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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 May 2018
Scholarship has long held that Islamic reform was a preparatory stage for nationalism in the Muslim world. In challenge to this view, this article shows how in the context of 20th-century Algeria Islamic reformers and nationalists continued to maintain distinct political ideas, visions, and projects. The article examines the internal framework of the Association of Algerian Muslim ʿUlamaʾ, an Islamic reform movement founded in 1931 when Algeria was under French colonial rule, and its interactions with other local movements, especially the Algerian nationalist movement. Through a comparison of the discourse of the Algerian ʿulamaʾ to that of the nationalists, it argues that while both groups claimed to be successors of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, their understanding of politics (siyāsa) was different. Whereas the ʿulamaʾ associated politics with their own spiritual leadership, the nationalists associated it with institutions. The study situates these distinct visions within the post–World War II historical context, in which the expanding nationalist movement undermined the ʿulamaʾ’s popular appeal.
1 Although some scholars view the term “Islamic reform” as external to Islam, used analogously with the Christian Reformation, many modernist ʿulamaʾ have accepted and employed the term iṣlāḥ (reform). See Kurzman, Charles and Browers, Michaelle, introduction to An Islamic Reformation?, ed. Browers, and Kurzman, (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2004), 2–9Google Scholar; and McDougall, James, “État, société et culture chez les intellectuels de l’islâh maghrébin (Algérie et Tunisie, 1890–1940) ou la réforme comme apprentisage de ‘arriération,’” in Réforme de l’État et réformismes au Maghreb, XIXe–XXe siècles, ed. Moreau, Odile (Paris: Harmattan, 2009), 281–84Google Scholar.
2 Rejwan, Nissim, Arabs Face the Modern World: Religious, Cultural, and Political Responses to the West (Gainesville, Fl.: University Press of Florida, 1998), 24Google Scholar.
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4 Paradoxically, scholars who have written important monographs on Islamic reform seem to have accepted the view that it failed to survive as an autonomous movement after the appearance of nationalism. See Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, Islam in Modern History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1957), 74–75Google Scholar; Kerr, Malcom H., Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muḥammad ʿAbduh and Rashīd Riḍā (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1966), 221–23Google Scholar; Adams, Charles C., Islam and Modernism in Egypt: A Study of the Modern Reform Movement Inaugurated by Muḥammad ʿAbduh (New York: Russell and Russell, 1968 [1933]), 229–30Google Scholar; Keddie, Nikki R., “Pan-Islam as Proto-Nationalism,” Journal of Modern History 41 (1969): 17–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Badawi, M. A. Zaki, The Reformers in Egypt (London: Croom Helm, 1978), 138Google Scholar; and Cleveland, William L., Islam against the West: Shakib Arslan and the Campaign for Islamic Nationalism (London: al-Saqi Books, 1985), 162Google Scholar.
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9 The ENA was a political party established in 1926 by Maghribian workers in Paris. One of its leaders, Ahmad Messali Hadj (Ahmad Masali al-Hajj, 1898–1974), propounded Algeria's independence as early as 1927. Although the party was dissolved in 1937, Messali Hadj rose to become a leading figure within the country's nationalist movement, a status he held until the outbreak of the Algerian War of Independence in 1954.
10 Initiated as a political party by Messali Hadj in 1937, the PPA was banned two years later but continued to operate illegally. Its legal branch, the MTLD, has existed since 1946. Scholars often treat them as two faces of the same movement.
11 Saadallah, Abou al-Kacem (Abu al-Qasim Saʿd Allah), La montée du nationalisme algérien (Algiers: ENA, 1983), 313–14Google Scholar; Allah, Abu al-Qasim Saʿd, al-Haraka al-Wataniyya al-Jazaʾiriyya, 4th ed. (Beirut: Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1992), 3:141Google Scholar; Turki, Rabih, al-Shaykh ʿAbd al-Hamid ibn Badis: al-Raʾid al-Islah al-Islami wa-l-Tarbiya fi al-Jazaʾir, 5th ed. (Algiers: al-Muʾassasa al-Wataniyya li-l-Ittisal, al-Nashr wa-l-Ishhar, 2001), 105Google Scholar; Busafsaf, ʿAbd al-Karim, Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ al-Muslimin al-Jazaʾiriyyin wa-ʿAlaqatuha bi-l-Harakat al-Jazaʾiriyya al-Ukhra: Dirasa Taʾrikhiyya wa-Idiyulujiyya Muqarana (Constantine: Dar Midad, 2009), 304Google Scholar.
12 Tibi, Bassam, Arab Nationalism: Between Islam and the Nation-State, 3rd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1997), 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Although severely criticized by some activists of the PPA-MTLD who asked for a secular definition for the Algerian nation during the so-called Berber Crisis in 1948–49, the concept of an Algerian nation based on Arab and Islamic identities remained a mainstream concept for the nationalist movement. For details on the crisis, see Harbi, Le FLN, 59–67.
13 The program of the PPA, published in 1938, called for “respect of Islamic cult by restitution of habous [religious endowment, or waqf]” and “compulsory Arabic instruction for all native people and for all degrees,” among other political and economic goals. See Kaddache, Histoire, 1:477.
14 Addi, Lahouari, L'impasse du populisme: L'Algérie; Collectivité politique et État en construction (Algiers: Entreprise Nationale du Livre, 1990), 50–51Google Scholar.
15 Mostefa Lacheraf (Mustafa al-Ashraf) qualified the PPA as lacking an extended doctrine and adapting “tactical religiosity.” See Lacheraf, L'Algérie: Nation et société, 169–70.
16 Meynier, Gilbert, Histoire intérieure du FLN, 1954–1962 (Paris: Fayard, 2002), 213, 220–22Google Scholar.
17 McDougall, James, History and the Culture of Nationalism in Algeria (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.
18 McDougall, History, 9. Partha Chatterjee has argued that in the formation of nationalism in Asia and Africa, where the material domain of nations such as statecraft or technology was overwhelmed by Western influence, nationalists focused on the “inner” or spiritual domain of national identity. It is in the latter domain that the creativity of the nationalist project found its expression. See Chatterjee, Partha, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993), 6Google Scholar.
19 McDougall, History, 15–17, 135–37.
20 In colonial Algeria, severe and destructive French intervention in native socio-political forces created a particular religious field in which both cultural and socio-political conflicts found their expression; Colonna, Fanny, “Cultural Resistance and Religious Legitimacy in Colonial Algeria,” Economy and Society 3 (1974): 233–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Thus, the Algerian ʿulamaʾ had particularly strong interactions with political actors, including nationalists.
21 Commins, David Dean, Islamic Reform: Politics and Social Change in Late Ottoman Syria (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Tibi, Arab Nationalism; Rejwan, Arabs Face the Modern World; Ghazal, Amal N., Islamic Reform and Arab Nationalism: Expanding the Crescent from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean, 1880s–1930s (London: Routledge, 2010)Google Scholar.
22 On the authority of the ʿulamaʾ in the modern age, see Skovgaard-Petersen, Jakob, Defining Islam for the Egyptian State: Muftis and Fatwas of the Dār al-Iftā (Leiden: Brill, 1997)Google Scholar; Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Haj, Samira, Reconfiguring Islamic Tradition: Reform, Rationality, and Modernity (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009)Google Scholar; and Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, Modern Islamic Thought in a Radical Age: Religious Authority and Internal Criticism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
23 On the interplay between the AAMU and the Algerian nationalist movement during this period, see el-Korso, Mohammed, “Structures islahistes et dynamique culturelle dans le mouvement national algérien, 1931–1954,” in Lettrés, intellectuels, et militants en Algérie, 1880–1950, ed. Carlier, Omar et al. (Algiers: Office des Publications Universitaires, 1988), 54–106Google Scholar.
24 Important exceptions include Christelow, Allan, “Ritual, Culture and Politics of Islamic Reformism in Algeria,” Middle Eastern Studies 23 (1987): 255–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and el-Korso, “Structures.” On the AAMU during the Algerian War of Independence, see McDougall, James, “S’écrire un destine: l'Association des ‘Ulama dans la révolution algérienne,” Bulletin de l'Institut d'Histoire du Temps Présent 83 (2004): 38–52Google Scholar.
25 Born in Bougie (today's Bejaya) in eastern Algeria, al-Ibrahimi spent his youth in Medina before moving to Damascus to teach. After his return to Algeria in 1922, he joined Ibn Badis's effort for Islamic reform. Participating in the AAMU, then under the leadership of Ibn Badis, al-Ibrahimi became its vice president and was responsible for Arabic education activities in Tlemcen (western Algeria). After his emigration to Cairo in 1952, the direction of the movement was passed on to Larbi al-Tebessi (al-ʿArabi al-Tabissi) (1893–1957), who managed the AAMU during the War of Independence from 1954 until his assassination in 1957.
26 Guenanèche was involved in the ENA since the 1930s in his native town Tlemcen, where Messali Hadj was born. He was one of the founding members of the PPA and secretary of its Tlemcen section. In 1947, he was elected Tlemcen's municipal deputy belonging to the MTLD. See Stora, Benjamin, Dictionnaire biographique de militants nationaslites algériens: E.N.A., P.P.A., M.T.L.D., 1926–1954 (Paris: Harmattan, 1985), 240–41Google Scholar.
27 Lewis, Bernard, “Siyāsa,” in In Quest of an Islamic Humanism: Arabic and Islamic Studies in Memory of Mohamed al-Nawaihi, ed. Green, A. H. (Cairo: American University of Cairo Press, 1984), 3–14Google Scholar; Najjar, Fauzi M., “Siyasa in Islamic Political Philosophy,” in Islamic Theology and Philosophy: Studies in Honor of George F. Hourani, ed. Marmura, Michael E. (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1984), 92Google Scholar.
28 Rosenthal, Erwin I. J., Political Thought in Medieval Islam: An Introductory Outline (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962 [1958]), 119–42Google Scholar; Najjar, “Siyasa,” 102–10.
29 Lewis, “Siyāsa”; Belhaj, Abdessamad, “Law and Order According to Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya: A Re-examination of Siyāsa Sharʿiyya,” in Islamic Theology, Philosophy and Law: Debating Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, ed. Krawietz, B. and Tamer, G. (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013), 402–3Google Scholar.
30 Laoust, Henri, Essai sur les doctorines sociales et politiques de Takī-d-Dīn Ahmad b. Taimīya (Cairo: Institut français d'archéoligie orientale, 1939), 39–69Google Scholar.
31 Gibb, H. A. R., “Constitutional Organization,” in Law in the Middle East, ed. Khadduri, M. and Liebesny, H. J. (Washington, D.C.: The Middle East Institute, 1955), 22–24Google Scholar; Najjar, “Siyasa,” 100.
32 Laoust, Essai, 489–92.
33 See, for example, al-Tahtawi, Rifaʿa Rafiʿ, al-Aʿmal al-Kamila li-Rifaʿa Rafiʿ al-Tahtawi (Beirut: al-Muʾassasa al-ʿArabiyya li-l-Dirasat wa-l-Nashr, 1973), 1:517Google Scholar.
34 Hasan Saʿb points out that for the term “political science,” al-ʿilm al-madanī or ʿilm al-madaniyya should have corresponded better to the original meaning of the term in the Greek context. See Saʿb, Hasan, ʿIlm al-Siyasa (Beirut: Dar al-ʿIlm li-l-Malayyin, 1966), 21–22Google Scholar.
35 Laoust, Essai, 541–75; Lewis, “Siyāsa,” 10.
36 Skovgaard-Petersen, Defining Islam, 75–77.
37 Merad, Le réformisme, 216–17, 236.
38 Muhammad al-Bashir al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ Aʿmaluha wa-Mawaqifuha,”al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 2 (1 August 1947): 1–2; no. 3 (8 August 1947): 1–2; no. 4 (29 August 1947): 1–2. The official organ of the AAMU, al-Basaʾir was published between 1935 and 1939 before World War II interrupted its activities. It resumed publication in 1947.
39 Ageron, Histoire, 380–81, 580; Kaddache, Histoire, 2:656–75.
40 Ageron, Histoire, 608; Kaddache, Histoire, 2:720n2.
41 Ageron, Histoire, 580.
42 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 2:1.
43 The word “umma” could denote a religious or a socio-political community, or both, according to the context.
44 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 2:1.
45 See, for example, al-Mili, Mubarak, Risalat al-Shirk wa-Mazahirihi (Riyad: Dar al-Raya li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawziʿ, 2001 [1937]), 424–45Google Scholar.
46 Merad, Le réformisme, 337–50.
47 A list of the textbooks used in 1948 can be found in “Tanbih ila al-Mudirin wa-Talamidhat al-Madaris,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 59 (6 December 1948): 7.
48 See “Qarar min al-Majlis al-Idari,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 57 (22 November 1948): 3; “Ila al-Mashaʾikh al-Muʿallimin,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 51 (27 September 1948): 8.
49 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 2:1–2.
50 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 3:1.
51 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 4:1.
52 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 4:1.
53 Mustafa Kamil was an Egyptian politician and leader of the anti-British struggle who founded the National Party (al-Hizb al-Watani).
54 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 4:1. The notion of education (tarbiya) as the foundation of a Muslim nation (umma) was emphasized in the teachings of Muhammad ʿAbduh. See, for example, ʿAbduh, Muhammad, “al-Tarbiya,” al-Aʿmal al-Kamila li-l-Imam Muhammad ʿAbduh, 2nd ed. (Beirut: Muʾassasa al-ʿArabiyya li-l-Dirasat wa-l-Nashr, 1980), 3:157Google Scholar.
55 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 4:1. The Qurʾan translation is partly from Arberry, A. J., The Koran Interpreted (New York: Touchstone, 1996)Google Scholar.
56 Al-Ibrahimi, “Jamʿiyyat al-ʿUlamaʾ,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 4:2.
57 In Islamic reform, the notion of the public interest has such importance that it is treated as one of the judicial sources. See Kerr, Islamic Reform, 117, 194–97; Dien, Mawil Izzi, “Maṣlaḥa in Islamic Law: A Source or a Concept? A Framework for Interpretation,” in Hunter of the East: Arabic and Semitic Studies, Studies in Honour of Clifford Edmund Bosworth, vol. 1, ed. Netton, I. R. (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 345–56Google Scholar.
58 See verses 5:56 and 58:22, where the term “Party of God” appears. In Chapter 58 the term is opposed to the “Party of Satan” (ḥizb al-shayṭān), the phrasing that appears in 58:19. The word aḥzāb, on the other hand, appears in 11:17, 13:36, 19:37, 33:20, 33:22, 38:11, 38:13, 40:5, 40:30, and 43:65.
59 For example, in his commentary on verse 5:56, Rashid Rida does not mention the use of the term to mean ʿulamaʾ as religious experts. To designate ʿulamaʾ and other leaders of the Muslim community, Rida used other terms including ulū-l-amr (those in authority), ahl al-ḥall wa-l-ʿaqd (people who loosen and bind), ahl al-shūrā (people of consultation), ahl al-ijmāʿ (people of consensus), or jamāʿat al-muslimīn (the group of Muslims); Rida, Rashid, Tafsir al-Qurʾan al-Hakim: al-Mushtahir bi-Ism Tafsir al-Manar (Cairo: Dar al-Manar, 1947/48), 6:441–43Google Scholar. See also Kerr, Islamic Reform, 161, 163; and Zaman, Modern Islamic Thought, chap. 2.
60 “Al-Ahzab fi Misr,” al-Manar (Egypt), 10 (1907): 770–73.
61 Kaddache, Histoire, 2:803–6.
62 The precaution is reflected by the creation in 1947 of the Service des Liaisons Nord-Africaines (Service of North-African Link; SLNA), an intelligence agency specializing in Muslim political issues.
63 Kaddache, Histoire, 1:470.
64 Carlier, Omar, “Mouvement de jeunesse, passage des générations et créativité sociale: La radicarité incentive algérienne des années 1940–1950,” in De l'Indochine à l'Algérie: La jeunesse en mouvements des deux côtés du miroir colonial 1940–1962, ed. Bancel, Nicolas et al. (Paris: Découvert, 2003), 163–76Google Scholar.
65 Carlier, “Mouvement de jeunesse,” 168, 173–74.
66 See al-Manar (Algeria), no. 19 (14 March 1953): 2; no. 20 (27 March 1953): 2; no. 41 (24 April 1953): 2, 4; no. 42 (8 May 1953): 3; no. 43 (5 June 1953): 3; no. 45 (10 July 1953): 3; no. 46 (24 July 1953): 3; no. 48 (6 November 1953): 2. The Arabic periodical al-Manar was published between 1951 and 1953, subsidized by the MTLD and directed by Mahmud Buzuzu (1918–2007), a Boy Scout leader and intellectual of Arabic expression.
67 Qananish, Muhammad, al-Mawaqif al-Siyasiyya bayna al-Islah wa-l-Wataniyya (Algiers: al-Sharika al-Wataniyya li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawziʿ, n.d.)Google Scholar.
68 ʿAbd Allah al-Nadim (1844–96) was an Egyptian journalist who supported Ahmad ʿUrabi during the revolt led by him (1881–82). Mustafa Kamil met al-Nadim in 1892 and was influenced by al-Afghani's thinking through him. See Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1789–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 196–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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70 “Mawqif al-Imam ʿAbduh min Taʿalim Jamal al-Din,” al-Manar (Algeria), no. 41 (24 April 1953): 4. For ʿAbduh's involvement in the ʿUrabi revolt, see Adams, Islam and Modernism, 51–57. Although beyond the scope of this study, the question of how to understand ʿAbduh's position on British colonialism has always been controversial. See Haddad, Mohamed, “ʿAbduh et ses lecteurs: Pour une histoire critique des lecteures de M. ʿAbduh,” Arabica 45 (1998): 22–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Haj, Reconfiguring Islamic Tradition, 75–77.
71 Qananish, al-Mawaqif, 12–13.
72 Qananish, al-Mawaqif, 9, 16–17.
73 “Mustafa Kamil wa-Muhammad ʿAbduh,” al-Manar (Algeria), no. 45 (10 July 1953): 3; Qananish, al-Mawaqif, 15.
74 Abu al-Amin [Mohamed Guenanèche], “Muhammad ʿAbduh wa-l-Siyasa,” al-Manar (Algeria), no. 42 (8 May 1953): 3. Aristotle's quotation should apply to the first part of Book 1, Chapter 1 of Politica: “Since we see that every city is some sort of partnership, and that every partnership is constituted for the sake of some good (for everyone does everything for the sake of what is held to be good), it is clear that all partnerships aim at some good, and that the partnership that is most authoritative of all and embraces all the others does so particularly, and aims at the most authoritative good of all.” The English translation is from Lord, Carnes, Aristotle, the Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 35Google Scholar.
75 Messali posed this idea at the public meeting organized by the Muslim Congress in Algiers. See Stora, Benjamin, Messali Hadj (1898–1974): Pionnier du nationalism algérien (Paris: Harmattan. 1986), 147Google Scholar.
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77 Article 1 of the statute of the MTLD established in 1953 stated that it aimed at “institution of an independent, democratic, and social republican state” for the Algerian nation. See Harbi, Aux origins, 195.
78 El-Korso, “Structures,” 69–72, 75–76.
79 Kaddache, Histoire, 2:753–62.
80 Derouiche, Mohamed, Scoutisme école du patriotisme (Algiers: Entreprise Nationale du Livre, 1985), 43, 47, 58Google Scholar.
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82 Kaddache, Histoire, 2:760–61.
83 Tahar Tedjini, “Continuité,” al-Hayat (Algeria), no.1 (July 1948): 7.
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85 Report, “Université ‘Az Zitouna’ de Tunis (Constantine, 3 July 1958),” ANOM, Fonds du SLNA, 93/4431.
86 Report of SLNA, prefecture of Constantine (Constantine, 14 December 1948), ANOM, Fonds du SLNA, 93/4490.
87 Report of chief officer of the Police des renseignements généraux in district of Constantine (Constantine, 7 January 1949), ANOM, Fonds du SLNA, 93/4490.
88 Report, “Université ‘Az Zitouna’.”
89 Muhammad al-Ghashiri, “Misr al-Shaqiqa Tahtafilu bi-l-Kishafa al-Islamiyya al-Jazaʾiriyya,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 240 (11 September 1953): 8; no. 241 (25 September 1953): 8.
90 Watanabe, “Organizational Changes,” 58–59.
91 “Fi Mukhayyam ‘Mubarak al-Mili’ bi-l-Riyad,” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 92 (17 October 1949): 2–3.
92 “Kalimat Waʾiza li-Abnaʾina al-Muʿallimin (2),” al-Basaʾir, new ser., no. 133 (23 October 1950): 1.
