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Fourth Amendment Rights for Nonresident Aliens

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 March 2019

Abstract

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The U.S. National Security Agency has nearly unlimited authority to spy upon citizens of foreign countries while they are outside the United States. It goes almost without saying that such targeting of U.S. citizens, without any hint of individualized suspicion either of criminal wrongdoing or of being a threat to national security, would be constitutionally prohibited under the Fourth Amendment. However, the dominant view in the American legal community is that there is nothing constitutionally wrong, or even suspect, about such targeting of nonresident aliens.

This article argues that the dominant view of the law is wrong both descriptively and normatively. It is wrong with regard to the proper interpretation of the relevant constitutional case law, because that case law is more open ended and unclear than the dominant view represents it as being. And it is wrong with regard to the underlying legal and moral principles that should guide the interpretation and development of constitutional law. Those principles call for recognizing that nonresident aliens enjoy constitutional protection against unjust harms—a point argued for in a companion paper, “Constitutional Rights for Nonresident Aliens.” And those same principles imply that nonresident aliens enjoy the Fourth Amendment's prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 2015 by German Law Journal GbR 

References

1 50 U.S.C. § 1881a(a) (2012). It provides that “the Attorney General and the Director of National Intelligence may authorize jointly … the targeting of persons reasonably believed to be located outside the United States to acquire foreign intelligence information.” Id. Google Scholar

2 This section was adopted as part of the FISA Amendments Act of 2008, Pub. L. No. 110–261, 122 Stat. 2436 (2008).Google Scholar

3 See Klayman v. Obama, 957 F. Supp. 2d 1 (D.D.C. 2013). But see A.C.L.U. v. Clapper, 959 F. Supp. 2d 724 (S.D.N.Y. 2013), vacated, 785 F.3d 787 (2d Cir. 2015) (declining to address the constitutionality of collecting metadata under Section 215 of the PATRIOT Act).Google Scholar

4 Clapper v. Amnesty Int'l, 133 S. Ct. 1138, 1156 (2013) (Breyer, J., dissenting) (citing 50 U.S.C. § 1881a(g), in contrast with § 1804(a)).Google Scholar

5 50 U.S.C. § 1881a(b)(5) (2012).Google Scholar

6 Such information is defined to include “information with respect to a foreign power or foreign territory that relates to … the conduct of the foreign affairs of the United States.” 50 U.S.C. § 1801(e)(2) (2012).Google Scholar

7 Compare id., with 50 U.S.C. § 1802 (2006) (permitting only the narrower surveillance of foreign powers or their agents and required the government to submit an application for every target of surveillance).Google Scholar

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9 See Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967). This is not to say that the protections afforded to U.S. citizens abroad under the Fourth Amendment are as strong as those provided domestically. See In re Terrorist Bombings of U.S. Embassies in E. Afr., 552 F.3d 157 (2d Cir. 2008) (holding that nonresident citizens benefit only from the Reasonableness Clause, and not the Warrant Clause, of the Fourth Amendment); see also United States v. Stokes, 726 F.3d 880 (7th Cir. 2013) (same).Google Scholar

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17 Graham v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 365, 372 (1971) (quoting United States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144, 152-53 n.4 (1938)). The Court afterwards carved out a “public function” exception to the use of strict scrutiny of laws that treat aliens unequally. Michael Scaperlanda, Partial Membership: Aliens and the Constitutional Community, 81 Iowa L. Rev. 707, 736 (1996). It would not apply to Fourth Amendment rights.Google Scholar

18 Cole, David, Rights Over Borders: Transnational Constitutionalism and Guantanamo Bay, 2008 Cato Sup. Ct. Rev. 47, 60 (2008) (citing David Cole, Enemy Aliens: Double Standards and Constitutional Freedoms in the War on Terrorism (2005) and John Hart Ely, Democracy and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review (1980)). More specifically, in the privacy rights context, Cole has also pointed out that “Congress is far less motivated to do anything about the NSA's abuse of the rights of foreign nationals [than the rights of U.S. citizens]. They are ‘them,’ not ‘us.’ They don't vote.” Cole, supra note 12.Google Scholar

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20 See Landler, Mark, Merkel Signals That Tension Persists Over U.S. Spying, N.Y. Times, May 2, 2014 (noting that German Chancellor Angela Merkel indicated “that Germany still had significant differences with the United States over surveillance practices and that it was too soon to return to ‘business as usual.'”).Google Scholar

21 Office of the Press Sec'y, Presidential Policy Directive/PPD-28 1 (2014), http://fas.org/irp/offdocs/ppd/ppd-28.pdf.Google Scholar

22 Id. at 2.Google Scholar

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27 How impressive it is depends on how well one thinks privacy rights are protected under Executive Order 12333. For a critical view, see Tye, John Napier, Meet Executive Order 12333: The Reagan Rule That Lets the NSA Spy on Americans, Wash. Post, July 18, 2014. It also depends on how much wiggle room is permitted, given the qualification: “[T]o the maximum extent feasible consistent with national security.” This qualification could “eat the rule,” so that it falls a good deal short of a reasonable Fourth Amendment balance. On the other hand, the Fourth Amendment notion of reasonableness has to take security into account as well. See infra Part E. Therefore, the Presidential Directive and the Fourth Amendment might not come apart.Google Scholar

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30 Importantly, though there is legislation in Congress to reform NSA spying, it does not address section 702. See USA Freedom Act, H.R. 3361, 113th Cong. (2014).Google Scholar

31 Standing may also prove to be a practical barrier preventing nonresident aliens from getting access to the courts to challenge Section 702. See infra Part F.Google Scholar

32 Kumm, Mattias, The Cosmopolitan Turn in Constitutionalism: An Integrated Conception of Public Law, 20 Ind. J. Global Legal Stud. 605, 613 (2013).Google Scholar

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34 Walen, Alec, Constitutional Rights for Nonresident Aliens, Drexel L. Rev. (forthcoming), available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2533579.Google Scholar

35 Bush, Boumediene v., 553 U.S. 723 (2008).Google Scholar

36 The “suggestion” that privacy concerns and Fourth Amendment rights are among the “fundamental” rights against unjust harm that must apply outside core U.S. territory goes back to Downes v. Bidwell, 182 U.S. 244, 282-83 (1901) (listing among the “natural rights enforced by the Constitution” “immunities from unreasonable searches and seizures, as well as cruel and unusual punishments; and … such other immunities as are indispensable to a free government”).Google Scholar

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38 Olmstead v. United States, 277 U.S. 438, 466 (1928) (holding that Fourth Amendment protections did not apply “unless there has been an official search and seizure of his person or such a seizure of his papers or his tangible material effects or an actual physical invasion of his house ‘or curtilage’ for the purpose of making a seizure”).Google Scholar

39 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967).Google Scholar

40 Id. at 351.Google Scholar

41 Id. at 360. This framing has since become generally accepted.Google Scholar

42 Olmstead, 277 U.S. at 475 n.3 (quoting In re Pacific Ry. Commission, 32 F. 241, 250 (C.C.N.D. Cal. 1887)).Google Scholar

43 Id. at 478; see also Maclin, Tracey, The Central Meaning of the Fourth Amendment, 35 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 197, 230 (1993) (“Even the most ardent foe of a broad interpretation of civil liberties is hard pressed to deny that the Fourth Amendment ranks as a fundamental right deserving strict judicial protection.”).Google Scholar

44 Daniel J. Solove lists six “general headings, which capture the recurrent ideas in the discourse.” Daniel J. Solove, Conceptualizing Privacy, 90 Cal. L. Rev. 1087, 1092 (2002). As he acknowledges, they are a mix of “means to achieve privacy [and] ends or goals of privacy.” Id. I think his list can be usefully boiled down to the two interests listed in the text.Google Scholar

45 This is just one way of distinguishing the underlying concerns. I make no claim that it is the best way to identify the harms.Google Scholar

46 See Nagel, Thomas, Concealment and Exposure & Other Essays 4 (2002) (arguing for the importance of concealment, or a private space, “as a condition of civilization”).Google Scholar

47 Both this and the first harm can also be understood in terms of dignitary harms. See Solove, Daniel J., A Taxonomy of Privacy, 154 U. Pa. L. Rev. 477, 487 (2006).Google Scholar

48 Id. at 525.Google Scholar

49 See Sacharoff, Laurent, The Relational Nature of Privacy, 16 Lewis & Clark L. Rev. 1249 (2012) (discussing many examples of government violating privacy rights in order to harass or intimidate its critics and opponents); see also Husak, Doug, Overcriminalization: The Limits of the Criminal Law (2008) (pointing out how vulnerable most people are to such harassment and intimidation: “Perhaps over 70% of living adult Americans have committed an imprisonable offense at some point in their life”).Google Scholar

50 These worries explain one of the restrictions President Obama put on the collection of signals intelligence in PPD-28:Google Scholar

The United States shall not collect signals intelligence for the purpose of suppressing or burdening criticism or dissent, or for disadvantaging persons based on their ethnicity, race, gender, sexual orientation, or religion. Signals intelligence shall be collected exclusively where there is a foreign intelligence or counterintelligence purpose to support national and departmental missions and not for any other purposes.

Office of the Press Sec'y, supra note 21, at 3.Google Scholar

51 Landler, supra note 20.Google Scholar

52 See 50 U.S.C. § 1881b(c)(1)(B)(ii) (2006) (permitting the collection of foreign intelligence information upon a finding of probable cause that the target is “a foreign power, an agent of a foreign power, or an officer or employee of a foreign power”).Google Scholar

53 It is a separate question whether the definition of an agent of a foreign power is too broad.Google Scholar

54 50 U.S.C. § 1801(e)(2) (2012).Google Scholar

55 Supra notes 21–26 and accompanying text.Google Scholar

56 Margulies, supra note 14, at 2159.Google Scholar

57 Germany, Weber v., 2006 XI Eur. Ct. H.R. 309.Google Scholar

58 A similar argument could be mounted if proposed French legislation expanding the surveillance power of the French government goes into effect and is upheld by the European Court of Human Rights. See Rubin, Alissa, Lawmakers in France Move to Vastly Expand Surveillance, N.Y. Times, May 4, 2015.Google Scholar

59 Wittes denies this, but as noted already, he presupposes not only a dovetailing of good signals intelligence practices and respect for privacy, but also that the executive branch would reliably follow good signals intelligence practice. There is reason to doubt this. See Wittes, supra notes 28 and accompanying text; see also USA Freedom Act, H.R. 3361, 113th Cong. (2014).Google Scholar

60 Schwartz, Paul M., German and U.S. Telecommunications Privacy Law: Legal Regulation of Domestic Law Enforcement Surveillance, 54 Hastings L.J. 751, 782 (2003).Google Scholar

61 United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259, 261 (1990).Google Scholar

62 See id. at 279 (“I do not believe the Warrant Clause has any application to searches of noncitizens’ homes in foreign jurisdictions because American magistrates have no power to authorize such searches.”); id. at 297 (“I agree with the Government, however, that an American magistrate's lack of power to authorize a search abroad renders the Warrant Clause inapplicable to the search of a noncitizen's residence outside this country.”).Google Scholar

63 Id. at 278. Justice Harlan, who coined the test, used the phase “impracticable and anomalous.” Reid v. Covert, 354 U.S. 1 (1957) (emphasis added). But it makes more sense for either prong to suffice for holding that people do not enjoy a constitutional right in a particular context.Google Scholar

64 Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. at 275.Google Scholar

65 Id. at 265.Google Scholar

66 Id. at 276.Google Scholar

67 District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 580 (2008).Google Scholar

68 Id. at 581.Google Scholar

69 United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259, 265 (1990).Google Scholar

70 U.S. Const. amend. X.Google Scholar

71 See Neuman, Gerald L., Whose Constitution, 100 Yale L. J. 909, 972 n.380 (1991) (describing the gap between Justice Rehnquist's reading of “the people” and its use in both the Tenth Amendment and the Preamble to the Constitution).Google Scholar

72 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(5) (2012).Google Scholar

73 Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. at 265.Google Scholar

74 See, for example, the petitioner in United States v. Huitron-Guizar, 678 F.3d 1164 (10th Cir. 2012). He was brought to the United States from Mexico at age three and was prosecuted for violation of 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(5) at age twenty-four. Id. at 1165.Google Scholar

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78 Id. at 515–16. Another interesting example: “The Constitution refers to a ‘person’ accused of treason, but plainly this term cannot comprehend aliens abroad with no prior connection to the United States.” Id. at 514.Google Scholar

79 United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259, 266 (1990).Google Scholar

80 See Walen, supra note 34, Part I.C.Google Scholar

81 Indeed, early cases show that the U.S. was particularly concerned to respect international law and thereby demonstrate that it was an upstanding member of the international community. See Henfield's Case, 11 F. Cas. 1099, para. 5 (C.C.D. Pa. 1793) (“Providence has been pleased to place the United States among the nations of the earth, and therefore, all those duties, as well as rights, which spring from the relation of nation to nation, have devolved upon us.”).Google Scholar

82 See also Walen, supra note 34, Part II.A (discussing the limited relevance of the original understanding of the reach of the Constitution).Google Scholar

83 Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. at 267.Google Scholar

85 The point is quite consistent with the reading of Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. 763 (1950), according to which that holding rejected Fifth Amendment rights only of nonresident enemy aliens, not nonresident aliens, per se. See Walen, supra note 34, Part I.A.Google Scholar

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87 Carroll v. United States, 267 U.S. 132, 154 (1925).Google Scholar

88 In re Terrorist Bombings of U.S. Embassies in E. Afr., 552 F.3d 157 (2d Cir. 2008); United States v. Stokes, 726 F.3d 880 (7th Cir. 2013).Google Scholar

89 339 U.S. 763 (1950) (holding that German nationals, convicted by a U.S. military tribunal of war crimes and imprisoned in an U.S Army base in Germany, had no Fifth Amendment due process rights, and right to habeas corpus).Google Scholar

90 United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259, 269 (1990).Google Scholar

91 See supra notes 71–78 and accompanying text.Google Scholar

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94 Rehnquist deployed one other argument that is so weak that I mention it only in this note. He claimed that the Insular Cases reject the “view that every constitutional provision applies wherever the United States Government exercises its power.” Id. at 269. But the contention that the Fourth Amendment's prohibition of unreasonable searches and seizures applies to nonresident aliens does not depend on the claim that “every constitutional provision applies wherever the United States Government exercises its power.” Id. Google Scholar

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96 United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259, 273-74 (1990).Google Scholar

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98 See 50 U.S.C. § 1801(a)(4) (2012) (defining a foreign power to include “a group engaged in international terrorism or activities in preparation therefor”).Google Scholar

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100 Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. at 278.Google Scholar

101 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, 360 (1967) (Harlan, J., concurring).Google Scholar

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104 One might again—see Rubin, supra note 58—bring up the French example of moving to expand the surveillance powers of the state to challenge the claim that this sense of privacy is European-wide. One might argue, that is, that the French must have a less robust sense of privacy. But this does not follow. The French might simply feel more vulnerable to terrorism, and thus see a more compelling reason to sacrifice privacy for security. Moreover, it is not clear that the bill passed in the lower house in the French Parliament will survive the strong opposition to it to become law.Google Scholar

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106 Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, 361 (1967) (Harlan, J., concurring).Google Scholar

107 Illinois v. Caballes, 543 U.S. 405 (2005).Google Scholar

108 Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001).Google Scholar

109 California v. Ciraolo, 476 U.S. 207 (1986); Florida v. Riley, 488 U.S. 445 (1989).Google Scholar

110 Bond v. United States, 529 U.S. 334 (2000).Google Scholar

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113 See Kerr, Orin, Four Models of Fourth Amendment Protection, 60 Stan. L. Rev. 503 (2007) (arguing that it is not that the Court has no principles, but that it has conflicting models that is uses differently, to fit different contexts).Google Scholar

114 The idea that these lines are there—not just to reflect societal expectations of privacy, but to help set them—explains why the Court has never addressed whether certain subcultures, with different expectations of privacy, do not deserve different standards for constitutionally protected privacy interests. Different standards would undermine the law's function in setting reasonable expectations.Google Scholar

115 This is the sort of utility emphasized by Kerr, supra note 113.Google Scholar

116 Maryland v. King, 133 S. Ct. 1958, 1970 (2013) (internal quotation marks omitted).Google Scholar

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119 See supra notes 17–19 and accompanying text.Google Scholar

120 Clapper v. Amnesty Int'l, 133 S. Ct. 1138, 1147 (2013) (internal quotation marks omitted).Google Scholar

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122 Id. at 1155.Google Scholar

123 Plaintiffs had a second theory of standing, namely that their reasonable fear that their communications would be intercepted “require[d] them to take costly and burdensome measures to protect the confidentiality of their communications.” Id. at 1151. But the Court held that accommodating speculative fears could not provide a back door to standing. Id. Google Scholar

124 Id. at 1154. It is worth noting that federal prosecutors seem not to be respecting this claim by the Supreme Court, based in turn on assurances from the Solicitor General. In at least two cases, they have sought not to divulge whether information used in obtaining warrants was “derived from” FISA activity under Section 702. See Liptak, Adam, A Secret Surveillance Program Proves Challengeable in Theory Only, N.Y. Times, July 15, 2013.Google Scholar

125 See Klayman v. Obama, 957 F.Supp. 2d 1, 27 (D.D.C. 2013) (finding standing based on facts revealed by Edward Snowden). Note, however, that as this case continues on towards summary judgment, the government is still contesting the standing issue.Google Scholar

126 Clapper v. Amnesty Int'l, 133 S. Ct. 1138, 1150 (2013).Google Scholar

127 Id. Google Scholar

128 Id. at 1147 (quoting Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811, 819-20 (1997)).Google Scholar

129 Id. Google Scholar

130 Id. Google Scholar

131 Id. at 1149.Google Scholar

132 Tye, supra note 27.Google Scholar

133 See Office of the Press Sec'y, supra note 21.Google Scholar

134 See Office of the Press Sec'y, FACT SHEET: The Administration's Proposal for Ending the Section 215 Bulk Telephony Metadata Program, The White House (March 27, 2014), http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/03/27/fact-sheet-administration-s-proposal-ending-section-215-bulk-telephony-m.Google Scholar

135 Plaintiffs’ Reply to the Defendants’ Opposition in Opposition to Plaintiffs’ Motion for Partial Summary Judgment, Klayman v. Obama II, 957 F. Supp. 1 (No. 13CV00851), 2014 WL 2452492.Google Scholar

136 Friends of the Earth v. Laidlaw Envtl. Servs., Inc., 528 U.S. 167, 189 (2000).Google Scholar

137 U.S. v. Concentrated Phosphate Export Ass'n, 393 U.S. 199, 203 (1968).Google Scholar

138 It is worth keeping in mind how radical it once seemed that the Affordable Care Act could face a serious constitutional challenge, and then it came within one vote of succeeding. This case is, I believe, stronger than that one.Google Scholar