page ix note * Hall's Union of York and Unoutor 1548, AAA.iiij. b. CAMD. SOC.

page x note * Stowe's Chronicle, 1615, p. 52C. In a later author I find the following, whether founded on better evidence than mere local tradition I have not been able to ascertain: ‘This is reported to have been one of King Henry the Eighth's Houses of Pleasure; and disguised by the name of Jericho. So that when this lascivious Prince had a mind to be lost in the embraces of his courtisans, the cant word among the courtiers was, that Ho was gone to Jericho.’ (Morant's History of Essex, 1768, ii. 57.) The Rev. Alfred Suckling, in his Essex collections, says “ Adjoining the north side of the churchyard a respectable mansion belonging to the family of Preston occupies the site of an ancient house of pleasure, possessed by Henry the Eighth. It is still distinguished by its former name of Jericho.” (Weale's Quarterly Papers on Architecture, 1845, iii. 27.)

The priory of Blackmore, of Augustinian canons, was one of the small monasteries dissolved by Wolsey in 1525 for the foundation of his colleges.

In searching the patent rolls of Henry VIII. I have met with the following record relative to this place, which may be thought not inappropriate here. It proves at any rate that the name of Jericho existed in the reign of Henry VIII., if not before. 18 Feb. 20 Hen. VIII. (1528–9). Lease by the advice of John Daunce lent, and John Hales to John Smyth of Blackamore, Essex, gent, of the site and mansion of the manor or lordship of Blackamore and the rectory of Blackamore, with all demesne lands &c. a tenement called Jerico, and another called “le Herdewyke” situated on the said demesne lands, &c. with reservations: for the term of 21 years, at the annual rent of 251. This patent is to confirm the estate which the said John Smyth has in the premises by reason of a similar term granted to him by an indenture made between master William Capon, S.T.P. the first dean and the fellows of Cardinal's college, Ipswich. (MS. Calendar of the Patent Rolls.)

page x note † The sons were, Sir George, Henry, and William; the daughters, Rose, married to William Grisling, of Lincolnshire; Albora; Agnes, married to Rowland Lacon; Isabella, to William Read; and Elizabeth, lady Tailboys. Sir George Blount married Constance, a daughter of sir John Talbot, and died in 1582, leaving Dorothy his only daughter and heir, married 1. to John Purslow, of Sudhury, co. Salop, and 2. to Edward Bullock, of Bradeley near Wenlock. (Visitation Salop, in Coll. Arm. Vincent 134; and Blakewa\'s Sherifltt of Shropshire, fol. 1831, p. SO.)

page xi note * It is a common error in the brief notices that have been published of the duke of Richmond (originating with Glover's collections, as cited by Dugdale in his Baronage) to describe his mother as the vidow of sir Gilbert Taylboys at the time of his birth. Her first marriage probably took place in or shortly before 1523, when an act of parliament was passed in her favour in the session of 14–15 Hen. VIII. It sets forth that Gilbert, son and heir apparent of sir George Taylboys knight, had married and taken to his wife Elizabeth daughter of John Blount esquyer, “by which manage aswell the said sir George Taylboys knyght as the said Gilbert Taylboys have received not alonely great summes of money, but also many benyfittea to their right mych ” It then assures to the said Elizabeth a life estate in sir George Taylboys' houses, lands, &o. in the eity of Lincoln, the manors of Skeldyngthorpe, Bamburgh, Freskeny, Sotby, and Faldyngwortb, co. Line; Newton Kyme and Hesylle, co. York; and Yerilton, co. Somerset. Statutes of the Realm, fol. 1817, iii. 280.

page xi note † In the church of South Kyme (as we learn from the collections of Gervase Hollis) there is, or was, a tumultu marmoreut are, pixus, recording that ’ Gilbert lord Tallboys lord of Kyme married Elisabeth the daughter of S^r John Blount of Kinlet in Shropshire, Knt, and died 15°April An° 1530.’ There were also these armorial insignia: 1. Argent, a saltire and on a chief or three escallops of thefirst, Tallboys; Creat, a boll's head cooped. 2. Nebnly of six pieces, or and sable, Blount. S. Party per pale gules and azure, a bull pasaant argent. (MS. Harl. 6829, f. 247.)

page xi note † See Nicolas's Synopsis of the Peerage, Introduction, p. lv.

page note * Bridget, married to Robert Dymocke of Scrivelsby; Katharine, to William lord Borough; and Margaret, to Charles lord Willoughby of Parham.

page xii note † In a letter of Wolsey to the king, written in May or Jane, 1525, is this passage: “Your grace also shal receyve by this present berer such annes as your highnes hath divided, by Page (t. e. Richard Page, afterwards mentioned as one of the duke of Rich, mond's counsel,) for your entirely beloved sonne the lord Henry FitzRoy.” State Papers, 4to. 1830, f. 161. The arms will be found described hereafter.

page note * Anitis, Register of the Garter, ii. 371. The commission to the duke of Norfolk and other knighta to install the duke of Richmond, with the earls of Arnndel, Westmorland, and Rutland, is printed in the Appendix to Ashmole's History of the Garter, Num. xxiv. ‘Henry duke of Ricbemonde and Somersett, elected 23 Aprell and installed 25 June a° 17, first into the ij⁴ stalle of the Sovereign's [side] by translating of Charles th'em. perour, and last to the ij^d of the Prince's syd by translating Thomas duke of Norfolk, and he dyed A° 27 H. 8.’ (MS. HarL 304, f. 125 b.) The stall-plate of the duke of Richmond does not now exist, but is represented in Vine. 152 at the College of Arms, as noticed at the close of this Memoir. His arms are still emblazoned on one of the bosses of the roof of St. George's chapel, over the organ gallery. (See Willement's Account of the Restoration of the Collegiate Chapel of St. George, Windsor, 1844. 4to. p. 40.)

page note † In one of the Venetian Relations of England, which was written in 1531, occurs this passage: ‘There used to be twelve duchies, but from their disobedience and turbulance the duchies have been annexed to the Crown, excepting three, namely Richmond, who is the Grand Admiral and his Majesty's natural son, and he has an annual income of 10,000 ducats. The second is the Duke of Norfolk,’ Ac—Relation of Lndovioo Faliero, quoted by Miss Strickland in her Life of Queen Anne Boleyn.

page viii note † I am not aware that this opinion has been expressed by many of our historical writers, but bishop Burnet entertained it, who says, but without citing any proof, that the king “intended afterwards to have put him in the succession of the crown after his other children; but his death prevented it:” and, again, that he endeavoured to marry the princess Mary to France, “the more effectually to seclude her from the succession, considering the aversion his subjects had to a French government, that so he might more easily settle his bastard son, the duke of Richmond, in the succession of the crown.” History of the Reformation (edit 1829), i. 18, 74.

page xiv note * See State Papers, published by the Record Commission, vol. i. pp. 1, 2.

page note † Letter of Lee to Wolsey, dated 17 April, 1527.

page xv note * See the curious hiftory of the duchy of Exeter in “Gnnti, Ac. of King Bdwird V.” p. Ixv.

page xvi note * The ceremonial of the creation is appended to the present memoir.

page xvi note †t See the three letters patent hereafter.

page xvi note † The (intact (22 Hen. VIII. ch. xvii.) is printed in the Statutes of the Realm, 1817, vol. iii. pp. 338–344. Its length is occasioned by the addition of no fewer than forty-three provisoes to protect the existing interests of those who had received former grants upon the same estates. It was amended by a subsequent act, passed in 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. ch. xxi. printed ibid. p. 525. By other acts passed in 1531–2 and 1533–4, (23 Hen. VIII. ch. xxviii. and 25 Hen. VIII. ch. xxx.) the duke of Richmond exchanged a fee-farm rent of 501. from the town of Waltham with John lord Lumley, for certain manors and lordships in Westmerland and Lancashire. Ibid. pp. 409, 487.

page xvii note * By two acta pasted in 1586, 28 Hen. VIII. ch. xxxiii. and xxxiii. the king gave to the bishop of Durham the mansion-house of Cold Harbour, sett and leying in Teames strete, in the parish of Allhalowes the lot, in exchange for the mansion house of Durham place, in the parish of st Martin in the field nigh Charing crost; and thereupon the house called Baynard's castle, in the parish of St. Benet Huda, in the city of London, was granted to the duke of Richmond,—evidently in exchange for the mansion of Cold harbour, though not so expressed. The king had, however, previously occupied Durham place, and it was from thence that the duke of Richmond was brought to his creation at Bridewell palace in 1525.

page note † This office is attributed to him by Lord Herbert of Chirbury, in his History of Henry the Eighth, but I have not met with any documentary evidence of it. It was, perhaps, coincident with that of Warden of the Marches, as the duke of Norfolk, in Oct. 1524, ia styled the king's lieutenant in the North parts. (State Papers, IT. 166.)

page xvii note † Pat. 17 Hen. VIII. p. 2. m. 15. This document is printed by Rymer, vol. xW. p. 42.

page xviii note * The duke's tent as lord warden is not itself upon record: bat it is recited in that of his successor, Henry earl of Northumberland, who was appointed on the 2nd Dec 1527. It thence appears that it was dated on the 24th July, 1525, and that it appointed him Warden-general of the marches towards Scotland, viz. the Estmarch, Westmarch, and Middle-march, and in the lordBhip of Scotland, with powers of array extending to the counties of Cumberland, Westmorland, and Northumberland, for the defence of the said marches, and for the rescue and safe custody of the towns and castles of Berwick and Carlisle in time of danger. The earl of Northumberland's appointment is recorded on the patent roll 19 Hen. VIII. p. 2., m. 2; which Sandford, in his Genealogical History, cites as authority for his erroneous assertion that the duke of Richmond had his patent in the 19th of Henry VIII. and Dugdale also (ii. 305) mistakes it for “a new patent” to him.

page xviii note † Wolsey's Correspondence, State Paper Office, vol. vi. no. 148, printed in State Papers, 4to. 1836 (Correspondence of Scotland and the Borders), vol. iv. p. 385.

page xviii note † William Jekjll, ancestor of the Jekylls of Essex, was of Newington in Middlesex, and died in 1522. Visitation of Essex 1634.

page xviii note † The lady Parre was probably tbe widow of sir Thomas Parre, who had died on the 12th Nov. 1518, and the mother of Katharine the last wife of Henry Till. Where her house was I have not ascertained, unless it was at the manor of Hoddesdon (see Clutter-buck's Hertfordshire, ii. 59), which was the inheritance of her daughter-in-law Anne, daughter of Henry Bourchier earl of Essex, and wife of William Parre, afterwards marquess of Northampton. She might possibly, at this early date, have the wardihip of that heiress. Sir William Pane, the duke of Richmond's chamberlain, was doubtless the younger brother of sir Thomas; he was afterwards created a baron, by the title of lord Parre of Horton, in the year 1643, when he was chamberlain to hii niece queen Katharine.

page xix note * The manor house of Colyweston had been rebuilt by the king's grandmother, the countess of Richmond. When Henry VII. married his daughter Margaret to the king of Soots, in 1602, he accompanied her himself as for as Colyweston, and from thence she was conducted by the earl of Northumberland into Scotland. Leland says, “Coly-Weston for the most part is of a new building, by the lady Margaret, mother to king Henry VII. The Lord Cromwell had afore begunne a house there: bagges (i. e. badges) of pursee yet remayne there yn the ehapelle and other places.” There were mini early in the last century, but they had been wholly removed before Bridges wrote his History of Northamptonshire.

page xx note * Hia arrival at York on the 17th August U noticed in the records of the corporation. It does not appear that he afterwards resided within the city. I am informed by my friend Mr. Davies, the late Town Clerk of York, that the only further notice of the duke of Richmond occurring in (he records of the Corporation refers to a correspondence which took place concerning a person in his establishment who had committed an offence within the city jurisdiction, when occasion was taken for requesting that the “rowme and offyce of sword-berer” should be given to Alan Ary, his grace's servant. But the corporate authorities were not disposed to submit to the duke's patronage. They begged him to “gyf sparyng unto such tyme as the kynges grace and the lord cardenelles grace pleasour might be farther knowne,” and, probably for the purpose of preventing any future interference of a similar kind, a grant of the office was made to Henry Kawkes for hit life, and he continued in the undisturbed enjoyment of it for upwards of twenty years afterward. (The Pawkes's of York, by Robert Davies, esq. F.S.A. I860, p. 11.)

page xx note † State Papers, 1836, vol. iv. p. 392.

page xxi note * The lord Darcy's residence was Temple hurst, now Temple Newsome, near Leeds; and the lord Larimer's “chief howse,” as Leland tells us, was at the “goodly castle” of Snape: see Whitakert Richmondshire, ii. 90.

page note † The castle of Sheriff Hutton is described by Leland, who remarks that “it was well maintainid by reason that the late duke of Norfolk lay there ten yeres, and sins the duke of Richmond. There is (he says) a base court with houses of office afore the entring of the castelle. The castelle self in the front is not diched, but it stondith in loco utrinque tdito. I markid yn the fore-front of the first area of the castelle self 3. great and high toures, of the which the gate-house was the midle. In the seconde arta there be a 5. or 6. toures, and the stately staire up to the haul is very magnificent, and so is the haul itself, and al the residew of the house; in so much that I saw DO house in the North so like a princely loggings. There is a park by the cartel. From Shirhuten (Leland rode) to York vij. miles, and in the forest of Oaltres, wherof 4 miles or more was low medowes and morische ground ful of carres, the residew by better ground, but not very high.” Whilst the duke of Norfolk and his fiunily resided at Sheriff Hutton the poet Skelton wrote his “Wreath of Laurel” in which he describes (in general terms) the beauties of the spot: see Skelton's Works, edited by Dyce. On the duke of Norfolk's death, in 1524, it reverted to the crown. The castle was dismantled in the reign of James L In consequence of the elevation on which it was placed its ruins are visible at a great distance on every side. There is a little book on Sheriff Hutton Castle, by Mr. George Todd, of York, 1824. 8vo.

page note * Brian Higdon, LL.D. was dean of York from 1516 to 1539.

page xxii note † Thomas Dalby, doctor of decrees, became archdeacon of Richmond in 1506; he was also a prebendary of York, canon of Beverley, and treasurer of archbishop Savage's hospital. He died on the 26tb Jan. 1525, and was buried in York cathedral: see in Drake's York or in Willis's Cathedrals his epitaph, in which, in addition to the preceding preferments, he is further styled “ capellani et consiliarii illustrissimi regis Henrici vij. et capellani et consiliarii serenissimi regis Henrici viij. et decani capelle illustrissimi principis ducis Richmond et Somersett.”

page xxii note † Thomas Magnus was archdeacon of the East riding from 1504 until his death in 1550, and a canon of Windsor from 1520 to 1547. He was buried at Sessay in York, shire, where he was rector. See further of him in Wood's Fasti Oxon. (by Bliss), vol. i. col. 53. Many of his letters, written when ambassador in Scotland, are printed in the volumes of the State Papers Commission.

page note § Sir William Bulmer, of Wilton in Cleveland, was lieutenant of the East inarch and captain of Norham castle. Among Wolsey's Correspondence in the State Paper Office, are several of his letters addressed to that minister, some of which are dated from Nor-ham. In two of them (vol. i. 143, 144), but which have not years to their dates, he begs to be relieved from all office on account of his age and infirmities, and offers the services of his sons, Sir John and Sir William, in his place. His son and heir sir John was attainted, 28 Hen. VIII. for his share in Aske's rebellion: see the pedigree in OrtTs Cleveland, p. 409.

page xxii note || Sir Godfrey Foljambe, of Walton, co. Derby, was an esquire of the king's body in 1513, when hereceivedfrom Wriothesley Garter a grant of a cat-wolf as the supporter of his arms. See the memoirs of the Foljambe family printed in Collectanea Topograph. et Genealogica, vol. i. p. 356.

page xxii note || Sir Thomas Tempest, of Holmeside, co. Durham, a serjeant-at-law, was seneschal to the bishops of Durham from 1510 to 1544, with a fee of 20. See Hutchinson's History of Durham, i. 407, and the pedigree in Surtees's History of that county, ii. 327.

page xxiii note * Thomas Fairfax, serjeant-at-law 1521, second son of Sir Guy Fairfax, of Steeton, co.York, one of the judges of the king's bench.

page xxiii note † William Frankeleyn, B.D. was archdeacon of Durham from 1515 until his death, and some time rector of Houghton le Spring. He was also temporal chanoellor of the see, with a fee of forty marks. (Hutchinson's Durham, i. 407.) He was president of Queen's college, Cambridge, from 1526 to 1528. In 1535 he obtained the deanery of Windsor, but was obliged to resign it in 1553: he died rector of Cbalfont St. Giles, co, Bucks, in Jan. 1555*6, and was there buried. A very long and remarkable letter of his to Wolsey on the mineral riches of the Bishopric of Durham k printed by Hutchinson, L 405. See more of him in Lipeconib's Buckinghamshire, vol. ii. p. 69, vol. iii. p. 232.

page xxiii note † Sir Robert Bowes, younger brother of sir Ralph Bowes, of Streatlam, was esoheator of the bishopric of Durham from 1529 to 1543, some time warden of the Middle march, and finally master of the rolls in 1592. See Surtees's History of Durham, iv. 107, and Durham Wills, published by the Surtees Society, p. 145.

page xxiii note § Walter Luke, afterwards serjeant-at-law 1532, and a justice of the king's bench 1533. He died in 1544, and was buried at Cople, co. Bedford, where bis effigy in brass plate remains.

page xxiii note || William Taite held the prebend of Botevant in the church of York from 1522 to 1540. He was also sacrist of Beverley, rector of one of the medieties of Thweng, and official of the court of Carlisle. Willis's Cathedrals, L 128. f William Buttes, M.D. of Cambridge 1518, became the king's principal physician, and was knighted. He died in 1545, and was buried at Fulham near London. His portrait occurs in Holbein's picture of Henry VIII. granting the charter to the College of Physicians, and that of his lady—Margaret, daughter of John Bacon, of Cambridgeshire, in Holbein's Heads, by Chamberlain. See further of him in note to Sir H. Nioolat't Privy-purse Expenses of Henry Till. p. 305, and in Wood's Fasti Oxoa. (by Blks), vol. i. col. 50.

page xxiv note * Sir William Enre was lieutenant of the Middle march in 1523. He was afterwards the first lord Eure, of Wilton Castle, co. Durham, so created in 1544.

page note † Georg e Lawson died captain of Wark castle in 1558: see the Durham Wills published by the Surtees Society, p. 176.

page xxvii note * John Palsgrave was an Englishman, born in London, and a graduate of Paris. His epistell to the kynges grace, which is prefixed to Lesclarcissement, &c, states that he had been commanded by the king to instruct the right excellent princess his sister Mary, the dowager of France, in the French tongue, a feet which is confirmed by the following item of the date of the 6th Jan. 1513: “To inr. John Palysgrave clerke, scolemaster to my lady princew, for hia wages for one hole yore, vj li. xiij s. iiij d.” Privy-purse Expenses of Henry VIII., at the Rolls House, A v. 17. At the same place are two letters of the same Queen, both dated at Paris (3d April, and 13th November, but without the year), soliciting Wolaey for preferment for Palsgrave; and a paper, No. 605, relating to his appointment to the rectory of Asfordby, co. Leic. The king granted him a privilege of seven yean for his book on the French language, dated at Ampthill, 2 Sept. a, r. xxii. (1530). The author's epistle is followed by one from “ Andrewe Baynton tolhc ryght noble and excellent yong gentilmen Thomas Hawarde, my lord Geralde, and maister Charles Blont, sonne and heyre to the lord Montjoye, his late scole felowea,” where Palsgrave is spoken of as “our maister,” and in which occurs this passage: “ After ho had in commandement by our most redouted soveraygne to instructe the duke of Riche-montes grace in the Latin tong, he brought all the hole Analogie of the Romane speche into ix letters; that is to say, theyr five vowellea, and JI, N, R, s, consonantes, whiche thyng was never, as yet, of no clerk that he wotteth of afore his tytne observed: saving that Marcus Varro,” &c. Ten years later Palsgrave published M Acalastus, a Latin comedy, set forth before the burgesses of the Hague in Holland in 1529, by William Fullonius, translated into our English tongue after such maner as chylderne are taught in the grammer scoole, by John Palsgrave, Londinensis. 1540. See him further noticed in Wood's Athens Oxon. (edit. Bliss), vol. i. 121.

page xxviii note * The fact of Croke being the duke of Richmond's tutor was noticed by Bumet in his History of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 85—probably from the letters hereafter printed. The statement was adopted by Anthony à Wood, in the second edition of hia Athens, when giving the biography of Croke, with the unauthorised addition that the duke was “ with him at King's college in Cambridge.” Wood also imagined that the earl of Surrey was a student of Cardinal college in Oxford, and added that it was probable that the duke of Richmond accompanied Surrey thither. Dr. Nott, in diwuiwing the education of the earl of Surrey (Memoirs, p. xx), refused to credit the story about Oxford; but admitted, ‘I believe the fact to be, respecting Richmond, that he studied at Cambridge, at King's college, under the learned Richard Croke, who was then public Greek Reader there.’ It is evident, however, that the claims of either university to either of these noble pupils are alike groundless.

In a letter of Thomas Hennege to Wolsey, dated the 4th Aug. 1528, occurs this passage: “ Also his hignes [the king] commaunded me, in my wrytyng to your grace, to putt you in remembraunce, at I did write unto jou before, for the benefice of Horworth, to dispose the same to my lord of Richemont his seoolemaster.” (State Papers, 1830,.i 324.) It does not, however, appear to which schoolmaster this notice refers. Iu 1534 one Roger Beeston was vicar of Harworth, co. Nottingham (Valor Eoclesiatt. v. 183), which it may be presumed was the benefice in question.

page xxix note * Holinshed, Chronicle, fol. 1586, iii. 1237.

page xxix note † This was the king's almoner, Edward Lee, afterwards archbishop of York. t Stat e Papers, 4to. 1836, (Scotland and the Borders,) vol. iv. p. 408.

page xxix note § This letter, which is preserved in MS. Cotton. Caligula, B. vi. art. 37, it omitted in the volume of the State Papers Commission from which we have been hitherto quoting, but improperly so, for the portion preceding that here printed contains some important particulars relatire to the state of the borders. The same obsenration applies to another in Caligula, B. m. art. 33, written by the duke's oouncil from Sheriff Hutton on the 22nd of the same month.

page xxxi note * “At Sbereiff Hooton the 13th day of Septembre. Ymmediately upon the making of this my letter, my lord of Richemountes graoe, hering that I lent unto your grace (Wolsey) at this tyme, instaantely required me to reoommaande hym unto your said grace, beseehing youe of your blearing.” (State Papers, IT. p. 459.)

page xxxi note † Could ordinary types have represented the penmanship adequately, I should hare been glad to exhibit these letters to the reader in fro-simile: but as such attempts are rain, I will merely remark that they are always written with a fine pen, in a remarkably clear Italian hand, retaining a few of the old-frshioned contraction*, and writing utorv, and v for %, One of the signatures is engraved hereafter, p. Mi.* James the Fifth, who wu born in 1512, was at this time in bis fifteenth year, and consequently about twice the age of the duke of Richmond, f This does not seem to be preserved.

page xxxi note † Could ordinary types have represented the penmanship adequately, I should hare been glad to exhibit these letters to the reader in fro-simile: but as such attempts are rain, I will merely remark that they are always written with a fine pen, in a remarkably clear Italian hand, retaining a few of the old-frshioned contraction*, and writing utorv, and v for %, One of the signatures is engraved hereafter, p. Mi.

page xxxii note * James the Fifth, who wu born in 1512, was at this time in bis fifteenth year, and consequently about twice the age of the duke of Richmond.

page xxxii note † This does not seem to be preserved.

page xxxiii note * State Papers, Border Correspondence, iv. 464. Magnus's next letter, written on the 26th of March, relates that “ The king of Scottes hath given me grete thanks for inducing acquaintance betweene bym and my lord of Richemoundes grace, and also did gret chere to be made to my lordes tervauntes, being a yoman and a gromo, sent into Scotland with houndes, and gare to the yoman tenne pound sterling, and to the groome five pound.” (Ibid. p. 469.) This has been printed at length in Ellis'. Original Letters, Third Series, tol. ii. p. 119. CAMD. 80C. e

page xxxii note † The manor of Torpell is in Northamptonshire: see Bridges's History of that county, vol. ii. p. 600.

page xxxv note * sic.

page xxxv note † t The original of this letter is now separated from the rest in the State Paper Offioe, and plaoed in the class of Border Correspondence. It is the only one written by the duke of Richmond that was printed by the State Papers Commission, in that series, iv. 467, and the date of 3 March, 1526–7, was there assigned to it.

page xxxvi note † Sic.

page xxxvi note † State Papen, iv. 476.

page xxxvii note † George coton at this time held an office which Croke described by the Latin word “ admiatioiialia,” probably that of gentleman usher. He retained his paramount influence orer the duke's establishment, and was Utterly his “goreraoar.“ See a dooument giren at the close of this memoir: and an Additional Note.

page xxxix note † Sic. QH. t suis miniatria.

page xxxlii note † Previously publishod by Sir Henry Ellis in the Third Series of his Original Letters.

page xxxliv note * Doctor Richard Croke to cardinal Wolaey (Wolaey Correspondence, iii. 78).

Non facerem officium meum, Reverend iasime Dotnine, si celarem CeUitudinem tuam non potuisse Parrhum (licet id modit omnibus contendisset) s principis oonsiliariis extor-quere literas ad Regent in Cotoni favorem, Verebaotur enim riri tapientissiini ne ejusmodi suo tefttimonio vel innorentiie niese vel sacrosancte graritati tuam (qui mea fide Cotoni crimina Regiaperueraa) vualiqua fieret. Quorum nihil metuens Parrhus, imtno magnopere indignatus se hac nocendi spe dejectum, minatus est meam fldem, cum apud Kegiam turn vero ntaxime apud tuam MajeaUtem, se irritaturum. At ego optimc mibi oonscius nihil fldei, nihil cauase metuo, immo obsecro atque obtestor aequitatem tuam, ut univenas Parrhi de me, et meat item de Cotono et illo querelas, vel uuivenis consiliarin vel tribns quibiu-libet (Parrho duntaxat et Tato exceptis) committas examinandaa. Et facile viderit sqaitas tua, nee me rannm esw (ut ieti pnedioant), et pertinaeem horum invioem defensiouent iteque ayncenin case, et rei duealk maximo dtependio Parrhiaiusque negligentis tolam iuniti.

page xlvi note * Richard Cotton, brother to George, was comptroller of the household.

page xlvi note † This “little nephew ” was very probably William afterwards marquess of Northampton.

page xlvii note * Herbert's M.S. Collections, vol. ii. p. 155, as quoted in Nott's Life of Surrey, p. xxxvi.

page xxxvii note † A daughter, I believe, of Magnifico Juliano de1 Medici. She was still unmarried in 1533, when the duke of Orleans wu likely to have her. State Papers, vii. 427.

page xlvii note † State Papers, vol. vi. p. 564.

page xlvii note § See p. xiv.

page li note * Gatharina Posthuma, widow of John III. of Portugal, another sister of the emperor. Her daughter Mary wu subsequently the fint wife of Philip IL of Spain. The dauphin at thia time was afterwards Henry IL, who married Catharine do' Medici.

page li note † State Papers, vol. vi. p. 605.

page lii note * King Henry bimaelf afterwards contemplated marriage with the dnchew of Milan, and it is to that lady the bon-mot has been attributed, that, if she had had bat two heads, one should have been at his majesty's service.

page lii note † Richard Tempest was one of the esquires of the king's body in 1513, and a knight at the time of the Field of Cloth of Gold, in 1520. (See Chronicle of Calais, p. 20.) He was of Bracewell, in Craven; see his pedigree in Whitaker's History of that Deanery.

page lii note * Sic

page lii note † In the MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. in. 118 b. A modernized venton was gton in Dr. Nott'i Life of Sumy, Appendix, No. III. p. vii.

page xlvi note * The letters in the State Paper Office have all lost their teals.

page xlvi note † Some particulars of the subsequent inounion of this epidemic in the year 1551 will be found in Machyn's Diary, p. 319, and the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, p. 70.

page lv note * Printed in State Papers, 4to. 1830, if. 321.

page lv note † Afterwards the king's brother-in-law, duke of Somerset and Protector to his nephew king Edward VI.

page lv note ‡ From a MS. slip preserved with this letter it appears that the offices in question were as follow: “These be the lordeships belongging to my Lordes grace of Richmonde and Sommenet.

page lv note § Probably many papers relative to sir William Compton are preferred among the papers at the Rolls house. I have noticed,—No. 1268, Inrentoiy of sir William Compton, his goods at Windsor, Compton, fto.; No. 1264, names of the Stewards and Bailies of Mr. Cumpton his lands; No. 1870, Stewards of sir William Compton's lands.

page lv note * The earls of Northumberland had a manor-house called Cookridge, or Cockledge, in the parish of Topcliff, four miles from Think; and it was from thence that Heurj the fourth earl was in 1489 taken by a mob of the oountry people and beheaded at Think. (See GentlemanV Magazine, NOT. 1851.) No account of the house is presented; Leland, who describee in so remarkable and interesting a manner his visits to the earl's houses at Wressel and Leckonfield, did not go to Topcliffe; but he enumerates it in a list of “the erle of Northombrelondes castelles and manors,” as u Topclif on Suale, a goodlj maner-house yn a parke. State Papers, vol. ir. p. 516.

page lvii note † Henry afterwards the fifth earl of Westmerland and K.G. He succeeded his father in 1549, and died in 1563.

page lviii note * Hatfield, in Hertfordshire, afterwards a palace of Henry VIII., belonged to the see of Ely until the year 153S. The Yorkshire Hatfield was the birth-place of one of the sons of Edward the Third, named William of Hatfield, whose effigy remains in York minster. In the fifteenth century it was occasionally the residence of Richard duke of York, whose eldest son Henry was born there in 1441. It was a bunting lodge, built for the sake of sport in Hatfield Chace, and Inland describes it as but builded meanly of timber. In 1607 it was in great ruin. (See Hunter's “South Yorkshire,” i. 155.)

page lvii note † Matthe w Boynton, of Barmston, co. York, great-grandfather of sir Matthew the first Baronet, created in 1618. His wife was Anne daughter of sir John Bulmer, and granddaughter of old sir William the duke's steward.

page lix note ‡ In the Correspondence regarding Ireland published by the State Papers Commkuon, vol. ii. p. 147, are two notes, which state that the duke of Richmond was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland on the 22d June, 1529, and held that office till his death; and that sir William Skeffyngton was first appointed Lord Deputy in August 1529. These dotes appear to be erroneous. The duke's grant of the office of deputy to sir William Sketfington, knU was dated 22 June, 1530, as appears by the Patent Roll of Ireland, 22 Hen. VIII.; his grant of the same office to Gerald FitzGerald, earl of Kildare, 5 July, 1532, on Rot. Pat Hib. 24 and 25 Hen. VIII. and again 30 July, 1634, on Rot. Pat. Hib. 25, 26, and 27 Hen. VIII. When there was no lord-lieutenant (and the last had been Thomas earl of Surrey, from 1520 to 1522), the king himself appointed the lord-deputy, and in 1521 it bad been a question whether the appointment of a deputy was in the power of the lieutenant. (State Papers, Irish Correspondence, i. 92.) In the duke of Richmond's ease, of course, no such difficulty could arise; but it U remarkable that, whilst the records of Ireland fully recognise both sir William Skeffington and the earl of Kildare aa deputies of the duke of Richmond the king's lieutenant, in many instances the former is described aa the deputy at once of the king and the lieutenant, at in the following example. In 1530 (Sept 19) the office of keeper of the rolls was granted to Anthony Skeffingtou the king's chaplain “ de asaensu dilecti et ftdelis nostri Willielmi Skeffyngton deputati nottri ae pnecharissimi et dilectissimi consanguine! nostri Henriei ducis Richmond et Somersett, de proeapia nostra orti, locum tenentis nostri terra et dominii nostri HiberniiB. Teste prefato deputato nostro apud Dublin.” (Rot. Mem. 22 Hen. VIII. mem. 15.) Subsequently, Leonard lord Grey bears the like designation, until the duke of Richmond's death in 1536. In the State Paper office (Ireland, No. 20) is a copy of Instructions given by the kynges highenes to his trusty counsaillour sir William Skeffyngton knyght, Master of the Ordenaunces, whom his grace hath constituted and ordeyned to be Deputie unto his right trusty and right entirely welbeloved cousin the duke of Ryohemont and of Somersett, lieutenant of hia lande of Ireland: they bear no contemporary date. They are printed in the State Papers, as above, ii. 147.

page lxi note † His “teste apud Dublin” wu a legal notion: see Additional Note.

page lxi note † See the ceremonial observed on this occasion in the Register of the Gaiter, by Aiutis, vol. ii. Appendix, No. VII.

page lx note † “The xxiiij daye of Aprill, 1530, paied to Guilliam the kinges Fletcher for arowes for my lord cf Richemond.

The xxvij daye paid to my lord of Richemondes none in rewarde.

“Item, the gte daye of May, 1531, paied to Arthur the lewter for a lewte for the duke of Richemond.

Item, the xxiij daye of January, 1532, paied in rewarde to a physician that went to my lorde of Richemond.

(The Privy purse Expenses of King Henry the Eighth from Nov. 1529 to Dec. 1532, edited by N. H. Nicolas, esq. 8vo. 1827, pp. 40,41,131,189.)

page lx note * “ The xj. day of October Henry the Eighth, kjmge of England, landyd at Caleis, with the duVe of Richmond his bastard sonne, the duke of Norfolke lorde tresorer of England,… the erle of Surrey,” &c. &c. See the rest of the train enumerated in The Chronicle of Calais (printed for the Camden Society), p. 41.

page lx note † Hall's Chronicle, 1548, foL cc.viij.

page lx note ‡ Register of the Garter, ii. 389.

page lx note * On this disputed matter, which is one of some importance in regard to Surrey's biography, it is perhaps desirable to quote all that Dr. Nott says: “ The Duke of Richmond, instead of returning to England, went to Paris, to complete his studies in the university there; and to learn all the elegant and polite accomplishments which were to be acquired at the French Court It is said that Surrey attended his noble friend thither.” Dr. Nott then appends this note, “Dodd, in his Church History, expressly asserts this, and adds, that both Surrey and Richmond went to Paris to learn French! What credit may be given to Dodd the reader will decide when be learns that, according to that historian, Surrey went from Paris to meet Henry at Calais when he landed there on his road to Boulogne: and that one of his motives for going to Florence, was to see the Fair Geral-dino: he returned, he says, from his tour about the year 1540. Vol. L p. 172.” Dr. Nott then proceeds in his text, “ The (act, I believe, rests wholly on conjecture; but the conjecture is a probable one. It was then the fashion, as it ever has been with some, to send their sons to study in foreign universities.…Still the point is uncertain. One thing, however, is clear. Admitting that Surrey went with Richmond to the French Court, his residence there was not of long duration. Neither did it produce any sensible effect on either his taste or his studies,” &c.

page lx note † Register of the Garter, ii. 393. A limning of the knights of the Garter in procession, made in 26 Hen. VIII. (1534), represents the duke of Richmond as the senior knight. (Ibid. vol. ii. App. p. xlii.)

page lxii note * This, howerer, is to suppose that they passed unobserved by the Calais chronicler, whose business it was to notice all arrivals and departures of great men. But it might be so if they travelled post, without their retinue and baggage, as lord Rochford shortly after did.

page lxii note † Mémoiree de Du Bellay

page lxii note ‡ “Lequel seigneur Roy manda incontinent audit due de Norfolc prendre congé du Roy de France, et se retirer: aussi revoqua le due de Richemont sonfilenature! estant Iona à la cour dudit seigneur Roy de France, et ses ambatsadeun estans riere nostre sainct Pere.” (Mémoires du Mess. Martin du Bellay, fol. 1519, f. 113 F.)

page lxii note § “Sed quia quarto consanguiuitatis gradu invieem oonjuncti estis, vestrum in hac parte desiderium non poteatis adimplere, canonica dispenaatione desuper non obtenta.—Ilenricus dux Richmondia et Somerset, com. de Nottingham, magnus admirallus Ang. et pncclara femina Maria Howard prapotentis viri Tho. ducisdeNorfolcia filia,— Richard. Gwent deputatus pro Pet. de Vannes, 26° Nov. 1533,11^e pontit Clem. VII.” (Frere's MS. Collections, quoted in Nott's Life of Surrey, p. xxviii.)

Sanders, in his history of the English schism (p. 30), states that “The king by his letters to the pope did, at the same time that he was moving scruples about his own marriage, transact about a dispensation for a marriage betwixt his own nataral son the duke of Richmond and his daughter the lady Mary,”—a strange misapprehension, which is censured as a wilful error by Burnet at the close of vol. I. of his History of the Reformation.

Part of another document (dated 1538–9) may here be added from Dr. Nott's work: “Cum chariss. consanguinens noster Henrietta nnper dux Richmonditt et Somerset et comes Nott jam defunctus in tenera state sna dominant Mariam flliam charissimi consanguine! nostri Tho. ducis Norff, cepit in uxorem, qui quidem dux Rich, et Som. ante carnal, cop. inter ipsam et dominam Mariam habitant viam universal carnis ingressut fuerit,” &c. See further of this document, which relates to the duchess's dower, in Nott's Appendix, p. xcvii.

It will be observed, the marriage was not considered complete. Notices of the discussions that took place after the duke's death as to its validity will be found in Strype, Life of Cranmer, p. 45; Ellis's Original Letters, II. ii. 83; and State Papers, 1830, 4to. i. pp. 575, 577. I shall not enter further in this place into the history of Mary duchess of Richmond, having already compiled an article on her biography, which is printed in the Gentleman's Magazine for May, 1845. Her reputation has Buffered severely, and I think unjustly, from the testimony she was required to give at her brother's trial; and, as she was a decided Protestant, she has received little mercy from the usual eulogists of the house of Howard. It might rather be argued that she was a lady of extraordinary excellence and self-denial, because, at a period when it was very customary for widows to rush into second marriages with men of inferior rank, she remained sole, and devoted herself to the education of the children of her unfortunate brother. At tbe same time it roust be admitted that the unsettled question of her dower protected her from the ordinary herd of fortune-bunting suitors. Her portrait occurs among the Holbein Heads by Chamberlain.

page lxiii note * The duchess of Norfolk, in this letter, contrasts the circumstances of her daughter's marriage with her own. Great alliances were purchased by expensive settlements, or sometimes by money actually paid to the parents. The duke of Norfolk, writes the duchess Elizabeth, “ had with me two thousand marks: ” and previously, in contemplation of a different alliance, “ my father had bought my lord of Westmerlande for me.” Therefore, “I thyncke by tbe law I schuld have my jointre as well as my dojter of Richmonde, for the kynges grace bad never a peyny for my lord of Richemonde, for qwene Anne gatt the maryage clere for my lorde my husbond, when sche dyd favour my lorde my husbond. I here qwene Anne say that yff my lorde of Richemond dyd dye, that my dojter schuld have above a thosand li. a yere to hyr jointur,” &c (Letter of Elizabeth duchess of Norfolk to lord privy seal Cromwell, 24 Oct. 1557, M& Cotton. Titos B. I. f. 883, printed by Nott, Appx. p. lxxiL)

page lxiv note * “—his hyegthnes shuld be mowed to have compassion on me, oonsederynge that he hemselfe alone made the maryege.” (Letter of Mary duchess of Richmond to her father the duke of Norfolk.)

page lxv note * It has also been assigned to 1548, when he was again in disgrace for eating flesh in Lent; and to 1546, when he had threatened the earl of Hertford.

page lxvi note † Register of the Garter, ii. 394, 395.

page lxvi note † Journals of the House of Lords, vol. i. In the next session, which sat from the 12th June to the 18th July, 1536, the duke of Richmond was never present: from which we may perhaps infer that his last illness was of some duration.

page lxvii note * Register of the Garter, ii. 400.

page lxvii note † Miss Strickland has expressed herself with extraordinary vehemence upon this occasion. She remarks that the disgraced queen, on ascending the scaffold, “there saw assembled the lord mayor and some of the civic dignitaries, and her great enemy the duke of Suffolk, with Henry's natural son, the duke of Richmond, who had, in defiance of all decency and humanity, come thither to distract her last moments with their unfriendly espionage, and to feast their eyes upon her blood.” Mr. Tytler, on the other hand, views the circumstance in a very different light: he says the scaffold “was surrounded by those only whom the jealous precautions of Henry had selected to be witnesses rather than spectators.”—(Life of Henry VIII. in Edinburgh Cabinet Library, 1837, p. 381.) It is very doubtful whether any motives are fiuriy attributable to those present at such acts of public justice. Among those whom the chroniclers name as having been present on these occasions are generally found the sufferers' most intimate friends, though perhaps not in immediate attendance upon them: nor did their enemies from any delicacy keep away. State executions were really public ones, and presence at them implied no coarseness of feeling in men who were too much accustomed to greater horrors.

page lxvii note † Lambarde's Perambulation of Kent, p. 130.

page lxvii note § We merely gather, from a paper subsequently written by the duke of Norfolk in his troubles, that the king received the sad news at Sittingbourne:“ I was never at Dover with his highness since my lord of Richmond died, but at that time, of whose death word came to Syttyngborne.l‘—Burnet, Hist of Reformation, 1829, III. ii. 256.

page lxviii note * Nicolas Bourbon, a native of Troyes, being patronised by Margaret queen of Navarre, was preceptor to her daughter Jane, afterwards the mother of Henry IV. of France. He came to this country, and taught some of the young nobility. Among his poems is one ” Do H. Careo, H. Nonsio, Th. Harroo meis olira apud Britannos discipulis—quos rex et quos mihi regia Conjux commiserant puellnlos.Whilst in England his portrait was drawn by Holbein, and it is engraved by Bartolozzi among Chamberlain's Holbein Heads.

page lxix note * It is not improbable that the monument, though very considerable oott mart have been expended upon it, was not completely finished when removed from Thetford to Framlingham.

page lxix note * i.e. sitting by the jour or day.

page lxix note † Afterwards sir William Bapthorpe, of Bapthorpc, eo. York: toe his pedigree in the Plumpton Correspondence, p. xii.