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Freedom of Speech for Public Officials vs. the Political Parties' Right to Equal Opportunity: The German Constitutional Court's Recent Rulings Involving the NPD and the AfD

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 March 2019

Abstract

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Public Officials are bound by the fundamental rights when they are acting in their political function. Acting as such they cannot, in general, claim the freedom of speech for themselves as normal citizens do. If they give statements regarding other political parties they have to abide by the principle of neutrality. Statements that could be understood as negative will be — especially if they are made during the election process — a violation of the right of political parties to equal opportunity, which is an indispensable element of the free and open process of forming popular opinion. The delineation of whether a public official is appearing as such, as a “party politician” or “private individual” can, however, be difficult and it is the obligation of the public official to leave no doubt about the role he is exercising. Different from any other public official the Federal President needs not comply with the principle of neutrality. He has a broad margin of assessment and only transgresses his legal boundaries if he violates the integrative task of his office in an arbitrary manner.

Type
Developments
Copyright
Copyright © 2017 by German Law Journal, Inc. 

References

1 The author has provided more extensive analysis of these court rulings in German. See Kliegel, Thomas, Äuβerungsbefugnisse von Amtsträgern gegenüber politischen Parteien, in Linien der Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts 413 (Scheffczyk & Wolter eds., 2016).Google Scholar

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78 This case-law of the Second Senate is not limited to holders of government office. All public officials with an important office and the ability to make public statements that could influence the decision of voters, are bound by the established rules. That counts, of course, for mayors if they make negative statements concerning political parties. See Verwaltungsgericht Düsseldorf, Court Order on January 9, 2015 - 1 L 54/15 -, BeckRS 2015, 40408; Oberverwaltungsgericht Münster, Court Order on January 12, 2015 - 15 B 45/15 -, BeckRS 2015, 40521); Barczak, Die parteipolitische Äuβerungsbefugnis von Amtsträgern, Neue Zeitschrift Für Verwaltungsrecht 1014, 1019 (2015). Putzer points out correctly that the constitutional situation changes when the mayor refers to non-party organizations. This is neither a question of Article 21 nor of Article 38 of the Basic Law, but might be a violation of the freedom of speech and the freedom of assembly of the affected organization. Putzer, Verfassungsrechtliche Grenzen der Äuβerungsbefugnisse staatlicher Organe und Amtsträger, Die Öffentliche Verwaltung 417, 424-5 (2015). See also Barczak, supra, at 1019.Google Scholar

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84 Barczak views this differently. See Barczak, supra note 78, at 1016-18. Mandelartz complains that the Court did not clarify whether the statement of Minister Schwesig was made within her competences as Minister for Family, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth. See Mandelartz, supra note 77, at 327. This criticism is quite surprising because no Federal Minister can intervene like this in the electoral campaign of one of the states (Länder) using the means of his or her office because of his/her competences. This would surely be the case for the Federal Minister for Family, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth. It seems obvious that the statement would have been a violation of the party's right to equal opportunities if Schwesig had used the specific authority of her office.Google Scholar

85 See Putzer, supra note 78, at 421; Tanneberger & Nemeczek, supra note 80, at 215.Google Scholar

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87 See Tanneberger & Nemeczek, supra note 80, at 215.Google Scholar

88 See, e g., Barczak, supra note 78, at 1017, 1020.Google Scholar

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95 See Krüper, supra note 92, at 417; Putzer, supra note 78, at 423. Contrary to this opinion the legal certainty for holders of government office is not a great issue because it is their decision where and when to attack other political parties in a disparaging way.Google Scholar

96 It is important to mention that an objective debate on a political topic between politicians is not the subject-matter of the legal question discussed in this article. The statement must always in some way be subjective and evidently take one side and thereby transgress the boundaries of the usual political debate.Google Scholar

97 This is misunderstood by Tanneberger & Nemeczek, who hold the opinion that real debate is no longer possible in Parliament. See Tanneberger & Nemeczek, supra note 80, at 216.Google Scholar

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105 That goes for written statements as well as for oral statements. But see Mandelartz, supra note 77, at 327.Google Scholar

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110 See Prohibition case, at para. 526.Google Scholar