1. Although there is no comparative study of the eight-hour movement, here are some of the modern works that deal with this topic in a major way at the national level. A very important American study that was kindly provided to me in manuscript is Roediger, David and Foner, Philip, The Shortening of the Work Day In the United States (forthcoming, 1986).Google Scholar See also Montgomery, David, Beyond Equality, Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862–1872 (New York, 1967)Google Scholar; Roediger, David, “The Movement for a Shorter Working Day in the United States Before 1866,” Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1980Google Scholar; Hunnicutt, Benjamin, “Luxury or Leisure: The Dilemma of Prosperity in the 1920s,” Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina, 1976.Google Scholar Some key studies of the European short-hours questions are, Dommanget, Maurice, Histoire du Premier mai (Paris, 1953)Google Scholar; Bodiguel, Jean-lue, La réduction du temps de travail (Paris, 1969)Google Scholar; Bienefeld, M.A., Working Hours in British Industry: An Economic History (London, 1972)Google Scholar; McCormick, Brian, “Hours of Work in British Industry,” Industrial and Labor Relations Review 12 (1959): 423–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Geib, August, Der Normalarbeitstag (Leipzig, 1975)Google Scholar, and Steinisch, Irmgard, Arbeitszeitverkuerzung und socialer Wandel. Der Kampf um die Achtstudenschicht in der deutschen und amerikanischen eisen- und stahlerzeugenden Industrie von der Jahrhundertwende zur weltwirtschaftskrise (Berlin, 1985).Google Scholar Australian studies of the eight-hour day are particularly interesting for Australian success in winning the shorter workday in some industries in the 1850s. See for example, Niland, John, “The Birth of the Movement for an Eight-hour Day in New South Wales,” Australian Journal of Politics and History, 14 (1968): 75–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Hughes, H., “The Eight Hour Day and the Development of the Labour Movement in Victoria in the Eighteen Fifties,” Historical Studies of Australia and New Zealand 9 (05 1961): 396ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Economic historian Owen's, John The Price of Leisure (Rotterdam, 1969)Google Scholar and Working Hours, an Economic Analysis (Lexington, 1979)Google ScholarPubMed are typical. A somewhat different treatment of this problem is in Scitovsky, Tibor, The Joyless Economy, (New York, 1976).Google Scholar See also, Seidman's, Michael analysis of the reduction of work time in France, “The Birth of the Weekend and the Revolts against Work: The Workers of the Paris Region during the Popular Front, 1936–1938,” French Historical Studies 12 (Fall, 1982): 249–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. For the British case, see Price, Richard, Masters, Unions, and Men (New York, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Hinton, James, The First Shop Stewards Movement, (London, 1973)Google Scholar; See also, Tilly, Charles and Shorter, Edward, Strikes in France (New York, 1974)Google Scholar, especially, 66–68 and 190, and Eric Hobs-bawm, Labouring Men, 371–86.

4. Anderson, Michael, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire, (London, 1971)Google Scholar; Hareven, Tamara, Industrial Time and Family Time, (Cambridge, Mass., 1982)Google Scholar; and Scott, Joan and Tilly, Louise, Women, Work, and Family (New York, 1978)Google Scholar deal with the interaction of work and family. Recent studies concerned with working-class leisure are: Rosenzweig, Roy, Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, (New York, 1983)Google Scholar and Meacham, Standish, A Life Apart, (Cambridge, Mass., 1977).Google Scholar

5. Cronin, Note James and Sirianni, Carmen, eds., Work, Community, and Power, The Experience of Labor in Europe and America, 1900–1925 (Philadelphia, 1983).Google Scholar

6. Duffy, A. E. P., “The Eight-Hour Day Movement in Britain, 1836–1893,” Manchester School of Economics and Social Studies 36 (1968): 203–22 and 345–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Perrot, Michelle, Les ouvriers en grève: France, 1871–1890, 1 (Paris, 1974).Google Scholar

7. Roediger and Foner, chap. 8; Duffy; and McCormick, Brian, “The Miners and the Eight-Hour Day, 1863–1910,” Economie History Review 12 (1959): 238–50.Google Scholar

8. I develop these points more fully in “The Quest for Leisure: Reassessing the Eight-Hour Day in France,” Journal of Social History 18 (1984): 195–216.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. Nigel, Todd, “Trade Unions and the Engineering Industry Dispute at Barrow-in-Furness, 1897–98,” International Review of Social History 20 (1975): 33–47Google Scholar; Jonathan Zeitlin, “The Labour Strategies of British Engineering Employers, 1890–1914,” paper for the Tutzing Conference on the Development of Trade Unionism in Great Britain, France, and Germany from the 1880s to 1914, 1981; Tolliday, Steven and Zeitlin, Jonathan, Shopfloor Bargaining and the State, Historical and Comparative Perspectives, (New York, 1985)Google Scholar; and Stone, Judith, “Social Reform in France: The Development of Its Ideology and Implementation, 1890–1914,” Ph.D. diss., State University of New York at Stony Brook, 1979.Google Scholar

10. In addition to Roediger and Foner's thorough treatment, see Montgomery, David, Workers' Control in America, Studies in the History of Work, Technology, and Labor Struggles, (New York, 1979).Google Scholar See also my “Redefining Workers’ Control: Rationalization, Labor Time, and Union Politics in France, 1900–1928,” in Work, Community, and Power, ed. Cronin and Sirianni, 142–68.

11. See Bauer, Stephan, Der Weg zum achtstundentag, (Zuerich, 1919).Google Scholar For an interesting description of hour militance of French women during the war, see McMillan, James, Housewife or Harlot: The Place of Women in French Society, 1870–1940 (London, 1981), 133–61.Google Scholar

12. Mayer, Arno discusses this insurgence in his classic, Politics and Diplomacy of Peacemaking: 1918–1919, (New York, 1967).Google Scholar Additional sources are in my paper “Les Trois Huits: Labor Movements, International Reform, and the Origins of the Eight-Hour Day: 1919–1924,” French Historical Studies (Fall 1985).For a specific case see, McShane, Harry, Glascow 1919: The Story of the 40 Hours Strike (London, n.d.).Google Scholar

13. See Eggert's, Gerald treatment of the eight-hour struggle in American steel, Steel Masters and Labor Reform, 1886–1923 (Pittsburgh, 1981).Google Scholar Note also Steinisch, who compares the introduction of the eight-hour day in German and American steel.

14. In addition to Roediger and Foner, see Lowe, Rodney, “Hours of Labour: Negotiating Industrial Legislation in Britain, 1919–1939,” Economic History Review 35 (1982): 254–71Google Scholar; Brown, E. H. Phelps, The Growth of British Industrial Relations, (London, 1955)Google Scholar; Frank Wilkinson, “The Development of Collective Bargaining in Britain to the Early 1920s,” paper for the Shop Floor Bargaining Seminar, King's College, Cambridge University, March 1981.

15. For bibliography see my article, “Les Trois Huits,” and Lowe, Rodney, “The Erosion of State Intervention in Britain, 1917–1924,” Economic History Review 31 (1978).CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the 1926 strike, see, for example, Noel, G. E., The Great Lockout of 1926 (London, 1976)Google Scholar and Skelley, G., ed., The General Strike (London, 1976).Google Scholar

16. De Grazia, Victoria, The Culture of Consent: Mass Organization of Leisure in Fascist Italy (New York, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and “La politique sociale du loisir: 1900–1940,” Les Cahiers de la recherche architecturale, no. 15–17 (1985): 24–35; Rabinbach, Anson, The Crisis of Austrian Socialism, (Chicago, 1982)Google Scholar; Goldman, Robert and Wilson, John, “The Rationalization of Leisure,” Politics and Society 7 (1977): 157–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Boussel, Patrice, Histoire des vacances (Paris, 1961).Google Scholar

17. Pimlott, J. A. R., The Englishman 's Holiday (London, 1947, 1976), chap. 8Google Scholar; Howkins, Alan and Lowerson, John, Trends in Leisure, 1919–1939 (London, 1979), 9–13Google Scholar; and Hunnicutt, Benjamin, “The End of Shorter Hours,” Labor History 25 (Summer 1984): 273–304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18. See Seidman, Michael and Asselain, Jean-Charles, “Une Erreur de politique economie, La Loi de quarante heures de 1936,” Revue économique 25 (1974): 672–705.Google Scholar

19. For a different view, see Seidman. Note also, Steinberg, Ronnie, Wages and Hours, Labor and Reform in Twentieth Century America (New Brunswick, 1982).Google Scholar

20. Hunnicutt, , “The End of Shorter Hours,” and “Historical Attitudes Toward the Increase of Free Time in the Twentieth Century: Time for Work, for Leisure or Unemployment,” Loisir et Société 3 (11 1980): 195–219.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21. Hinrichs, Karl and Wiesenthal, Helmut, “Arbeitswerte und Arbeitszeit: Zur Pluralisierung von Wertmustern und Zeitverwendungswünschen in der modernen Industriegesellschaft,” 116–136 in Arbeitszeitpolitik. Formen und Folgen einer Neuverteilung der Arbeitszeit, ed. Offe, Claus, Hinrichs, Karl, and Wiesenthal, Helmut (Frankfurt, 1982)Google Scholar and K. Hinrichs, William K. Roche and H. Wiesenthal, “Working Time Policy as Class-Oriented Strategy: Unions and Shorter Working Hours in Great Britain and West Germany,” European Sociological Review, (forthcoming).