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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2019
To shape a legitimate electoral system is a tremendous challenge for any parliamentary body. It cannot evade the responsibility of enacting the requisite statutory rules since no other State organ has the authority to make determinations which are substantially of a constitutional character. How, and under what conditions, citizens choose their representatives pertains to the key issues in a democratic system. But it is a truism to state that a parliament is not a homogeneous body; it is normally composed of different groups with highly divergent interests. Groups representing large political parties tend to favor a majoritarian electoral system, following with greater or slighter variations the British model of first past the post where the highest number of ballots in a given constituency determines the winner of the seat in issue, even though the candidate may have obtained only a relative plurality. Smaller parties, on the other hand, put their preferences on proportional representation, which ensures them a share of the seats corresponding to their share of the vote. To their regret, parties supported only by a low fraction of the electorate cannot, which is self-evident, impose their preferred option, having to wait for pressure to build up in the general public to promote their concerns. Thus, parliaments are neither neutral nor objective when they make determinations in electoral matters.
1 Details given, also about historical background, by Paul Mitchell, The United Kingdom: Plurality Rule Under Siege, in The Politics of Electoral Systems 157, 158–61 (Michael Gallagher & Paul Mitchell eds., 2005).Google Scholar
2 See, e.g., Arts. 56, 57 Costituzione [Cost.] (It.); C.E., B.O.E., Dec. 29, 1978 (Spain), Arts. 68, 69. Political scientists show little interest in these provisions. See Mario Caciagli, Italy, in Elections in Europe: A Data Handbook 1027, 1034–42 (Dieter Nohlen & Philip Stöver eds., 2010); Joseph M. Vallès & Dieter Nohlen, Spain, in Elections in Europe: A Data Handbook 1027, 1803, 1812–14 (Dieter Nohlen & Philip Stöver eds., 2010).Google Scholar
3 Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundgesetz] [GG] [Basic Law], May 23, 1949, BGBl. I (Ger.).Google Scholar
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5 Bundewahlgesetz [BGW] [Federal Electoral Act], May 7, 1956, BGBl. I at 2313, art. 12 [hereinafter Federal Electoral Act], as amended by 19th Amendment Act of 25 November 2011 (Ger.). Only in cases of conviction for grave crimes may a person be deprived of the right to vote. Id. at art. 13(1).Google Scholar
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15 The FCC itself called it ‘hardly intelligible', judgments of Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 1, 7/07, July 3, 2008, 121 BVerfGE 266, 316 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], 2 BvC 4/04, Jan. 15, 2009, 122 BVerfGE 304, 311 (Ger.).Google Scholar
16 But see the official translation published by the Federal Director of Elections (Bundeswahlleiter), http://www.bundeswahlleiter.de/en/bundestagswahlen/downloads/rechtsgrundlagen/bundeswahlgesetz_engl.pdf. It was recently withdrawn, presumably as a response to the judgment of the FCC of 25 July 2012.Google Scholar
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18 Blais, André, Introduction, in To Keep or to Change First Past the Post? The Politics of Electoral Reform 1, 3 (André Blais ed., 2008) (observing that this was an attempt to have “the best of both worlds”).Google Scholar
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20 This was controversial among the members of the Second Chamber of the FCC when their split vote prevented the Federal Electoral Act from being struck down. Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvF 1/95, Apr. 10, 1997, 95 BVerfGE 335, 356–81 (Ger.). But see id. at 379–80.Google Scholar
21 Because of its negative connotation, the term “excess seats” should be avoided. For an explanation of the regime of surplus seats see immediately below. Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 1, 7/07, July 3, 2008, 121 BVerfGE 266 (Ger.).Google Scholar
22 For an extensive discussion of the phenomenon of the negative vote see Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG -Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 1, 7/07, July 3, 2008, 121 BVerfGE 266 (Ger.).Google Scholar
23 Id. at 276–77.Google Scholar
24 Id. at 294–308.Google Scholar
25 Federal Electoral Act, supra note 5, at arts. 1–7(establishing the current regulation).Google Scholar
26 In English terminology, this may properly be called a “mixed-member electoral system.”Google Scholar
27 Federal Electoral Act, supra note 5, at art. 6(5).Google Scholar
28 Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvF 3/11, July 25, 2012, 2012 Neue Juristische Wochenschrift (NJW) 2869 margin n.143 (Ger.).Google Scholar
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30 Federal Electoral Act, supra note 5, at art. 6(5).Google Scholar
31 Friesenhahn, Ernst, Zur Legitimation und zum Scheitern der Weimarer Reichsverfassung, in Weimar Selbstpreisgabe einer Demokratie, 81 (Karl Dietrich Erdmann & Hagen Schulze eds., 1981). For a statistical breakdown concerning the elections held during the time of the Weimar Republic from 1919 to 1933, see Jürgen W. Falter, Wahlen und Wählerverhalten unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Aufstiegs der NSDP nach 1928, in Die Weimarer Republik 1918–1933, at 484, 486 (Karl-Dietrich Bracher, Manfred Funke & Hans-Adolf Jacobsen eds., 1987).Google Scholar
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33 At the 2009 federal elections, the CDU/CSU together obtained 33.8 % of the vote while the SPD remained confined to 23.0%. Through an exceptionally strong showing, the FDP (Free Democratic Party) took 14.6% of the vote. See Alan Crawford, Merkel's CDU/CSU Won 33.8% of Vote, Final Election Results Show, Bloomberg.com (Oct. 14, 2009), http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=newsarchive&sid=a1NtBSHNfNZk.Google Scholar
34 On the same occasion, in Baden-Württemberg, the CDU obtained 34.4% of the second vote, in Bavaria the CSU reached 42.5%, and in North Rhine Westphalia the SPD stood at 28.5%. See Christian Social Union of Bavaria, Princeton.edu, http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Christian_Social_Union_of_Bavaria.html Google Scholar
35 While, as indicated, the FDP collected a record 14.5% of the vote in 2009. See Germany: Political Volatility Sees Greens Rise, Socialism Today, http://www.socialismtoday.org/148/germany.html.Google Scholar
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37 The most fervent adversary of surplus seats, raising many sinister speculations, is Hans Meyer in several publications. See, e.g., Demokratische Wahl und Wahlsystem, III Handbuch des Staatsrechts 521, 537 (Josef Isensee & Paul Kirchhof eds., 3d. ed. 2005); Wahlrechtsgrundsätze, Wahlverfahren, Wahlprüfung, III Handbuch des Staatsrechts 543, 570–77; Die Zukunft des Bundeswahlrechts passim (2010).Google Scholar
38 See, e.g., Wild, Michael, Die Gleichheit der Wahl, 244 (2003). However, the “minority” group of four judges in the judgment of Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvF 1/95, Apr. 10, 1997, 95 BVerfGE 335, 374 (Ger.), saw no inconvenient in denying a seat to the district candidates with the lowest scores.Google Scholar
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40 See Geschichte der Überhangmandate im Deutschen Bundestag, wahlrecht.de (Nov. 1, 2009), http://www.wahlrecht.de/ueberhang/ueberhist.html.Google Scholar
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45 Meyer, , supra note 19, at 109.Google Scholar
46 No attempt will be made here to explain in detail the legal rules governing this additional aspect of the electoral regime.Google Scholar
47 See Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvE 2/56, Jan. 23, 1957, 6 BVerfGE 84, 90 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 3/62, May 22, 1963, 16 BVerfGE 130, 139 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvF 1/95, Apr. 10, 1997, 95 BVerfGE 335, 358 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht (BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court), Case No. 2 BvC 1, 7/07, July 3, 2008, 121 BVerfGE 266, 297 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvF 3/11, July 25, 2012, 2012 Neue Juristische Wochenschrift (NJW) 2869 margin n.115 (Ger.).Google Scholar
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75 All of these arguments were already considered with thorough attention in the judgment of Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvH 1/52, Apr. 5, 1952, 1 BVerfGE 208, 248 (Ger.).Google Scholar
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80 Id. (“The Chamber realizes that the number of 15 surplus seats, an act of judicial particularization of the law, cannot completely be supported by reasons.”).Google Scholar
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95 Federal Electoral Act, supra note 5, at art. 1(2).Google Scholar
96 Lenski, , supra note 92, at 502; Meyer, supra note 19, at 36, 59, 72–74, 100. A first hint was given by the FCC itself in its decision of Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvR 9/56, July 3, 1957, 7 BVerfGE 63, 75 (Ger.).Google Scholar
97 However, where a political party has no allies—like the party “Die Linke” (The Left) or the “National Democratic Party” (NPD) on the extreme right hand side of the political spectrum—voters have no such choice.Google Scholar
98 Thus, in 2009 the FDP obtained 9.4% of the first list votes but 14.7% for their second lists, Der Bundeswahlleiter, Endgültiges Ergebnis der Bundestagswahl 2009, http://www.bundeswahlleiter.de/de/bundestagswahlen/BTW_BUND_09/ergebnisse/bundesergebnisse/index.html, the gap was also considerable, but on a lower level, 4.75% against 9.8%. See Der Bundeswahlleiter, Wahl Zum 16 Deutschen Bundestag Am 18 September 2005, at 6, 10, available at http://www.bundeswahlleiter.de/de/bundestagswahlen/BTW_BUND_05/downloads/ergebnisse_2005/heft3_mit_grafiken.pdf.Google Scholar
99 Formally acknowleged by the FCC in Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 2/06, Apr. 21, 2009, 124 BVerfGE 1, 21 (Ger.). See Isensee, supra note 55, at 276; Hans-Dieter Klingemann & Bernhard Wessels, The Political Consequences of Germany's Mixed-Member System: Personalization at the Grass Roots?, in Mixed-Member Electoral Systems the Best of Both Worlds? 279, 285–88 (Matthew Soberg Shugart & Martin P. Wattenberg eds., 2001).Google Scholar
100 For the contrary view, see Meyer, supra note 19, at 100, 108.Google Scholar
101 See supra note 98.Google Scholar
102 However, it is striking that the Green Party, too, scored much better on its second than on its first lists. In 2005, the percentages were 5.4 and 8.1 respectively. See Der Bundeswahlleiter, Wahl Zum 16 Deutschen Bundestag Am 18 September 2005, at 6, 10, available at http://www.bundeswahlleiter.de/de/bundestagswahlen/BTW_BUND_05/downloads/ergebnisse_2005/heft3_mit_grafiken.pdf. In 2009, the score was 9.2 to 10.7 respectively. See Der Bundeswahlleiter, Endgültiges Ergebnis der Bundestagswahl 2009, http://www.bundeswahlleiter.de/de/bundestagswahlen/BTW_BUND_09/ergebnisse/bundesergebnisse/index.html.Google Scholar
103 Article 63(1) of the Basic Law provides: “The Federal Chancellor shall be elected by the Bundestag without debate on the proposal of the Federal President.” Grundgesetz fur die Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Grundegesetz] [GG] [Basic Law] (Ger.).Google Scholar
104 They materialized, for example, at the federal elections of 2009 when the CDU, for which Angela Merkel was the top candidate, obtained 24 surplus seats which gave a comfortable majority to the coalition government of CDU/CSU and FDP.Google Scholar
105 In a somewhat naive manner, Lenski, supra note 92, at 501, argues that the legislature had expected that voters would regularly cast their vote in an uniform manner.Google Scholar
106 See Electoral Act of 8 July 1953, Bundesgesetzblatt 1953 I, 470, at Article 9(4). For the actual practice see Geschichte der Überhangmandate im Deutschen Bundestag, wahlrecht.de (Nov. 1, 2009), http://www.wahlrecht.de/ueberhang/ueberhist.html.Google Scholar
107 For a comprehensive discussion see Meyer, supra note 19, at 68.Google Scholar
108 See Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 3/62, May 22, 1963, 16 BVerfGE 130, 136 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Nov. 24, 1988, 79 BVerfGE 169, 171 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvF 1/95, Apr. 10, 1997, 95 BVerfGE 335, 353 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 1, 7/07, July 3, 2008, 121 BVerfGE 266, 295 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 2/06, Apr. 21, 2009, 124 BVerfGE 1, 18 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvF 3/11, July 25, 2012, 2012 Neue Juristische Wochenschrift (NJW) 2869 margin n.60 (Ger.).Google Scholar
109 As already indicated, the FCC emphasized already in early decisions of 1961 and 1963 that to the extent possible the size of the population in the different constituencies should be “approximately” equal. See Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Aug. 26, 1961, 13 BVerfGE 127, 128 (Ger.); Bundesverfassungsgericht [BVerfG - Federal Constitutional Court], Case No. 2 BvC 3/62, May 22, 1963, 16 BVerfGE 130, 140 (Ger.).Google Scholar
110 A common proposal was introduced by all parties represented in the Bundestag, with the exception of “The Left,” on 11 December 2012. See Bundestag document 17/11819 (2012).Google Scholar
111 In 2009, the CSU obtained 42.5% of the vote in Bavaria according to the Land list but won all seats available on the first lists, which resulted in three surplus seats. Should its general approval rate shrink even further, it might still be able to take all of the direct seats.Google Scholar
112 See Report of the Committee of Elders, Deutscher Bundestag: Drucksache [BT] 13/1803, at 7–8.Google Scholar
113 Severin Weiland, Bundestag nach der Wahlrechtsreform: Größer als Nordkorea, Spiegel Online, Oct. 18, 2012, http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/bundestagsfraktionen-einigen-sich-auf-neues-wahlrecht-a-863199.html.Google Scholar
114 Treaty on European Union, Feb. 7, 1992, 1992 O.J. (C 191) 1, 31 I.L.M. 253, art. 14(2).Google Scholar
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