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Wars and the Rise of Industrial Civilization, 1640–17401

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2014

John U. Nef*
Affiliation:
The University of Chicago
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Extract

Economic historians are faced with the task of reconsidering modern European history as a whole. No age is more in need of reinterpretation than the hundred years or so which began in England with the outbreak of the Civil War and in France with the accession of the infant Louis xiv. Tawney, his associates, and pupils have revealed the main features of English agrarian, industrial, commercial, and financial development in early modern times. With the copious data provided in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Clapham, his associates, and pupils have built recent English economic history into a solid edifice on massive and precise statistical foundations. But Continental and British economic history have still to be brought into appropriate relationship to each other. And even in modern English economic history, an unfilled gap of more than a century remains. The materials that have been thrown into it are inadequate from about 1640 down to 1740, the year in which the war of the Austrian Succession broke out. The task of arranging such materials as are available into a durable pattern has not been seriously faced. So our knowledge of the place of these hundred years in the rise of industrialism both in Great Britain and on the Continent is vague.

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Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association 1944

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Footnotes

1

The research in connection with this subject has been undertaken with the help of funds generously provided by the Social Science Research Council. The present essay is concerned mainly with the interrelations between wars and the progress of science and invention. It is part of a larger study of wars and the rise of European industrial civilization from the Reformation to the twentieth century. Two versions of an earlier essay, dealing with an earlier period, are already in print (“War and Economic Progress, 1540-1640,” by J. U. Nef, Economic History Review, vol. XII, 1942, pp. 13–38; and “War and the Early Industrial Revolution,” in Economic Problems of War and Its Aftermath, edited by C. W. Wright, Chicago, 1942, pp. 1–53).

I am deeply grateful to Professor Earl J. Hamilton and Professor Harold A. Innis, for the encouragement they have given me to pursue this study in these difficult times. Dr. Hamilton first suggested that I conduct researches in the economic history of war, researches which, he rightly thinks, should have a bearing upon the problems of international relations, national policy and education in America, as the second world war draws to a close and in the years that follow it. Together with his associates, Professor Arthur H. Cole and Dr. Innis, of the Subcommittee on Grants-in-Aid of the Economic History Research Committee, he obtained for me the grant from the Social Science Research Council. Dr. Innis honoured me by an invitation to deliver a lecture on the subject at the University of Toronto in March, 1943. This essay is the outcome. He has also suggested several valuable references.

My obligations to Miss Stella Lange, of St. Mary's College, are very heavy. With an initiative, a skill, and an accuracy that would be difficult to equal, she has helped me with my researches and has saved me much time and tiresome toil.

References

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3 Elsas, M. J., Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland (Leiden, 1936), vol. I, p. 78.Google Scholar

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17 Cf. Nef, J. U., The Rise of the British Coal Industry (London, 1932), vol. II, pp. 263–5, 285, 287–8, 296–8, 301 Google Scholar; cf. also Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, passim, e.g. 16661667, p. 327 Google Scholar; 1667, pp. xxv, 94, 190, 241, 294, 479-80.

18 Nef, The Rise of the British Coal Industry, Appendix D(i).

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22 Cf. Calendar of Slate Papers, Domestic, 16651666, p. 461.Google Scholar

23 Ibid., p. 31.

24 For a complaint from the city of London about the French “imposts on our manufactures,” see ibid., p. 253.

25 Cf. des Bruslons, Savary, Dictionnaire universel de commerce, vol. I, part 2, p. 281.Google Scholar

26 Clark, , The Dutch Alliance and the War against French Trade, 1688-1607, PP. 4–7, 63–4, 91–2, 106–19, 139–40Google Scholar; Clark, , “War Trade and Trade War, 1701-1713” (Economic History Review, vol. I, 1928, pp. 263–4, 268–70, 274, 276).Google Scholar

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29 Earl of Orrery, , A Treatise of the Art of War (London, 1677), p. 22 Google Scholar; cf. p. 14.

30 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1667, p. 207.Google Scholar

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33 Candide (1759), chap. iv. Cf. Oeuvres complètes de Voltaire, Correspondence (Paris, 1880), vol. I, p. 506 Google Scholar; Walowski, L., “Le grand dessein de Henri IV,” in Séances et travaux de l'Académie des Sciences morales et politiques, vol. LIV (1860), pp. 3059.Google Scholar

34 This view was widely held (cf. Encyclopédie méthodique, Paris, 1784, vol. IV, p. 575).Google Scholar

35 Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap, xxxviii (Bury, ed. vol. IV, p. 176).Google Scholar Cf. pp. 175-81, especially pp. 176, 178, passages called to my attention by Dr. Hutchins.

36 Cf. Jacques-A.-H.-Guibert, , Essai général de tactique, précédé d'un Discours sur l'état actuel de la politique et de la science militaire en Europe (Liége, 1775), p. 12.Google Scholar

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38 Discours de la méthode (1637), parts 5 and 6. See the Etienne Gilson edition (Paris, 1925), pp. 50-62. The passage from which I quote is on pp. 61-2. For the shortcomings of Descartes' own method and thought as instruments for the progress of natural science, see Gilson, , “Descartes, Harvey et la scolastique” (Etudes de philosophie mediévale, Strasbourg, 1921, pp. 244–45).Google Scholar I hope to treat the matter of Descartes' influence on science and technology at some length in another place.

39 Edie, Lionel D., What of Postwar? (Wilmington, Delaware, 1943), pp. 1314.Google Scholar

40 The view that a great emphasis on practical improvement is harmful to theoretical science was common a century ago. See Babbage, Charles, Reflections on the Decline of Science in England (London, 1830), pp. vii, 1–2, 14–15, 17–18, 30ff.Google Scholar, a work called to my attention by Dr. Innis.

41 Cf. Boyle, , Works (London, 1772), vol. III, pp. 402–25, 442–55.Google Scholar Views like Boyle's on these matters were common enough among the English scientists who were his contemporaries. References could be multiplied.

42 Faure, , La danse sur le feu et l'eau (Paris, 1920), pp. 50–2, 5978.Google Scholar Newton is, in fact, one of a great number of examples whom Faure selects to support his thesis. Paradise Lost and the best works of Hobbes, he remarks, were published after “the last and perhaps the most terrible of English civil wars.” And then, as a finishing touch, he adds “Isaac Newton saw the light in the very year in which the civil war broke out (1642)”!

I am not suggesting that Faure is wrong in his insistence upon the tragic element in great art or in his remark that war has been an integral part of civilized history (cf. my The Universities Look for Unity, New York, 1943, pp. 41–2).Google Scholar

43 Hessen, B., “The Social and Economic Roots of Newton's ‘Principia’” (Science at the Crossroads, London, 1931, pp. 157–74)Google Scholar; Clark, G. N., Science and Social Welfare in the Age of Newton (Oxford, 1937), pp. 6891 Google Scholar; Nef, , Rise of the British Coal Industry, vol. I, pp. 240–56.Google Scholar

44 As used by Defoe, the word “projects” included public works of all kinds. He called Noah's Ark and the Tower of Babel projects! (See An Essay Upon Projects in The Earlier Life and Chief Earlier Works of Daniel Defoe, ed. Morley, Henry, London, 1889, p. 38.Google Scholar)

45 Nef, , Rise of the British Coal Industry, vol. II, pp. 446–8.Google Scholar

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47 Nef, , Rise of the British Coal Industry, vol. I, pp. 242–4, 353–8Google Scholar, and passim.

48 See below, pp.69ff.

49 Cf. Defoe, , An Essay upon Projects, pp. 25, 31–2.Google Scholar And see below, pp. 61ff.

50 Cf. Clark, , Science and Social Welfare in the Age of Newton, pp. 17–19, 73–4.Google Scholar

51 See above, p. 52. Cf. Wolff, Virginia, The Common Reader (London, 1925), p. 111.Google Scholar

52 Cf. Ashton, T. S., Iron and Steel in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester, 1924), p. 60, and chap. ii.Google Scholar

53 Nef, J. U., “The Industrial Revolution Reconsidered” (Journal of Economic History, vol. III, 1943, pp. 5, 24 Google Scholar).

54 Essay upon Projects (1697), pp. 25, 31.Google Scholar

55 The Novels and Miscellaneous Works of Daniel De Foe (ed. Scott, Walter, Oxford, 1841, vol. XVII, pp. 248–9)Google Scholar, and see below, p. 67.

56 Cf. Babbage, , Reflections on the Decline of Science in England, p. 2.Google Scholar

57 Whittaker, E. T., “Aristotle, Newton, Einstein” (Science, vol. XCVIII, no. 2542, 1943, pp. 249–53)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, an article called to my attention by Dr. Dallas B. Phemister.

58 Burckhardt, , Force and, Freedom, p. 311.Google Scholar

59 See below, p. 58.

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66 Cf. Clark, , Science and Social Welfare in the Age of Newton, pp. 17, 19, 73–4Google Scholar; Maury, L. F. Alfred, Les Académies d'autrefois, l'ancienne Académie des Sciences (Paris, 1864), p. 39 Google Scholar; Cole, C. W., Colbert and a Century of French Mercantilism (New York, 1939), vol. I, p. 459.Google Scholar

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70 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 16641665, pp. 112, 146 Google Scholar; 1665-6, p. 283. Cf. ibid., 1673-5, p. 15, and Boyle, , Works, vol. V, p. 6.Google Scholar For other new warlike inventions, see Worcester, , A Century of Inventions, pp. 13–14, 16–18, 23–5, 28–9.Google Scholar

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78 Poppe, G. H. M., Geschichte der Technologie, vol. II, p. 554 Google Scholar; Histoire de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, 16661686, pp. 230 ff.Google Scholar; Walton, Clifford, History of the British Standing Army, 1660-1700 (London, 1894), pp. 350 ff.Google Scholar; Daniel, R. P., Histoire de la Milice françoise (Paris, 1721), vol. I, pp. 579–80.Google Scholar

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104 This is a point which I hope to develop in a later essay.

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137 Ibid., pp. 27-8.

138 Cf. Walton, , History of the British Standing Army, pp. 341–3.Google Scholar

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147 A point suggested by some lectures on the interrelations of Renaissance art and philosophy given by my colleague, Professor Edgar Wind.

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