¹ Used by Ibn Khaldūn of a state which is no more than the personal will or autocracy of the sovereign; a state in which the sovereign is “claiming exclusive authority on the strength of the preeminence acquired by personal effort or achievement,” infarād bi-I-majd (Rosenthal, E. I. J., Political Thought in Medieval Islam [Cambridge, 1968], p. 87).Google ScholarIbn, Khaldūn's power state, siyāsa 'aqlīya, may be likened to Max Weber's “patrimonialism” (Economy and Society, ed. Roth, G. and Wittich, C. [New York, 1968], pp. 231–232)Google Scholar and Brown's, L. Carl “bureaucratic polity” (The Tunisia of Ahmad Bey, 1837–1885 [Princeton, 1974], pp. 313–334; 353–366.)Google Scholar

² See Doutté's, E. classic, “Notes sur l'Islam Maghribin: Les Marabouts,” Revue de I'Histoire des Religions, 40 (1899), 343–369; 41 (1890), 22–66; 289–336.Google Scholar

³ Part of the instructions to the ikhwan of the Darqawīya tarīqa reads as follows: The ikhwan “shall inform their shaikh about their most serious as well as their most trivial thoughts; they shall inform him about their important as well as their most insignificant deeds; they shall have passive obedience for. their shaikh and at all times they shall be in the hands of the shaikh as cadavre is in the hands of one washing a corpse” (Rinn, L., Marabours et Khouan [Algiers, 1844], p. 233)Google Scholar. Cf. also the following wasiya to the ikhwan of Sī Shādhilī, founder of the Shādhilīya tariqa: “Obey your shaikh before obeying the temporal sovereign” (Ibid. p. 277).

⁴ Muhammad al-Saghir al-Wufrānī, Nozhet el-Hadi: Histoire de la dynastie saadienne au Maroc, 1511–1670, trans. Houdas, O. (Paris, 1889), p. 12, Ar. text; pp. 24–25, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

⁵ Ibid., p. 41, Ar. text; pp. 76–77, Fr. trans; also Ibn, 'Askar, Dawhar al-Nāshir, trans. Archives Marocaines, 19. (1913), 90.Google Scholar

⁶ See the important work of Lévi-Provencal, E., Les hisroriens des Chorfa: essai sur la litrerature hisrorique et 7biographique au Maroc du XVL^e au XX^e siecle (Paris, 1922).Google Scholar

⁷ The interregnum in Morocco began with the death of al-Manṣūr in 1603 and ended with the definitive establishment of the apos;Alawī dynasty in 1670.

⁸ Al-Wufrani, , pp. 190 ff., Ar. text; pp. 305Google Scholar ff., Fr. trans; cf, also Sources inédites de l'histoire du Maroc l^ere série Pay-Bas, Vol. 1 (Paris, 1906), pp. 82–463 passim.Google Scholar

⁹ Ibid., p. 283; cf, . also p. 292.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ibid., Vol. II (Paris, 1907), p. 339.

¹¹ Al-Wufrānī, , pp. 200–209, Ar. text; pp. 325–340Google Scholar, Fr. trans; cf, . also Sources inédites l^ère série Pay-Bas, II, 117–125, 440–443.Google Scholar

¹² “Relation de la révolte d'Abou, Mahalli,” Sources inédires l^ère série Anglererre, Vol. II (Paris, 1925), p. 466 and n. 2.Google Scholar

¹³ Al-Wufrānī, , p. 206, Ar. text; pp. 33 ff., Fr. trans.Google Scholar

¹⁴ “Relation de la révolte d'Abou Mahalli,” p. 466 and n. 1. See also “Memoire de John Harrison sur Maroc,” Sources inédires 1^ére série Angleterre. Vol. III (Paris, 1935), p. 142.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Al-Wufrānī, , pp. 209 ff., Ar. text; pp. 342 ff., Fr. trans.Google Scholar

¹⁶ This zawiya is mistakenly called the zawiya of Beradā'a by al-Wufrānī, p. 210, Ar. text; p. 343, Fr. trans. Pierre de Cenival points out this error in his article, “La zaouia dité de 'Berada'a,” Hespéris, 15 (1932), 137–139.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Sources inédites l^ére série Pays-Bas, 11, 443.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Al-Wufrānī, , p. 212, Ar. text; p. 346, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See the document cited by Brignon, J. et al. , Histoire du Maroc (Paris, 1967), pp. 232–233.Google Scholar

²⁰ Abū'l-Qāsim al-Ziyāni, Ai-Tarjurmān al-Mu'arib Duwal al-Mashriq wa'l-Maghrib, trans. Houdas, O. under the title Le Maroc de 1631 à 1812 (Paris, 1886), p. 2, Ar. text; p. 3, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

²¹ Al-Wufrānī, , p. 301, Ar. text; p. 498, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

²² Ibid., pp. 274–286, Ar. text; pp. 455–475, Fr. trans.

²³ Ibid., p. 275, Ar. text; p. 458, Fr. trans.

²⁴ Ibid., p. 277, Ar. text; p. 460, Fr. trans.

²⁵ Ibid., p. 248, Ar. text; p. 411, Fr. trans.

²⁶ Ibid. p. 249, Ar. text; p. 413, Fr. trans.

²⁷ Cf. the date, 1640, given by al-Wufrānī, (p. 254, Ar. text; p. 423, Fr. trans.)Google ScholarRobert, Blake, an eyewitness of the battle gives the date 1638. (“Journal de Robert Blake [1639],” Sources inédites 1^eáer série Anglererre, III, 509–510; “Lettre de Gaspard de Rastin à Richelieu,” Sources Inédites l^eéer série France, Vol. III [Paris, 1911], p. 586 and n.1).Google Scholar

²⁸ Al-wufrānīni, , p. 254, Ar. text; p. 281, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

²⁹ Al-Wufrānī, , pp. 260–274, Ar. text; pp. 431–455Google Scholar, Fr. trans. See also Henri, de Castries, “Les Moriscos à Salé et Sidi el-Ayachi,” Sources inédires l^éer série France, III, 187–198. Al-'Ayashī was a remarkable man, distinguished by his exemplary qualities which earned him the characterization of “the quṭb of his time.”Google Scholar

³⁰ de Castries, H., “Les trois republiques du Bou Regreg,” Sources inédites l^éer série Pays-Bas. Vol. V 1920), pp. i–xxviii.Google Scholar

³¹ The Monscos were Muslim refugees who had settled in Rabat or New Sale after their expulsion from Spain in the first decade of the seventeenth century for failure to convert to Christianity. There is a study of the Moriscos by Coindreau, R., Les Corsaires de Sale (Paris, 1948).Google Scholar

³² Bngnon, J. et al. , Hisroire du Maroc (Paris, 1967), p. 230.Google Scholar

³³ Fes is divided into two cities: Old Fes (Fes al-Bāli) and New Fes (Fes al-Jadīd).

³⁴ On the chequered history of the city-state of Tetuan, see Sources inédites l^eéer série Angleterre, III, 54–554Google Scholar passim; Sources inédites l^éer serie France. III, 583Google Scholar and n.1. See also Latham, J. D., “The Reconstruction and Expansion of Tetuan: The Period of Andalusian Immigration,” in Makdisi, G. ed. Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honour of Hamilton A. R. Gibb (Leiden, 1965), pp. 387 ff.Google Scholar

³⁵ Al-Wufrānī, , p. 281, Ar. text; p. 467Google Scholar, Fr. trans.; Abūl'l-Abbās, Ahmad ibn Khālid al-Nāsirī, Kitūb al-Istiqsā li-A khbār Duwal al-Maghrib al-Aqsa, Part VII (Casablanca, 1956)Google Scholar, Fr. trans. Fumey, E., Archives Marocaines, IX (1906), 16 ff., Ar. text; 21 ff., Fr. trans.Google Scholar

³⁶ The authoritative study of Ghailān is “Les Rais El-Khaḍir Ghailān,” by Péretié, M. A.; in an exclusive edition of Archives Marocaines, 18 (1912).Google Scholar

³⁷ Al-Nāṣirīri, , p. 27, Ar. text; p. 36Google Scholar, Fr. trans. Cf. de Castries' date of 1650 for Ghailān's revolt, Sources inédites 2^é série France, Vol. 1 (Paris, 1922), p. 14 n. 2.Google Scholar

³⁸ H. de Castries, “Les trois republiques.”

³⁹ Al-Wufrānī, , p. 301, Ar. text; p. 499, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See my own reconstruction of the rise of the Alawī, dynasty, “Myth and Legend as Functional Instruments in Politics: The Establishment of the 'Alawī Dynasty in Morocco,” Journal of African History, 16 (1975), 17 ff.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Muhammad was killed in 1664 in his encounter with al-Rashīd (al-Wufrānī, , p. 302, Ar. text; p. 499Google Scholar, Fr. trans.; al-Nāṣirī, , pp. 29–31, Ar. text; pp. 39–42, Fr. trans.).Google Scholar

⁴² Abū, 'Abdallāh Muhammad al-Qādirī, Nashr al-MathānīGoogle Scholar, trans. Michaux-Bellaire, E.Archives Marocaines, XXIV (1917), 177; al-Nāsirī, p. 34, Ar. text; p. 44 Fr. trans.Google Scholar

⁴³ “Relation de Roland, Fréjus,” Sources Inédites 2^é Série france, I, 124 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See p. 7.

⁴⁵ Al-Qādirī, , p. 177.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Routh, E. M. G., Tangier: England's Lost Atlantic Outpost, 1661–1684 (London, 1912).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ibid. pp. 5–6.

⁴⁸ Ibid., p. 90 n.l.

⁴⁹ Ibid., p. 92. Alliance apart, the support of Ghailān by the English was based on a policy of providing a counterpoise to the rising power of al-Rashīd, the usual practice of “divide and rule.”“Colonel Norwood [governor of Tangier] acting on the instructions of Arlington, took up the policy of attempting to maintain a balance of power in Morocco by supporting Gayland, still the leader of resistance to the rising dynasty. He did indeed point out the advisability of negotiating for ‘free traffic’ with Tafiletta's [i.e., al-Rashīd's] dominions. but at the same time he promised Arlington that in no case would he ‘break oif unhandsomely with Gayland.’ In accordance with the treaty, he sent supplies by sea to Arzile, now closely besieged on condition that Gayland on his part “under the favour of our Artillery would trouble the enemy with frequent sallyes and surprizals.”

⁵⁰ Ibid., pp. 94 ff; Cf, . Sources inédites 2^è série France, I, 190 and n.1.Google Scholar

⁵¹ But not the end of Ghailān's resistance to the ‘Alawī dynasty. Ghailān was later to reappear in Morocco in 1673, determined to regain his lost power. Armed by the English, he fought courageously but was defeated and killed in a decisive battle near al-Qasr al-Kabir by Mawlay Ismā'īl, brother and successor of al-Rashīd.

⁵² Al-Qādirī, , p. 200;Google Scholaral-Ziyānī, , p. 9, Ar. text; p. 19Google Scholar, Fr. trans.; al-Nāsirī, , p. 36, Ar. text; p. 49Google Scholar, Fr. trans.; al-Wufrānī, , p. 284, Ar. text; p. 472, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

⁵³ Al-Wufrānī, , pp. 259–258. Ar. text: p. 428, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid., p. 287, Ar. text; pp. 476–77, Fr. trans.

⁵⁵ Moutte, G., “Histoire des Conquêtes de Mouley Archy… Sources inédites 2^é séries France, Vol. II (Paris, 1924), p. 35.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Sources inédites l^èer série France, Vol. III (Paris, 1911), p. 583.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Al-Wufrānī, , p. 304, Ar. text; p. 503, Fr. trans. Al-Rashīd was riding a horse in a garden when he accidentally hit his head against the branch of an orange tree; he died immediately.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Al-Nāsirī, , pp. 19–20, Ar. text; pp. 25–26, Fr. trans.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See p. 4.

⁶⁰ “Journal of Carteret, G.,” Sources inédites l^ère série Angleterre, Vol. III (Paris, 1935), p. 455, n. 2.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Nor was Muhammad al-Hājj alone in this; al-'Ayāshī also exercised power in Fes from his base in Salé, prior to his death, through confrontation with Dilā, in 1641, but he, too, never assumed the sovereign title of sultan.

⁶² Elbaki, Hermassi, Leadership and National Development in North Africa (California, 1972), p. 44.Google Scholar

⁶³ “In the case of charismatic authority, it is the charismatically qualified leader as such who is obeyed by virtue of personal trust in his revelation, his heroism or his exemplary qualities, so far as they fall within the scope of the individual's belief in his charisma” (Weber, , p. 216).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Cf. Louis XIV of France: “L'etat c'est moi.”

⁶⁵ Like the zawiya of Dilā' in the 17th century, the political factions struggling for power after the death of Mawlay Ismā'il in the 18th century did not aspire to sovereignty. Lacking, like the zawiya of Dilā', the legitimacy to rule, these factions did no more than support the candidacy of the sons of Mawlay Ismā'il (Brignon, et al. , pp. 257 ff.).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See Abun-Nasr, J. M., A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge, 1971), pp.202 ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Cf., Brahim Boutalib's, review of Muhammad Hiji's, La Zaouia de Dila: son role religieux, scientifique et politique (Rabat, 1964)Google Scholar in Hespéris-Tamuda, 4 (1968), 417.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Yaลyā, had in fact become styled Mawlay al-Shaikh ibn 'Abdallāh in the course of his bid for power. Sources Inédites1^ére sérieFrance, Vol.III (Paris, 1911), pp. 44ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ See n.65.