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Controversy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2009

Extract

At some point in a debate one or all participants usually feel that it should come to an end. Professor Schwartz expresses this wish in his recent comments on my rejection of the “Maoist” thesis; but he does not tell us why. I also think the present discussion should be terminated; but I am quite willing to give my reasons. I see little benefit in continuing to argue the meaning of Mao Tse-tung's development with an opponent who employs methods of evasion, omission, and misrepresentation. However, the underlying issue has not disappeared, and certain points even in this debate require further clarification.

Type
Controversy
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1960

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References

1 Schwartz, Benjamin I., Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951), pp. 77Google Scholar et seq.; cf. p. 191 (hereafter cited as Schwartz 1951).

2 Brandt, Conrad, Schwartz, Benjamin, and Fairbank, John K., A Documentary History of Chinese Communism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), p. 78CrossRefGoogle Scholar (hereafter cited as Documentary History).

3 Schwartz, Benjamin I., “The Legend of the ‘Legend of “Maoism,”’” The China Quarterly, No. 2 (0406), p. 36Google Scholar (hereafter cited as Schwartz 1960).

4 Ibid. p 36.

5 Ibid. p. 38.

6 See also the chapter on Communist peasant policy which I wrote for the Handbook of World Communism, edited by Joseph M. Bochenski and Gerhart Niemeyer and published originally in Germany. (The American edition will soon be put out by F. Praeger, New York.)

7 Schwartz, 1960, p. 41.Google Scholar

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12 Schwartz, 1960, p. 40.Google Scholar

13 Schwartz suggests that he, Fairbank and Brandt do not constitute “an indivisible entity.” This is perfectly acceptable to me, since I never considered them an entity, except in the promotion of the “Maoist” thesis.

14 Schwartz, 1951, p. 193.Google Scholar

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29 Documentary History, p. 261.Google Scholar

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1 Loc. cit. p. 36.Google Scholar

2 See p. 89 of this issue.

1 The China Quarterly, No. 2, p. 20.Google Scholar

2 Ibid. p. 20.

4 Asian Materials—International Press Correspondence: 1921–1927. Edited by Sjaardema, Henryk (Private Printing, 1959), p. 405.Google Scholar The preceding has been utilised because it allows a facile tracing of Comintern policy in Asia; since it is not generally available, I have included the location in the International Press Correspondence as well. See Inprecor, 1926, p. 649.Google Scholar

5 Asian Materials, op. cit., p. 405Google Scholar; Inprecor, op. cit., p. 649.Google Scholar

6 Ibid. pp. 482–485; Inprecor, 1926, pp. 15811583.Google Scholar

7 The Communist International, 12 30, 1926, p. 7Google Scholar; Inprecor, 1926, p. 1583.Google Scholar

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10 Ibid. pp. 497–498.

11 Ibid. pp. 498–500.

12 Ibid. pp. 500–501.

13 Ibid. pp. 502–503; Inprecor, 1926, pp. 16071608.Google Scholar

14 Tse-tung, Mao, Selected Writings (Lawrence & Wishart, Ltd., 1955), Vol. I, p. 22.Google Scholar

15 The China Quarterly, op. cit. p. 20.Google Scholar

16 Ibid. p. 21.

17 The Communist International, 06 30, 1927, p. 201Google Scholar; for Bukharin's reiteration of this line see Inprecor, 1927, pp. 927930.Google Scholar

18 See Stalin's policy speech of November 1926, reported in Inprecor, 1926, p. 1583.Google Scholar

19 The Communist International, op. cit.; Inprecor, 1927, pp. 927930.Google Scholar