A Shorter version of this article was presented at a session of the German Studies Association annual meeting in Minneapolis, MN, on 4 October 1992. The session commemorated the life and work of John Gimbel, to whom I am also indebted. This article is dedicated to my mentor and friend, Willard Allen Fletcher. In addition, I would like to thank David W. Allen, Mark T. Gilderhus, Thomas J. Knight, and Ronald G. Williams.Google Scholar

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2. On the “mutations” of German history, see the personal observations of Barzini, Luigi, The Europeans (New York, 1983), chap. 3;Google Scholar for a conservative celebration of German postwar history, see Bark, Dennis L. and Gress, David R., A History of West Germany, vol. 1: From Shadow to Substance 1945–1963 (London, 1989);Google Scholar far more critical is Thränhardt, Dietrich, Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Frankfurt a.M., 1986);Google Scholar but see especially Becker, Josef, Stammen, Theo, and Waldmann, Peter, eds., Vorgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Zwischen Kapitulation und Grundgesetz (Munich, 1987 [orig. ed. 1979]).Google Scholar For the great emphasis placed on economic Weichenstellungen see Abelshuser, Werner, Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschalnd 1945–1980 (Frankfurt a.M., 1983), chap. 2.Google Scholar A most useful critical debate on Abelshauser's theses is in Uffelmann, Uwe, Der Weg zur Bundesrepublik. Wirtschaftliche, gesellschaftliche und staatliche Weichenstellungen 1945–1949 (Düsseldorf, 1988), 169–82.Google Scholar For the political and social sphere, see the fine essay collection by Winkler, Heinrich August, ed., Politische Weichenstellungen im Nachkriegsdeutschland 1945–1953 (Göttingen, 1979).Google Scholar The most important general documentary collection, issued and edited by the Bundesarchiv, and the Institut für Ziteschichte, is quite notably entitled Akten zur Vorgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1945–1949, 5 vols. (Munich, 1976–1983).Google Scholar A perceptive historiographical analysis is Benz, Wolfgang, “Deutsche Geschichte nach dem Zweiten Welkrieg. Probleme und Tendenzen zeitgeschichtlicher Forschung in der Bundesrepublik” Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für deutsche Geschichte 16 (1987): 389–420, though Benz is a bit partronizing in his comments about several books which may be deemed early examples of postwar Alltagsgeschichte (see pp. 404–5).Google Scholar The reasons for Benz's attitude may be traced to his generally impressive survey, Von der Besatzungsherrschaft zur Bundersrepublik. Stationen einer Staatsgründung 1946–1949 (Frankfurt a.M., 1984).Google Scholar Here he acknowledges the Besatzungsalltag (p. 18) in his opening pages and elsewhere, but his second chapter leaves little doubt his larger orientation: it is entitled “Die Bizone 1946–1949: Vorform des Weststaats.” It is interesting that Morsey, Rudolf, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Entstehung und Entwicklung bis 1969 (Munich, 1978), 131, mentions that H.-P. Schwarz's pioneering Vom Reich zur Bundesrepublik (1966; new ed. 1980) was crutucized for portraying Nachkriegsgeschichte as Vorgeschichte, but ventures no further comments.Google Scholar A notable exception to the vast historiography which tends to see the postwar years as prehistory is Broszat, Martin, Henke, Klaus-Dietmar, and Woller, Hans, eds., Von Stalingrad zur Währungsreform. Zur Sozialgeschichte des Umbruchs in Deutschland (Munich, 1988).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. An intersting brief commentary on the Allied role and the German response to it may be found in James, Harold, A German Identity 1770–1990 (New York, 1989), 181–82.Google Scholar The concise essay by Benz, Wolfgang, “Fazit der Besatzungszeit: Die Prägung Westdeutschlands durch die Alliierten” in Herbst, Ludolf, ed., Westdeutschland 1945–1955. Unterwerfung, Kontrolle, Integration (Munich, 1986), 135–46, is most useful.Google Scholar Noteworthy are two very careful special studies of—respectively—the British and U.S. roles, which properly underline the importance of the local context in fragmented postwar Germany: Marshall, Barbara, The Origins of Post-War German Politics (London, 1988),Google Scholar and Boehling, Rebecca, “German Municipal Self-Government and the Personnel Policies of the Local U.S. Military Government in Three Major Cities of the Zone of Occupation: Frankfurt, Munich, and Stuttgart,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 25 (1985): 333–83.Google Scholar For the German role, see the plea of John Gimbel, “Amerikanische Besatzungspolitik und deutsche Tradition,” in Herbst, ed., Westdeutschland 1945–1955, 147–50, and Kocka, Jürgen, ” Zeitschrift für Kulturaustausch 37, no. 2 (1987): 275–78,Google Scholar and recently Prowe, Dietheim, “Socialism as Crisis Response: Socialization and the Escape from Poverty and Power in Post-World War II Germany,” German Studies Review 15, no. 1 (02 1992): 65–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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5. Several “models” of the genre may be briefly noted. A most important beginning was undoubtedly made by Ladurie, Emmanuel Le Roy, Montaillou. The Promised Land of Error (New York, 1979 [orig. French pub. 1975]), which examined the microhisrory of a medieval village from 1294 to 1324.Google Scholar Though covering “glacially” long spans of history and numerous countries, the works of Fernand Braudel may also be regarded as Alltagsgeschichte because of their focus on everyday “things”; indeed, the German title of one of Braudel's volumes is Sozialgeschichte des 15.–18. Jahrhunderts, vol. 1: Der Alltag (Munich, 1985/1990).Google Scholar Properly noted is one study of German everyday life under the Nazi regime, with its emphasis on the “foxholes of everyday normality” (p. 161) by Peukert, Detlev J. K., Inside Nazi Germany. Conformity, Opposition, and Racism in Everyday Life (New Haven, 1987 [orig. pub. 1982]);Google Scholar and on the years 1945–49 see particularly Gries, Rainer, Die RationenGesellschaft. Versorgungskampf und Vergleichsmentalität: Leipzig, München und Köln nach dem Kriege (Münster, 1991).Google Scholar As to commentaries on Alltagsgeschichte, fundamental is Peter Borscheid, “Alltagsgeschichte—Modetorheit oder neues Tor zur Vergangenheit?” in Schieder, Wolfgang and Volker, Sellin, eds., Sozialgeschichte in Deutschland, vol. 3: Soziales Verhalten und soziale Aktionsformen in der Gesthichte (Göttingen, 1987), 78–100;Google Scholar informative is Grew, David F., “Alltagsgeschichte: A New Social History ‘From Below’?” Central European History 22, nos. 3/4 (09/12 1989): 394–407;Google Scholar and thoughtful is Jarausch, Konrad H., “Towards a Social History of Experience: Postmodern Predicaments in Theory and Interdisciplinarity,” Central European History 22, nos. 3/4 (09/12 1989): 42743.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. I am indebted for this point and phrase to Berman, Morris, Coming to Our Senses. Body and Spirit in the Hidden History of the West (New York, 1990), 121.Google Scholar

7. de Certeau, Michel, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley, 1984), ix.Google Scholar

8. For a helpful definition, see “everyday, the” in Alan Bullock and Stephen Trombley, eds., The Harper Dictionary of Modern Thought (New York, 1977), 292.Google Scholar See also Tenbruck, Friedrich H., “Alltagsnormen und Lebensgefühle in der Bundesrepublik,” in Löwenthal, Richard und Schwarz, Hans-Peter, eds., Die Zweite Republik. 25 Jahre Bundesrepublik Deutschland—eine Bilanz (Stuttgart, 1974), 289, for the point that certain sentiments and habits sometimes “fall through the cracks” (i.e., fallen durch die Raster) of structural and institutional history. An example in postwar Germany would be the sentiments and habits occasioned by the black market.Google Scholar But where history fails, fiction sometimes helps: see for example the superb confessions of a black marketeer by Lenz, Siegfried, “Lehmanns Erzählungen oder So schön war mein Markt. Aus den Bekenntnissen eines Schwarzhändlers,”in idem, , Die Erzählungen 1959–1964 (Munich, 1986), 306–52.Google Scholar

9. Braudel, Fernand, “Die lange Dauer [La longue durée]” in Schieder, Theodor und Gräubig, Kurt, eds., Theorieprobleme der Geschichtswissenschaft (Darmstadt, 1977), 183.Google ScholarMentalitatsgeschichte, see Sellin, Volker, “Mentalitäten in der Sozialgeschichte,” in Schieder and Sellin, eds., Sozialgeschichte in Deutschland, 3:101–21.Google Scholar

10. Heller, Agnes, Das Alltagsleben. Versuch einer Erklärung der individuellen Reproduktion, 2nd ed. (Frankfurt a.M., 1981), 24.Google Scholar

11. Tenbruck, , in “Alltagsnormen und Lebensgefuhle,” 291, has noted that in postwar Germany traditional social categories tended to fade into the background given such “categories of fate” as refugees, returning POWs, war widows, “displaced persons,” and concentration camp survivors. There were also unique socioeconomic conflicts between farmers and city dwellers as well as between black marketeers and businessmen-hoarders and the rest of the populace.Google Scholar

12. See especially Lüdtke, Alf, “Einleitung. Was ist und wet treibt Alltagsgeschichte?” in Lüdtke, Alf, ed., Alltagsgeschichte. Zur Rekonstruktion historischer Erfahrungen und Lebensweisen (Frankfurt a.M., 1989), 9–15.Google Scholar

13. Cited in Schröder, Hans-Jürgen, “Kanzler der Alliierten? Die Bedeutung der USA füt die Aussenpolitik Adenauers,” in Foschepoth, Josef, ed., Adenauer und die Deutsche Frage, 2nd ed. (Göttingen, 1990), 120.Google Scholar

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15. Adenauer, Konrad, Briefe 1945–1947, ed. Mensing, Hans Peter [Adenauer Rhöndorfer Ausgabe, ed. Morsey, Rudolf and Schwarz, Hans-Peter (Berlin, 1983), 116–18.Google Scholar

16. ibid., 302–3.

17. ibid., 328 and 345.

18. ibid., 387–91; on self-suppliers and other supply issues generally (including daily calories), see Kramer, Alan, The West German Economy, 1945–1955 (New York and Oxford, 1991), 71–82;Google Scholar and also Berger, Thomas and Müller, Karl-Heinz, eds., Lebenssituation 1945–1948. Materialien zum Alltaysleben in den westlichen Besatzungszonen 1945–1948 (Hanover, 1983), esp. 33–38 and 57–81.Google Scholar

19. Adenauer, , Briefe 1945–1947, 426–27. On the Bizone, see Benz, Von der Besatzungsherrschaft, chap. 2, and especially p. 77; and for its failure on the level of everyday life, see Gries, Die Rationen-Gesellschaft, 324–25.Google Scholar

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21. ibid., 39.

22. ibid., 65.

23. ibid., 86–87; 190–91.

24. ibid., 90–91.

25. ibid., 113–14.

26. ibid., 118.

27. ibid., 171–72.

28. ibid., 203–4.

29. ibid., 236–37.

30. Abelshauser, , Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 44. For a similar but more differentiated view see also Kramer, The West German Economy, 130 and 172–73.Google Scholar

31. Adenauer, , Briefe 1947–1949, 180; 193–94.Google Scholar

32. Malthus, Thomas, An Essay on the Principle of Population, ed. Appleman, Philip (New York, 1976), 25; on the views of many economists, see the definitions of scarcity in a host of current macroeconomic and microeconomic textbooks;Google Scholar an intelligent exploration by a social scientist holding similar views is Xenos, Nicholas, Scarcity and Modernity (London, 1989);Google Scholar preferred here is Van der Wee, Herman, Prosperity and Upheaval. The World Economy 1945–1980 (Berkeley, 1987), 522,Google Scholar who usefully draws on Hirsch's, FredSocial Limits of Growth (Cambridge, MA, 1976) to distinguish between “material scarcity” (of the kind discussed here) and “social scarcity” which exists after material scarcity has been overcome, i.e., amid affluence.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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43. Exceptionally useful glimpses of everyday scarcities in World War II, albeit by occasionally privileged persons in Berling and Hamburg respectively, are provided by Vassiltchikov, Marie, Berling Diaries 1940–1945 (New York, 1988),Google Scholar and Stolten, Inge, Das alltägliche Exil. Leben zwischen Hakenkreuz und Währungsreform (Berlin, 1982).Google Scholar See also Stephenson, Jill, “War and Society in Württemberg, 1939–1945: Beating the System,” German Studies Review 8 (02 1985): 89–105.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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