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The Impact of Sudden Accessions of Treasure upon Prices and Real Wages

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2014

H. Michell*
Affiliation:
McMaster University
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Extract

During the course of history there have been three occassions upon which great masses of treasure—gold and silver—have suddenly, or within the span of a comparatively few years, been released and thrown upon the world's markets. These occasions have been at the end of the fourth century B.C., when Alexander the Great captured the hoards of the Persian kings; during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when the treasures of Mexico and Peru were brought to Europe by the Spaniards, and during the nineteenth century with the discovery of gold first in California and Australia and later in Alaska and South Africa. We are singularly fortunate in having for our consideration, price series which exhibit the effect of these sudden accessions of treasure for all three periods. The object of the present article will be to examine the first two of these momentous happenings.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association 1946

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References

1 I am most grateful for the care with which the first part of this paper was read in manuscript by Professor J. A. O. Larsen ami the second part by Professor Earl J. Hamilton. Both these gentiemen have made most valuable suggestions and saved me from errors both in fact and inference.

2 Plutarch, , Life of Alexander, 31 Google Scholar; Strabo, XV, 3, 9 (c. 731); Arrian, III, 16; Diodorus Siculas, XVII, 66, 71. Meyer, Eduard, Geschichte des Altertums (Stuttgart, 18931902), III, 1, p. 47 ff.Google Scholar estimates the amount of treasure at 180,000 Persian talents. This is quite conjectural. We do not know how much was in gold or silver.

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4 Strabo, XII, 8, 16 (c. 578); XIV, 1, 42 (c. 649).

5 Dittenberger, , Sylloge, 3, 736, 18–23.Google Scholar

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7 Ibid., V, 194 c.

8 The sort that scandalized poor Ezekiel so deeply. The picture of Mediterranean commerce in chap. 27 is well worth reading.

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10 Plutarch, , Lysander, 16, 17.Google Scholar

11 Diod. Sic., XVI, 30, 33, 56.

12 Xenophon, de Vectigalibus, passim.

13 Aristophanes, , Wasps, 300, 6Google Scholar Obols to the drachma, about 65 grains of fine silver; medimnus, 1¼ bushels.

14 Plutarch, , Moralia, 470 FGoogle Scholar: Stobaeus, , Florilegium III, 211.Google Scholar

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26 The Social Question, pp. 125 ff.

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30 I.e. 10 drachmas a month; the 130 were for intercalary years when a thirteenth month was added to the calendar.

31 I do not know what to make of Mr. Tarn's figures with regard to the reduction in the prices paid skilled masons in cutting letters in inscriptions. From 282-100 B.C. the tariff for cutting 100 letters was reduced from 9 to 2 abols. Tarn, , Social Question, pp. 124 ff.Google Scholar, calls these “extraordinary figures.” There must be some explanation which we do not know. Either there was a surplus of omasons who would work for any wage, or inscription cutting was a part-time job.

32 Ferguson, W. S., Hellenistic Athens (London, 1911), p. 66 for refs.Google Scholar in comedies.

33 Diod. Sic., XXII, 5.

34 Tarn, , Hellenistic Civilisation, p. 113, note 4, for refs.Google Scholar

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36 A strange little poem of Cercidas strikes a new note of warning to the rich against the fury of the poor whom they have despoiled. In Herodes, Cercidas and the Choliambic Poets, trans. by Knox, A. D., Loeb Library.Google Scholar

37 Larsen, , Roman Greece, p. 390.Google Scholar

38 But doubtful. Cf. Larsen, , Roman Greece, p. 386.Google Scholar The actual quantity purchased is not given, but the price per medimnus may be not unjustifiably inferred from the inscription.

39 Larsen, , Roman Greece, p. 397 Google Scholar, also Classical Philology, 36, 1941, pp. 156 ff.Google Scholar

40 Rostovtzeff, , Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, p. 71.Google Scholar

41 Heichelheim, F., Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Allertums (Leyden, 1938), pp. 453 ff.Google Scholar

42 But doubtful. Certainly Egypt imported a good deal of oil in the early Hellenistic period. The Ptolemies tried to foster the cdultivation of olives, but the product was always inferior to the Greek. Possibly only comparatively small quantities of the best Greek oil were being imported at this period. Cf. Tarn, , Hellenistic Civilisation, 2nd ed., p. 166 Google Scholar; Rostovtzeff, , Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, p. 1253.Google Scholar

43 Rostovtzeff, , Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, p. 1312.Google Scholar

44 Notably by Soetbeer. Cf. also Annual Reports of the United States Mint.

45 American Treasure and Andalusian Prices, 1503-1660” (Journal of Economic and Business History, 11, 1928)Google Scholar; American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501-1650 (Harvard, 1934)Google Scholar; Money Prices and Wages in Valencia, Aragon and Navarre, 1351-1500 (Harvard, 1939)Google Scholar; Profit Inflation and the Industrial Revolution, 1751-1800” (Quarterly Journal of Economics vol. LVI, 1942,) pp. 256 ff.Google Scholar

48 Beveridge, W. H., Prices and Wages in England from the Twelfth to the Nineteenth Centuries, vol. I, The Mercantile Era (London, 1939).Google Scholar

47 31.1 grams = 1 oz. Troy.

48 Hamilton, E. J., American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501-1650 (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), pp. 302 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

49 Unwin, G., Studies in Economic History (London, 1927), pp. 160 ff.Google Scholar

50 Cf. Bland, A. E., Brown, P. A., and Tawney, R. H., English Economic History (London, 1914), pp. 404 ff.Google Scholar for a discourse upon the rise of prices and its cause. Also Fay, C. R., English Economic History Mainly since 1700 (Toronto, 1940), pp. 22 ff.Google Scholar For wages of farm workers in the Munich area, Elsas, M. J., “Price Data from Munich, 1500-1700” (Economic History, III, 10, p. 71).Google Scholar

51 Bland, , Brown, and Tawney, , English Economic History, pp. 362 ff.Google Scholar

52 Ibid., pp. 325 ff.

53 American Treasure and the Price Revolution, pp. 262 ff.

54 In a famous passage in his Natural History, XII, 41 (84)Google Scholar he says that a hundred million sesterces went to the East every year to pay for luxuries “Tanto nobis deliciae et feminae constant.”

55 Conveniently summarized in Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economics, art. Debasement.

56 Bland, , Brown, and Tawney, , English Economic History, pp. 416 ff.Google Scholar Froude, J. A. History of England, London, 1927 VII, 6.Google Scholar Unwin, G., Studies in Economic History, pp. 154 ff.Google Scholar

57 Hamilton, , American Treasure, p. 74.Google Scholar

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59 Hamilton, E. J.Profit Inflation and the Industrial Revolution” (Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. LVI, pp. 256 ff.).Google Scholar

60 Gilboy, Elizabeth, Wages in Eighteenth Century England (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), pp. 254 ff.Google Scholar

61 Gilboy, , Wages in Eighteenth Century England, pp. 220, 240 ff.Google Scholar These conclusions must be accepted with a certain amount of reserve. The series of wage quotations is discontinuous and in many instances scanty. But, with all due caution, they may be accepted as presenting an over-all picture of wage movements in the eighteenth century.

62 Pinchbeck, I., Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution, 17501850 (London 1930).Google Scholar

63 Ibid., p. 312.

64 Gilboy, , Wages in Eighteenth Century England, pp. 225 ff.Google Scholar That the first half of the century saw the “golden age” of labour is curiously borne out by conditions in China Where, Mr. K. W. Taylor tells me, prosperity was marked. Nature was benign, peace reigned and there were no major disasters.

65 Hamilton, , “Profit Inflation,” p. 272.Google Scholar