¹ The legislation which is described in the following paragraphs is printed in Brown, H., The Venetian Printing Press: An Historical Study based upon Documents for the Most Part Hitherto Unpublished (New York. 1891), pp. 207ff Google Scholar, and mentioned at various points throughout his work. Brown extracted most of the legislation from the Raccolta de parti prese in diversi tempi in materia di stampe (Venice, n. d. [c. 1697]; reprinted by others); copies of this publication and its reprints may be found in, among other locations, Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, Cl. vii, mdcclxi (=9645), fols. 406^r–421^v, or Venice, Archivio di Stato, Riformatori dello Studio di Padova, filza 365. A summary of the printing laws may also be found under the entry ‘Venise’ in Fumagalli, G., Lexicon typographicum Italiae: Dictionnaire géographique d'Italie pour servir à l'histoire de l'imprimerie dans ce pays (Florence, 1905), pp. 449–509.Google Scholar Some of the laws are briefly discussed by Grendler, P. in The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540–1605 (Princeton, 1977), pp. 151–4.Google Scholar

² I would like to thank the director and staff of the Archivio di Stato di Venezia, especially Dottoresse Michela Dal Borgo Bergamasco and Alessandra Sambo, for the numerous kindnesses extended to me during my stay in Venice.

³ I use ‘1526/7’ to indicate the period in January and February which represents 1526 by the old Venetian calendar and 1527 in modern style.

⁴ See Fulin, R., ‘Documenti per servire alia storia della tipografia veneziana’, Archivio Veneto, 23 (1882), pp. 84–212.Google Scholar

⁵ The year 1527 marks both the end of Fulin's research on the privilege (in ‘Documenti’) as well as the beginning of this particular investigation. I examined the relevant Senate documents from 1517 onward, the date of the first Venetian printing legislation. Other than the privileges issued to Tromboncino, Cavazzoni and Aron, discussed by Fulin, I found no mention of music prints until the first document of 1536 (see Agee, ‘The Privilege’, Appendix ii, A, no. 1).

⁶ In the period immediately preceding 1544 one finds numerous instances of volumes carrying privilege designations with no corresponding Venetian archival documentation. See, for example, Verdelot's first three madrigal books, published by Ottaviano Scotto in 1536–7 (mentioned in Vogel, E., Einstein, A., Lesure, F. and Sartori, C., eds., Bibliografia della musica italiana vocale profana pubblicata dal 1500 al 1700, 3 vols., Pomezia, 1977, hereafter NVogel, nos. 2867, 2869, 2882;Google Scholar see also Vogel, E., Bibliothek der gedruckten weltlichen Vocalmusik Italiens aus den Jahren 1500–1700, ed. Einstein, A., 2 vols., Hildesheim, 1962, hereafter OVogel);Google Scholar the tablature of Verdelot's madrigals by Willaert from 1536 (see Brown, H. M., Instrumental Music Printed before 1600: A Bibliography, Cambridge, Mass., 1965, hereafter Brown, 1536.8);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Sylvestro Ganassi dal Fontego's Regola rubertina (Brown 1542.2); and so forth. Privileges from Rome, Ferrara and other Italian cities may explain some of the many privilege designations on Venetian prints from the sixteenth century which cannot be confirmed in the Venetian documents.

⁷ Considering our relative ignorance of the bureaucratic machinations of printing and the problems of viewing a given situation four hundred years after the fact, it is not surprising that one finds a few exceptions. Some prints during the period under discussion carry the privilege label without any supporting documentation in the archives. Take, for example, the cases from NVogel: from 1544, no. 2312; from 1546, no. 2900; from 1553, nos. 853, 2482; from 1567, no. 940; from 1575, no. 764. In addition, for whatever reason, no documentation survives for either a licence or a privilege on music prints from the mid-1560s. Thus, the following prints have no archival documentation to support their privilege label: from 1564, no. 704; from 1565, nos. 380, 2422; from 1566 nos. 1835, 2274, and 2719.

⁸ See, for example, the following volumes issued with a privilege but with no supporting documentation in the Venetian archives: from 1584, NVogel no. 1676; from 1585, no. 1694; from 1586, no. 2099; from 1587, nos. 61, 313, 1661; from 1588, nos. 660, 1241, 1501, 1596; from 1589, no. 2961; from 1590, nos. 299, 670, 672, 1292, 2577; from 1591, nos. 295, 1591, 2993; from 1592, no. 300; from 1593, nos. 1218, 2573; from 1594, nos. 415bis, 674, 1629; from 1595, nos. 678, 2572; from 1596, nos. 2669, 2670; from 1597, no. 2671; and so on.

⁹ Grendler in The Roman Inquisition, discusses in great detail the relations between Venice and Rome during the period in question.

¹⁰ Grendler, The Roman Inquisition, pp. 225ff, criticises Horatio Brown for relying on the diminishing number of archival privileges to hypothesise a ruinous decline in the Venetian press at the end of the sixteenth century. Yet Grendler (pp. 131–2 n. 4, pp. 225–6) relies upon the diminishing number of licences issued by the Heads of the Council of Ten to posit a similar decline. Judging from the large number of music titles and the negligible number of archival licences and privileges from the late Cinquecento, the archival sources do not mirror the true state of music-printing at this time.

¹¹ Einstein, A., The Italian Madrigal, 3 vols. (Princeton, 1949), i, p. 339.Google Scholar

¹² Riemann, Hugo seems to have been the first to suggest this possibility in ‘Das Zeitalter der Renaissance bis 1600’, Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, II/1 (Leipzig, 1907), pp. 383–4Google Scholar, and he was followed by Hertzmann, E., Adrian Willaert in der weltlichen Vokalmusik seiner Zeit: Ein Beitrag zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der niederländisch-französischen und italienischen Liedformen in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1931; repr. 1973), p. 51;Google Scholar Carapetyan, A., ‘ The Musica Nova of Adriano Willaert’, Journal of Renaissance and Baroque Music, 1 (1946/1947), p. 202;Google Scholar Reese, G., Music in the Renaissance (rev. edn, New York, 1959), p. 324;Google Scholar Lowinsky, E., ‘A Treatise on Text Underlay by a German Disciple of Francesco de Salinas’, Festschrift Heinrich Besseler zum sechzigsten Geburtstag (Leipzig, 1961), pp. 244–9;Google Scholar and Haar, J., ‘Notes on the “Dialogo della musica” of Antonfrancesco Doni’, Music and Letters, 47 (1966), pp.206–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Both Newcomb, A. A., ‘Editions of Willaert's Musica Nova: New Evidence, New Speculations’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 26 (1973), pp. 132–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Meier, H., ‘Zur Chronologie der Musica Nova Adrian Willaerts’, Analecta Musicologica: Studien zur italienisch-deutschen Musikgeschichte, 8 (1973), pp. 71–96 Google Scholar, argue against the possibility of an earlier edition of Willaert's print.

¹³ See Newcomb, , ‘Willaert's Musica Nova’, pp. 137–8.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The designation by letter and number refers to Einzeldrucke vor 1800, ed. Schlager, K., Répertoire International des Sources Musicales (hereafter RISM) a/i, (Kassel, 1971–1981).Google Scholar

¹⁵ See Lewis, M. S., ‘Antonio Gardane and his Publications of Sacred Music, 1538–55’ (Ph.D. thesis, Brandeis University, 1979), p. 211.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See Agee, , ‘The Privilege’, Appendix ii, A, nos. 130–3.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid., pp. 123–6, and Appendix ii, A, nos. 175–80.

¹⁸ Ibid., pp. 98–9, and Appendix ii, A, nos. 23–4.

¹⁹ This hypothesis was put forward by Moe, L. H., ‘Dance Music in Printed Italian Lute Tablatures from 1507 to 1611’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1956), pp. 7–10.Google Scholar

²⁰ Agee, , ‘The Privilege’, pp. 103–4, and Appendix ii, A, nos. 28–9.Google Scholar

²¹ This information is taken from a letter dated 28 July 1548, from Carlo Gualteruzzi to della Casa in response to an earlier letter from the nuncio, printed by Campana, L. in ‘Monsignor Giovanni della Casa e i suoi tempi (con documenti inediti)’, Studi Storici, 18 (1909), p. 465 Google Scholar, cited in Grendler, The Roman Inquisition, p. 9. Grendler claims that the volume under discussion is an unidentified book of history, but the correspondence surrounding the letter in question (pp. 425–78 of the Campana article) describes a difficult struggle to obtain a privilege for Pietro Bembo's history of Venice, to which the cited letter undoubtedly refers.

²² See Agee, ‘The Privilege’, Appendix ii, B. To my knowledge, this is the first Venetian music-printing contract from the sixteenth century to come to light. I would like to thank Dottoresse Michela Dal Borgo Bergamasco and Alessandra Sambo for bringing this document to my attention.

²³ This reference is printed by Göhler, A., Verzeichnis der in den frankfurter und leipziger Messkatalogen der Jahre 1564 bis 1759 angezeigten Musikalien (Leipzig, 1902; repr. 1965), p. 35 Google Scholar, 1.714, and Göhler, , Die Messkataloge im Dienste der musikalischen Geschichtsforschung (Leipzig, 1901; repr. 1965), p. 56 Google Scholar, W.65.A (i.e. the catalogue of Willer, 1565, nundinae autumnales).

²⁴ Though approval of all prints was required by Venetian law, it often seems that only prints which were to receive privileges were submitted to the readers.

²⁵ To compute the cost of readers, I used the method specified in the Venetian press legislation as presented by Brown in The Venetian Printing Press: the number of folios, 54 (number obtained from the only known complete copy of this print examined in the Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale of Bologna) × 3 readers × 1 bezzo ( ducat) = c. ducat in total for the reading process, as opposed to the 88+ ducats paid to Scotto for printing the edition. I was rather conservative in assuming that the readers examined only one of the four partbooks, and perhaps too liberal in assuming that the readers would have demanded the maximum payment of 1 bezzo per folio on what was essentially only a few lines of text per page.

²⁶ See Brown, , The Venetian Printing Press, pp. 24–5;Google Scholar also Gerulaitis, L. V., Printing and Publication in Fifteenth-century Venice (Chicago, 1976), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

²⁷ A typical Senate declaration runs something like this: ‘…che altri che lui, senza sua permissione, per anni X prossimi, non possa stampare, ne far stampare, ne vendere in questa nostra città, ne in alcun luogo del dominio nostro ne altrove stampate in quelli vendere’ (‘… that no-one but he, except with his permission, can for the next ten years make prints, have them made or sell them in our city, anywhere in our dominion, or elsewhere’).

²⁸ Fulin, , ‘Documenti’, p. 118 (no. 36)Google Scholar; cited in Gerulaitis, Printing and Publication, p. 40.

²⁹ Rossi, V., ‘Un incendio a Venezia e il tipografo Bernardino Benalio’, Il Libro e la Stampa, 4 (1910), pp. 51–5;Google Scholar cited in Gerulaitis, Printing and Publication, p. 40 n. 26.

³⁰ See Bühler, C. F., The University and the Press in Fifteenth-century Bologna, Texts and Studies in the History of Medieval Education 7 (Notre Dame, Indiana, 1958), p. 32.Google Scholar

³¹ Fenlon, Iain makes a similar supposition in his Music and Patronage in Sixteenth-century Mantua, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1981–1982), i, p. 85.Google Scholar

³² ‘persuadendomi tutto cio dovere esser grato a V.S. per la comodita che ne la Musica a due voci si trova’ from Haar, J., ‘ Pace non trovo: A Study in Literary and Musical Parody’, Musica Disciplina, 20 (1966), p. 122.Google Scholar Scotto dedicated the collection to Cesare Visconti (see NVogel, no. 1124).

³³ ‘Considerant que journellement de plus en plus grande multitude de nobles espritz sont incitees & esmuez a la noble science de Musicque pour icelle apprendre, & exerciter, en chātāt & jouāt de divers Instrumentz en lieu daultre inutile passetemps … Ie me suis auāche de composer icelles chāsons amoreuses … Aultre raison ma incite a icelles cōposer, & imprimer, au prouffit des amateurs de ladicte sciēce. cest qung nouvel apprentif ou discipel nest pas hardy au chanter être grande compaignie, iusques a tant quil sera plus expert & plus hardy pour choses plus difficilles. & avecque plus grande compaignie chāter…’; the French and the English translation are both taken from Bernstein, L. F., ‘Claude Gervaise as Chanson Composer’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 18 (1965), p. 365;CrossRefGoogle Scholar the French text may also be found in Haar, , ‘Pace non trovo’, p. 123.Google Scholar For more on the commerce of two- and three-part arrangements in the sixteenth century, see, among others, the Bernstein and Haar articles cited above, as well as Haar, J., ‘A Diatonic Duo by Willaert’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 21/II (1969), pp. 68–77, esp. p. 70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Heartz, D., ‘ Au pres de vous – Claudin's Chansons and the Commerce of Publishers' Arrangements’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 24 (1971), pp. 193–225, esp. pp. 209–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 200–4Google Scholar, briefly discusses Gardano's publications of bi- and tricinia.

³⁴ The date and number refer to Recueils imprimés, XVl^e–XVII^e siècles: liste chronologique, ed. Lesure, F., RISM B/i/1 (Munich, 1960).Google Scholar Seay, Albert has transcribed the contents of this print in Antonio Gardane: Il primo libro de' canzoni francese a due voci, Colorado College Music Press, Transcriptions 1 (Colorado Springs, 1979).Google Scholar

³⁵ Only one of the pieces in this collection had previously been printed, Costanzo Festa's Quam pulchra es (originally a 4); see Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, p. 203.Google Scholar

³⁶ Gardano's 1541.13 (mostly Gero and Jannequin pieces a 3) and 1543.19 (Il primo libro a due voci de diversi autori), judging from the absence of multiple reprints, did not prove especially popular. But it would have been difficult in any case for a supplicant to have argued for a privilege on these particular publications – the former states on the title-page that the works had been ‘ristampato’ (the Jannequin pieces taken from French publications), while the latter consists almost entirely of excerpts from published Masses and Magnificats ( Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 203–4)Google Scholar. As noted above, the press legislation specifically forbade the granting of a new privilege for a reprint.

³⁷ Haar, , ‘Pace nort trovo’, p. 124 Google Scholar

³⁸ Scotto, in his preface to the Gardano edition of Gero's collection, suggested that the madrigals were for the most part newly composed: ‘le presenti compositioni, fatte novamente [my italics] a mia instantia dal buon Musico Gian Gero’ (see NVogel, no. 1124). Haar, , in ‘Pace non trovo’, p. 124 Google Scholar, admits that no models have been found for Gero's two-voice madrigals, but he argues for a loose sort of parody technique in Gero's two-voice madrigal Phillida mia.

³⁹ Heartz, , ‘Au pres de vous’, p. 209.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Heartz, D., Pierre Attaingnant, Royal Printer of Music: A Historical Study and Bibliographical Catalogue (Berkeley, California, 1969), p. 104.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Bridges, T. W., ‘Gardane, (1) Antonio’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S., 20 vols. (London, 1980), vii, p. 159.Google Scholar

⁴² See Giazotto, R., Harmonici concenti in aere veneto (Rome, 1954).Google Scholar

⁴³ Parabosco, G., Rime (Venice, 1555);Google Scholar cited in Cesari, G., ‘Le origini del madrigale cinquecentesco’, Rivista Musicale Italiana, 19 (1912), pp. 395–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Giazotto, , Harmonici concenti, pp. 9–10.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, p. 39.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Ibid., p. 46.

⁴⁷ For a discussion of the various editions of Morales' Magnificat, see pp. 31–7 of the introduction to Anglès', H. edition of Morales' XVI Magnificat in Cristóbal de Morales: Opera omnia, IV (Rome, 1956).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Eitner, R., Biographisch-bibliographisch Quellen-Lexikon der Musiker und Musikgelehrten der christlichen Zeitrechnung bis zur Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, 10 vols. (Leipzig, 1900–1904; repr. New York, n. d.), IV, p. 149 Google Scholar: ‘Trotzdem die Verleger sich stets vom Staate, in dem sie lebten, ein Druckprivilegium erwarben, wurde dasselbe so wenig geachtet, dass oft schon in demselben Jahre des ersten Druckes ein Nachdruck erschien, besonders wenn sich das Werk als zugkräftig erwies. Gardane fand schon die ältere Handlung von Scotto in Venedig vor und es ist wahrhaft komisch, wie einer den andern des Diebstahls bezichtet, denn kaum hatte der Eine einen glücklichen Griff gethan, so druckte ihm der andere es sicherlich nach.’

⁴⁹ See Agee, , ‘The Privilege’, pp. 79–85.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Here I use the list of prints with the title-page transcriptions found in Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 589–679.Google Scholar The second entry in that list, 1538.19, has the privilege listed not on the title-page but at the end; see ibid., Plate 32.

⁵¹ Ibid., p. 13; see also Ihan Gero: Il primo libro de' madrigali italiani et canzoni francese a due voci, ed. Bernstein, L. and Haar, J., Masters and Monuments of the Renaissance 1 (New York, 1980), esp. pp. XXV–XXVI.Google Scholar

⁵² ‘sia concesso che altri che lui senza permissione sua non possa stampar’.

⁵³ See Agee, ‘The Privilege’, Appendix ii, nos. 1, 3, 21 and 22.

⁵⁴ ASV, Esecutori Contro la Bestemmia (hereafter ECB), Notatorio, Terminazioni, Busta 56, i (1542–60/61), fol. 128^r. A copy of the print, Lucae Gaurici…Tractatus astrologicus (1552), may be found with the offending title-page in Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, 18.d.79 ( = 21948); it is briefly mentioned by Pesenti, G., ‘Libri censurati a Venezia nei secoli xvi–xvii’, La Bibliofilia, 58 (1956), pp. 18–19.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ No works from this period matching this description were found in the standard bibliographical sources.

⁵⁶ ASV, ECB, Notatorio, Terminazioni, Busta 57, i (1582–97), fols. 162^r–162^v and 239^r; transcribed in Agee, ‘The Privilege’, Appendix ii, C.

⁵⁷ This dedication is partly reprinted in NVogel no. 98.

⁵⁸ These prints are described in Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 9–12.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ The sign of the lion and the bear was, of course, Gardano's printer's mark, taken from the name of his early patron, Leone Orsini. Geneviève Thibault first suggested this ingenious interpretation; see Heartz, , Pierre Attaingnant, p. 158.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Sartori, C., ‘Gardane (Gardano), Antonio’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Blume, F., 16 vols. (Kassel, 1949–1979), iv, col. 1377.Google Scholar

⁶² Chapman, C. W., ‘Andrea Antico’ (Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1964), p. 173.Google Scholar

⁶³ Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 8–9.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Heartz, , Pierre Attaingnant, p. 159;Google Scholar Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, p. 83.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Heartz, , Pierre Attaingnant, p. 159.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid., pp. 159–60.

⁶⁷ Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 83–5.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid., p. 253.

⁶⁹ This term is taken from Pogue, S., Jacques Moderne: Lyons Music Printer of the Sixteenth Century (Geneva, 1969), p. 55.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

⁷¹ In order to compile these data, I began with the checklist of Gardano's editions found in Lewis, , ‘Antonio Gardane’, pp. 589–679 Google Scholar. Then I compared each of the 441 entries with items in NVogel and the appropriate RISM volumes. I did not take into consideration the musical readings found in the corresponding pairs of editions.

⁷² I have learned from Thomas W. Bridges, both through personal communication and from his contributions to The New Grove Dictionary, that he has come to similar conclusions. Though he still considers the two printers rivals, he sees the 1541 Gero print as decisive. ‘This collaborative publication marked the beginning of the period when Gardane and Scotto reprinted quite freely from each other, with the exception of those books of which the copyright was owned by a third party. From the frequency of such reprints, it must be assumed that the two printers accepted the practice, and, as they had no serious competition in Venice or elsewhere, the prosperity of the two firms was unharmed’ (‘Scotto, (3) Girolamo Scotto’, The New Grove Dictionary, XVII, p. 86).Google Scholar ‘The large number of titles printed by both Gardane and Scotto also should not be seen as examples of piracy: the fact that this continued for some 30 years suggests a private agreement’ (‘Gardane, (1) Antonio Gardane’, ibid., vii, p. 159).

⁷³ This case is also discussed by Grendler, in The Roman Inquisition, p. 80 Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ ASV, ECB, Notatorio, Terminazioni, Busta 56 (1542–60), fol. 64^r.

⁷⁵ See Pastorello, E., Tipografi, editori, librai a Venezia nel secolo XVI (Florence, 1924). p. 17.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid., p. 79.

⁷⁷ Giazotto, , Harmonici concenti, p. 36 n. 14Google Scholar, cites Venice, Archivio di Stato, Repertorio Stato Libero, 1568, fol. 37, as the source for his assertion that the Gardano and Scotto families were joined by the marriage of Antonio Gardano's son Alessandro to Girolamo Scotto's daughter Laura in 1568, a year before Antonio Gardano's death. While such a marriage would support my supposition regarding the relationship of Gardano with Scotto, Dottoresse Michela Dal Borgo Bergamasco and Alessandra Sambo of the Venetian State Archive have been unable to turn up any trace of that particular archival document. No mention of any Laura Scotto is made in documents relating to the Scotto family which were published by Sartori, Claudio, ‘La famiglia degli editori Scotto’, Acta Musicologica, 36 (1964), pp. 19–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁸ The best summary of the music privilege in England is given by Krummel, D. W., English Music Printing: 1553–1700 (London, 1975), esp. Chap. 2, pp. 10–33 Google Scholar, ‘The Politics of the Music Patents’. For a discussion of book-licensing jurisdiction, see Greg, W. W., Some Aspects and Problems of London Publishing between 1550 and 1650 (Oxford, 1956), p. 51 Google Scholar. I have not mentioned the second method of English privileges – entry of a book's title into the Stationers' Hall registers – since it would have been a valid means of obtaining a privilege only when the music monopolies were not in effect, that is, from 1596 to 1598.

⁷⁹ The authoritative volume on the life, works and times of this printer is Daniel Heartz's masterly study Pierre Attaingnant.

⁸⁰ See Pogue, , Jacques Moderne.Google Scholar

⁸¹ For more information on Nicolas du Chemin, see Lesure, F. and Thibault, G., ‘Bibliographie des éditions musicales publiées par Nicolas du Chemin (1549–1576)’, Annales Musicologiques, 1 (1953), pp. 269–373;Google Scholar for the firm of Le Roy & Ballard, see idem, Bibliographie des éditions d'Adrian le Roy et Robert Ballard (1551–1598), Publications de la Société Française de Musicologie, ser. ii, 9 (Paris, 1955).Google Scholar

⁸² See Schlottenloher, K., ‘Die Druckprivilegien des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1933), pp. 89–110.Google Scholar

⁸³ Kunze, H., ‘Über den Nachdruck im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert’, Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1938), pp. 136–7.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ For information pertaining to the lawsuit, see Pohlmann, H., Die Frühgeschichte des musikalischen Urheberrechts (ca. 1400–1800): Neue Materialien zur Entwicklung des Urheberrechtsbewusstseins der Komponisten (Kassel, 1962), pp. 164–6.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Ibid., pp. 198, 262.

⁸⁶ See Forney, K. K., ‘Tielman Susato, Sixteenth-century Music Printer: An Archival and Typographical Investigation’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Kentucky, 1978), p. 83.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid., pp. 82, 244; see also Meissner, U., Der Antwerpener Notendrucker Tylman Susato: Eine bibliographische Studie zur niederldändischen Chanson-Publikation in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1967), ii, p. 148 Google Scholar, Document no. 11; also ii, figure 7 (facsimile). For information regarding the privileges for music in the Low Countries which were issued before Susato's activity, see Forney, , ‘Tielman Susato’, pp. 16–18, 23–5 and 238ff Google Scholar; also Meissner, , Der Antwerpener Notendrucker, i, pp. 29–30;Google Scholar and Goovaerts, A., Histoire et bibliographic de la typographic musicale dans les Pays-Bas, Mémoires couronnés et autres mémoires publiés par l'Académie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres, et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique 29 (Brussels, 1880; repr. 1963), pp. 13–22.Google Scholar For a recent overview of music-printing in the Low Countries as a whole, see Bain, S., Music Printing in the Low Countries in the Sixteenth Century (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1974).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ See Forney, , ‘Tielman Susato’, pp. 84–5, 251 Google Scholar; Meissner, , Der Antwerpener Notendrucker, i, pp. 47–8;Google Scholar Verheyden, P., ‘Drukkersoctrooien in de 16e eeuw’, Tijdschrift voor Boek- en Bibliotheekwezen, 8 (1910), p. 271;Google Scholar and Goovaerts, , Histoire, p. 30.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ See Forney, , ‘Tielman Susato’, pp. 85–6, 252–5Google Scholar, and Meissner, , Der Antwerpener Notendrucker, i, pp. 50–1.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See Agee, , ‘The Privilege’, pp. 171–2Google Scholar, for a summary of the location of these transcriptions in the secondary literature.

⁹¹ Grendler discusses controversial papal privileges at various points in The Roman Inquisition; Raffaele Casimiri discussed an example of a music privilege found in a papal brief, in ‘Il Palestrina e il Marenzio in un privilegio di stampa del 1584’, Note d'Archivio per la Storia Musicale, 16 (1939), pp. 253–5.Google Scholar

⁹² Chapman, , ‘Andrea Antico’, p. 41 Google Scholar, pointed out the lack of research on the Roman privilege. Cusick, S. G., Valerio Dorico: Music Printer in Sixteenth-century Rome (Ann Arbor, 1981), p. 144 n. 1Google Scholar, reports that the archivist of the Archivio Segreto Vaticano insisted that no documents relating to music-printing were included in the licences issued by the Congregation of the Inquisition; that archive remains closed to the public.