were repeated or at least attempted in later performances too’. Sternfeld, ‘Ein Schlußwort über Bayreuth’, n.p.; and Holl, ‘Bayreuth 1924’, 123. The reaction to Die Meistersinger at Bayreuth in 1924 may, in fact, have a precedent of sorts that has never been acknowledged. In 1923, the Munich Festival opened with Die Meistersinger, and a review of the performance in the Münchner Zeitung noted that ‘after the second and in particular the third act, enthusiastic applause develops: various voices want to respond to the overwhelming impression of the Festwiese with a patriotic demonstration, but the iron curtain prevents this’. See Münchner Zeitung (2 August 1923), n.p.

⁶⁷ See Heinrich Chevalley, ‘Bayreuth 1925’, Hamburger Fremden-Blatt (24 July 1925), n.p.; and Zelinsky, Hartmut, Richard Wagner – ein deutsches Thema: Eine Dokumentation zur Wirkungsgeschichte Richard Wagners 1876–1976 (Berlin, 1983), 172, 251 Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ As Thomas Mann argued in Reflections of a Non-Political Man (1918), German culture was fundamentally bourgeois and non-political: ‘if “mind” as such is an inherently bourgeois concept, then the German mind is bourgeois in a very special degree, German culture is essentially bourgeois, and the German bourgeois tradition is essentially humanistic – which means that it is not political, like Western culture (or at least, has not been so hitherto), and can only become political by turning aside from its own humanistic tradition’. See Mann, , Pro and Contra Wagner, trans. Allan Blunden (London, 1985), 58 Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Blau, Herbert, The Audience (Baltimore, 1990), 356 Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ According to Brudereck, Sievert anticipated the decluttered and minimalist style of 1950s ‘New Bayreuth’. Brudereck, ‘Der “Pünktchen-Sadist”’, 148. For sketches by Sievert for the 1912 Ring, see Niessen, Carl, Der Szeniker Ludwig Sievert: Ein Leben für die Bühne (Cologne, 1959), 6–8 Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Willett credits Sievert with creating regional hubs of Expressionism in Mannheim and Frankfurt, and mentions Sievert’s severe and entirely black and white designs for the Expressionist play Der Sohn (Mannheim, 1918), in which all lighting was concentrated on the protagonist. Willett, , The Theatre of the Weimar Republic, 58–59 Google Scholar.

⁷² Sievert, Ludwig, ‘Das Bühnenbild der Oper’, Blätter der Städtischen Bühnen Frankfurt am Main (1925), 67 Google Scholar.

⁷³ Sievert, Lebendiges Theater. Drei Jahrzehnte deutscher Theaterkunst (Munich, 1944), 62 Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Niessen, , Der Szeniker Ludwig Sievert, 29 Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Wallerstein, Lothar, ‘Zum Wagner-Problem’, Musikblätter des Anbruch 9 (1927), 24 Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ The original sketch for Act II is preserved in the Theaterwissenschaftliche Sammlung of the University of Cologne and is reproduced in Grosse, Helmut and Götz, Norbert, Die Meistersinger und Richard Wagner (Nuremberg, 1981), 169 Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ The use of steps was a feature of stagecraft associated with the Weimar period, and in particular with the director of the Staatstheater Berlin, Leopold Jessner, who was renowned for using bare steps in place of naturalist stage sets (as Adolphe Appia had done in his pre-war designs at Hellerau). In the Frankfurt Meistersinger, however, the steps were far less monumental than those used by Jessner, and they were combined with a naturalist stage set.

⁷⁸ See, for example, the many high-quality plates in Wagner, Ludwig, Der Szeniker Ludwig Sievert: Entwicklung des Bühnenbildes im letzten Jahrzehnt (Berlin, 1926)Google Scholar and the illustrations in Niessen, Der Szeniker Ludwig Sievert, including a sketch for Salome (Frankfurt, 1925) reproduced on page 28. This shows a wholly abstract set of acting surfaces made up of flowing, curvaceous forms, and is described by Niessen as ‘arguably one of the most impressive coalescences of scenic expressionism’. Der Szeniker Ludwig Sievert, 28–9.

⁷⁹ Carnegy, Patrick, ‘Stage History’, in Richard Wagner: Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg, ed. John Warrack (Cambridge, 1994), 141 Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ W[ilhelm] M[atthes], untitled review of Meistersinger revival on 18 September 1927, Fränkischer Kurier (20 September 1927), 3.

⁸¹ The photograph is preserved in the Theatersammlung of the Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg.

⁸² Matthes, untitled review of Meistersinger revival, 3 (Theaterwissenschaftliche Sammlung, University of Cologne).

⁸³ Nicholas Vazsonyi, ‘Introduction. Die Meistersinger: Performance, History, Representation’, in Wagner’s Meistersinger, ed. Vazsonyi, 12.

⁸⁴ As Weitz puts it, ‘Weimar [Germany] was Berlin, Berlin Weimar. With more than four million residents, the capital was by far the largest city in Germany, the second largest in Europe, a megalopolis that charmed and frightened, attracted and repelled Germans and foreigners alike.’ Weitz, Weimar Germany, 41.

⁸⁵ Lutz Koepnick ‘Stereoscopic Vision: Sight and Community in Die Meistersinger’, in Wagner’s Meistersinger, ed. Vazsonyi, 75.

⁸⁶ Peusch, , Opernregie-Regieoper, 246 Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Peusch, , Opernregie-Regieoper, 219 Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ See Haddenhorst, Gerda, ‘Das Wiesbadener Theater in der Zeit der Weimarer Republik’, Nassauische Annalen 99 (1988), 138–139 Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ See Blätter des Hessischen Landestheaters (1929/30), 120. Mordo’s reference to a loom is presumably an allusion to Gerhart Hauptmann’s best-known play, Die Weber (1892), in which an impoverished weaving community revolts against the capitalist system that has oppressed it.

⁹⁰ Review by a critic identified as P.B. Schr. in an article entitled ‘Hessisches Landestheaters: Wagner’s “Meistersinger” in der Neuinszenierung von Renato Mordo’, in an edition of the Hessische Landeszeitung Darmstadt, published in December 1928. Taken from a collection of cuttings on Die Meistersinger in the Theatersammlung, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Darmstadt.

⁹¹ Causey, Matthew, Theatre and Performance in Digital Culture: From Simulation to Embeddedness (New York and London, 2006), 96 Google Scholar.

⁹² Dirk Schumann emphasises the role that street violence and the occupation of public space played in stoking fear of civil war among Weimar citizens, and shows that although the most significant violence took place in the early and late years of the Republic, lower-level clashes between political opponents continued in the middle years of the Republic, particularly in conjunction with election campaigns. See Schumann, Dirk, Political Violence in the Weimar Republic, 1918–1933: Fight for the Streets and Fear of Civil War (Oxford, 2009)Google Scholar.

⁹³ Schneider, , Performing Remains, 102 Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ See, for example, illustrations in Stahl, Das Mannheimer Nationaltheater.

⁹⁵ Grosse, and Götz, , Die Meistersinger und Richard Wagner, 173 Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Aber, Adolf, ‘Zukunftsaufgaben der Operninszenierung’, Melos 1 (1920), 252 Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Aber, , ‘Zukunftsaufgaben der Operninszenierung’, 252 Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Bleeker, Maaike, Visuality in the Theatre: The Locus of Looking (Basingstoke, 2008), 2 Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Johnson, Dominic, Theatre & the Visual (Basingstoke, 2012), 10 Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Wallerstein, , ‘Zum Wagner-Problem’, 23 Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Mordo, , ‘Zur Krise und Gesundung des deutschen Theaters’, 163–164 Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Rabenalt, , Das provokative Musiktheater der zwanziger Jahre, 8 Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Rabenalt, , Das provokative Musiktheater der zwanziger Jahre, 8 Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Kreuzer, Gundula, ‘Voices from Beyond: Verdi’s Don Carlos and the Modern Stage’, Cambridge Opera Journal 18 (2006), 156, 167 Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Chevalley, ‘Bayreuth’, n.p.

¹⁰⁶ Söhnlein, Kurt, ‘Allgemeine Grundgedanken über Szenengestaltung’, in Kurt Söhnlein: Bühnenbildner, ed. Brigitta Weber and Carsten Niemann (Hanover, 1994), 75 Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Cutting from an unidentified newspaper, Theaterwissenschaftliche Sammlung, University of Cologne. Folder identification mark: ‘Universität zu Köln. Richard Wagner. Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg. 1930/31–39/40’.

¹⁰⁸ Cutting from a different unidentified newspaper, Theaterwissenschaftliche Sammlung, University of Cologne. Folder identification mark: ‘Universität zu Köln. Richard Wagner. Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg. 1930/31–39/40’.

¹⁰⁹ Hans von Wolzogen, ‘Eva als Wagnergestalt’, in Bayreuther Festspielführer 1925, ed. Grunsky, 127–8.

¹¹⁰ See Karlsruher Kunstwarte 30 (1925), 417.

¹¹¹ Düsseldorfer Nachrichten (25 August 1924), n.p.

¹¹² ‘WK’, ‘Neues Stadttheater. Die Meistersinger von Nürnberg’, Fränkischer Kurier (23 July 1927), n.p.

¹¹³ That conservative attitudes towards women were often entangled with a fear of the working classes emerges in the following comment by one of the characters in Ödön von Horváth’s Geschichten aus dem Wiener Wald (1931): ‘Papa always says, the financial independence of women from men is the last step towards Bolshevism.’ Horváth, Gesammelte Werke, ed. Krischke, Traugott and Foral-Krischke, Susanna, Stücke 1931–1933 (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), 22 Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Koepnick, ‘Stereoscopic Vision’, in Wagner’s Meistersinger, ed. Vazsonyi, 75.

¹¹⁵ Carlson, Marvin, The Haunted Stage: The Theatre as Memory Machine (Ann Arbor, 2003), 11 Google Scholar.