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Three Little‐Known Persian Sources of the Seventeenth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

Giorgio Rota
Giorgio Rota*
Affiliation:
Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici, Istituto Universitario Orientale, Naples
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Extract

Historiography … in its prejudices and its assumptions, in its omissions no less than in its contents … is the reflection of the inconstant human situation, and even where it is least informative it supplies us with data which no explicit statement could convincingly express, and which, perhaps, are as valuable to the understanding of the past as the dates and the deeds. Every such work, therefore, however inadequate and inaccurate it may be in detail, is itself a historical fact of singular importance, and is best understood when considered with its fellows in their mutual complementary relationship throughout a total situation rather than being merely confronted with them on the particulars.

J. R. Walsh's Comments on the nature of historiography may appear strikingly simple and obvious, yet they provided the stimulus for this paper, which compares three minor Safavid historical works and aims to show that every document can: a) supply some historical information; and b) provide us with information about the author and the intention of the work.

Type
Articles
Information
Iranian Studies , Volume 31 , Issue 2: Historiography and Representation in Safavid and Afsharid Iran , Spring 1998 , pp. 159 - 176
Copyright
Copyright © Association For Iranian Studies, Inc 1998

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Footnotes

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 30th Annual Meeting of the Middle East Studies Association in Providence, R.I., November 21-24, 1996.

References

1. Walsh, J. R. “The Historiography of Ottoman-Safavid Relations in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” in Lewis, Bernard and Holt, P. M. eds., Historians of the Middle East (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 197.Google Scholar

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4. Iskandar Beg Turkman Munshi/Muhammad Yusuf-i Muᵓarrikh, Ẕayl-i tārīkh-i ālam-ārā-yi cAbbāsī, ed. Khwansari, Suhayli (Tehran: Islamiyah, 1317/1938), 1-146Google Scholar; Mulla Jalal ad-Din Munajjim, Mulla Kamal b. Tārīkh-i Mullā Kamāl, in Tārīkh-i Ṣafaviyān, ed. Dihgan, Ibrahim (Arak: Farvardin, 1334/1955), 26-123Google Scholar; Wahid Qazvini, Muhammad Tahir cAbbāsnāmah, ed. Dihgan, Ibrahim (Arak: Kitabfurushi-yi Dawudi, 1329/1950).Google Scholar

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7. To date, the only book-length study devoted to Safavid historiography is Quinn, Sholeh A. “Historical Writing during the Reign of Shâh cAbbâs I” (Ph. D. dissertation, The University of Chicago, 1993).Google Scholar

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10. The longest notes are on fols. 1a, 15b and 32a. On BL Add MS 7,655, see below.

11. ÖN N. F. 50, fol. 6b: “Muhammad Ḥusayn al-Ḥusaynī al-Tafrishī ḥasb alfarmān-i qazā-jarayān bih nigārish-i sawāniḥ…..maᵓmūr gashtah ast.”

12. Ibid., fols. 6b-8b.

13. Arberry, A. J. Robinson, B.W. Wilkinson, J. V. S. and Blochet, E. The Chester Beatty Library. A Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts and Miniatures, ed. Arberry, A. J. (Dublin: Hodges Figgis & Co., 1962), 3:99.Google Scholar

14. ÖN N. F. 50, fol. 22b.

15. Beg, Iskandar History of Shah cAbbas the Great, 2:948-49.Google Scholar On the same occasion, Iskandar Beg also mentions Mir cAbd al-Ghani Tafrishi, a relative of Muhammad Husayn and apparently of the same age, who is described as a good poet. A chronogram by Mir cAbd al-Ghani, dating events that occurred in the year 1013/1604-5, is quoted in al-Din Munajjim, Mulla Jalal Tārīkh-i cAbbāsī, ed. Niya, Sayfullah Wahid (Tehran: Intisharat-i wahid, 1366/1987), 263-64.Google Scholar On Mir cAbd al-Ghani Tafrishi Ghani, cf. also Tahir Nasrabadi, Mirza Muhammad Taẕkirah-i Naṣrābādī, ed. Dastgirdi, Wahid (Tehran: Furughi, n. d. [1st edition, 1317/1938]), 264Google Scholar; cAbd al-Rasul Khayyampur Farhang-i sukhanvarān (Tehran: Intisharat-i talayah, 1368-72/1989-93), 673.Google Scholar Fami Tafrishi, Murtaza Sayfi Sayrī kūtāh dar jughrāfiyā-yi tārīkhī-yi Tafrish wa Āshtiyān (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1361/1982)Google Scholar has no information on Muhammad Husayn al-Husayni al-Tafrishi besides that provided by Iskandar Beg (pp. 121, 173-74), and does not mention Abu'l-Mafakhir b. Fazlullah al-Husayni Tafrishi at all. As for Mir cAbd al-Ghani Tafrishi Ghani, he confuses him with Mir cAbd al-Ghani Ism, a friend of Shaykh cAli Hazin (pp. 208-9). In fact, Ism was a descendant (az aḥfād) of Ghani (cf. Taẕkirah-i Ḥazīn, in Chirāgh-i Tajribah, ed. Jacfar Pazhum [Tehran: Nashr-i Salis, 1376/1997], 184Google Scholar). Many other religious scholars, men of letters and calligraphers bearing the nisbah Tafrishi are listed by Fami Tafrishi, who furthermore states that the Tafrish region flourished (rū bih ābādānī nihādah asf) under the Safavids, and especially during Shah cAbbas I's reign: cf. Tafrishi, Fami Sayrī kūtāh, 121, 173-322.Google Scholar Cf. also Khayyampur, Farhang, passim.

16. Fazlullah al-Husayni Tafrishi, Abu'l-Mafakhir b. History of Shāh Ṣafī (Dublin, Chester Beatty Library)Google Scholar, fols. 26b-27a.

17. Isfahani, Khulāṣat al-siyar, 80-81, 198, 254-55, 261-63.Google Scholar

18. These features of Iskandar Beg's work are stressed, maybe even overstressed, in Savory, Roger M. ‘“Very Dull and Arduous Reading’: A Reappraisal of The History of Shāh cAbbās the Great by Iskandar Beg Munshī,” Hamdard Islamicus 3, no. 1 (1980): 19-37.Google Scholar See also Quinn, “Historical writing,” 28-30, 65-70.Google Scholar

19. Isfahani, Khulāṣat al-siyar, 29: "jamcī az sukhanvarān...khuṣūṣan marḥūm-i maghfūr Iskandar Beg Munshī muᵓallif-i Tārīkh-i cAbbāsī ki banā-yi tartīb-i kitāb rā bar waqāyic-i sāl guzāshtah wa gāhī mīshavad ki bih jihat-i taḥqīq-i muddacāᵓī ki sarsukhan-i ān dar zimn-i ḥālāt-i ān sāl maktūb ast tamām-i awrāq wa suṭūr rā mulāḥiẓah mībāyad namūd tā maṭlab ḥāṣil shavad."

20. Rypka, Jan History of Iranian Literature, ed. Jahn, Karl (Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 1968), 312-13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. also Siyaqi Nizam, “Futūḥāt-i humāyūn— ‘Les Victoires augustes,’ 1007/1598. Relation des événements de la Perse et du Turkestan à l'extrême fin du XVI s.,” ed. Chahryar Adle, 2 vols. (Thèse du 3e Cycle, Paris, 1976), 1:196-200.

21. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:313Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 2:886Google Scholar; Pertsch, Wilhelm Verzeichniss der persischen Handschriften der königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin (Berlin: A. Asher & Co., 1888), 436-37.Google Scholar

22. SB Or IV 135, fol. 79.

23. Ibid., fol. 108.

24. Ibid., fol. 106.

25. Ibid., fol. 38.

26. Ibid., fols. 4, 47.

27. Ibid., fol. 48.

28. Ibid., fols. 2, 49, but see also Ardabīl, fol. 66. However, according to Martin the spelling of Ardabil as A.r.d.h. B.ī.l was common in the sixteenth century, and it consistently appears in the text of two Safavid documents dated 1552 and 1607, respectively: cf. Martin, B. G. “Seven Ṣafawid Documents from Azarbayjan,” in Documents from Islamic Chanceries, ed. Stern, S. M. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965), 189-90, 201-3 and n. 9 p. 192.Google Scholar

29. SB Or IV 135, fols. 1, 90. The form Ṭahmās appears also in contemporary Ottoman official documents: cf. Walsh, John R. “The Revolt of Alqās Mīrzā,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 68 (1976): n. 9 p. 66.Google Scholar

30. SB Or IV 135, fols. 3, 50.

31. Ibid., fols. 1-2.

32. Ibid., fol. 1; cf. also fol. 12.

33. Ibid., fols. 2, 4.

34. Ibid., fols. 6-7.

35. Ibid., fols. 16-19.

36. Ibid., fols. 8, 10, 12 and 19, respectively.

37. Ibid., fol. 18.

38. Ibid., fols. 16-17.

39. Beg, Iskandar History of Shah cAbbas, 1:484-87.Google Scholar

40. SB Or IV 135, fols. 18-19.

41. Beg, Iskandar History of Shah cAbbas, 2:827, 832-33.Google Scholar

42. SB Or IV 135, fols. 35-36.

43. Ibid., fols. 82-84: then the narration of the Georgian uprising led by Giorgi Saak'aje in 1625 follows. Saak'aje is usually called mawrāv (or mawrāv-i Gurjī) in Safavid sources, and not mawrav as in SB Or IV 135, which is however closer to the Georgian pronounciation of the word.

44. For instance, see the anonymous author's account of Shah Ismacil II's victories against the Ottomans and the Georgians, and of Shah cAbbas I's accession to the throne: ibid., fols. 11-12 and 16-18 respectively.

45. Morton, A. H. “The Date and Attribution of the Ross Anonymous. Notes on a Persian History of Shāh Ismācīl I,” in Pembroke Papers I, ed. Melville, Charles (Cambridge: Centre of Middle Eastern Studies, 1990), 203.Google Scholar

46. “II est vray qu'il ya une si grande varieté dans les auteurs Perses touchant cette histoire, que nous avons esté obligez de suivre l'opinion commune”: cf. Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius en Moscovie, Tartarie, et Perse, translated into French by de Wicquefort, A. (Paris: Jean du Puis, 1666), 1:613.Google Scholar Olearius, ibid., reports other versions too of the death of Haydar.

47. SB Or IV 135, fols. 20 (Murshid Quli Khan tells the young Shah cAbbas I: “ay pisar, tū kārī namīdānī, dam mazan”), 25, 36-37, 72, 83, 86.

48. Ibid., fols. 91-92.

49. Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:596-97.Google Scholar

50. SB Or IV 135, fol. 99; Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:631.Google Scholar

51. SB Or IV 135, fol. 105; Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:644-45.Google Scholar Poison plots are a recurrent topos in the account of the anonymous author, who records three attempts on Shah cAbbas I's life too: cf. SB Or IV 135, fols. 62-63, 99.

52. Ibid., fols. 100-4; Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:641-43.Google Scholar Other Safavid historical sources relate the execution of Talib Khan and Ughurlu Khan somehow otherwise: cf. Iskandar Beg/Muhammad Yusuf, Ẕayl, 142-47, 163; Isfahani, Khulāṣat al-siyar, 184-85, 188Google Scholar; Mirza Muhammad Yusuf Walih Isfahani, Khuld-i barīn, BL Or MS 4,132, fols. 87a-89a.

53. Savory, R. M. Iran under the Safavids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 228-31.Google Scholar

54. Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:636-48Google Scholar; Krusinski, Judasz Tadeusz The History of the Late Revolutions of Persia, translated by Cerceau, Du 2 vols. (London: J. Osborne, 1740; reprint New York: Arno Press, 1973), 1:43-48.Google Scholar

55. Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:636-37Google Scholar; Krusinski, History, 1:44. [The German original is slightly different: “Dann Schach Sefi hat Alsbald sein Regiment mit vielen Blutvergiessen augefangen/und also tyrannisiret/dergleichen in etlichen hundert Jahren von Keinem Könige in Persien geschehen.” In Adam Olearius, Vermehrte newe Beschreibung der Muscowitischen und persischen Reyse (Schleswig: Johan Holtwein, 1656; repr. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1971), 654.Google Scholar -Ed.]

56. Hanway, Jonas An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea, 4 vols. (London: T. Osborne, 1754), 2:92-94, 93 and 95 respectively.Google Scholar

57. Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:617, 619Google Scholar; Krusinski, History, 1:24, 28Google Scholar; Hanway, An Historical Account, 2:92.Google Scholar

58. Krusinski, History, 1:10Google Scholar; Hanway, An Historical Account, 2:91.Google Scholar

59. The first Mughal troops were allowed into Qandahar on 8 March 1638: cf. Islam, Riazul Indo-Persian relations (Tehran: Iranian Culture Foundation, 1970), 104.Google Scholar However, fighting between Safavids and Mughals in the area of Qandahar lasted until the following summer: ibid., 104.

60. Olearius mentions Khalil, cArab Khan's own astrologer, Mulla Muhibb-cAli and a cavalry un bāshī named Imam Quli, and the many gifts he received from his friends and teachers when he returned to Shamakhi in 1638 (“plusieurs presens de mes amis & precepteurs“): cf. Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:393-95, 679Google Scholar; 2:32-33. In particular, Muhibb-cAli would teach Olearius Arabic; the same mulla and Imam Quli were also teaching the German traveller “their language” (it is not clear whether Persian is meant with these words, or Turkish, or maybe both), and were learning German from him.

61. Ibid., 2:3.

62. Ibid., 1:546, 585-86; 2:64-65. John Emerson mentions only in passing both SB Or IV 135 and Haqq Virdi, leaving untouched the question of the authorship of the Berlin manuscript and that of the Persian sources of Olearius's work: cf. his “Adam Olearius and the literature of the Schleswig-Holstein missions to Russia and Iran, 1633-1639,” in Calmard, Jean ed., Etudes Safavides (Paris-Tehran: Institut français de recherche en Iran, 1993), 42-43.Google Scholar

63. Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:400Google Scholar; 2:3, 32-36, 63.

64. Ibid., 1:655; 2:3.

65. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:318Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 2:896-97Google Scholar; Ch. Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian manuscripts in the British Museum (London: The Trustees of the British Museum, 1966) (1st ed., 1879-83), 1:188-89.Google Scholar

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67. Morton, “The Date and Attribution of the Ross Anonymous,” 201-2.

68. Rich, “Catalogus Codicum Orientalium,” 332; Haneda, Masashi Le Chāh et les Qizilbāš. Le sistème militaire safavide (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1987), 25-26.Google Scholar

69. Tadhkirat al-Mulūk, translated and explained by Minorsky, Vladimir (Cambridge: E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Trust, 1943), n. 1 p. 36.Google Scholar

70. List of Oriental Manuscripts [of the British Museum]: Early collections and Add. 4291-7942, 1848, fol. 235a; Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian manuscripts, 1:188.Google Scholar

71. “Sharḥ-i ḥāl-i Rustam Khān-i sipahsālār. Zamīmah-i kitāb-i Khulāṣat al-siyar,” ed. Qannadi, Muhammad Riza (unpublished doctoral diss., Tehran, Danishgah-i azad-i Islami, 1369-70/1990-91), 3:1, 4-6.Google Scholar

72. BL Add MS 7,655 bears the date 17 Rabic al-awwal 1104/26 November 1692.

73. With the possible exception of the Futūḥāt-i firaydūniyah of Muhammad Tahir b. Hasan Khadim Bistami, which recounts the feats of the governor of Astarabad, Firaydun Khan Charkas, against the Turkoman tribes: cf. Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 2:871-73.Google Scholar

74. Morton, “The Date and Attribution of the Ross Anonymous,” 183.

75. BL Add MS 7,655, fol. 4b.

76. On the oral sources of Bijan's work, cf. ibid., fols. 5a, 8a.

77. Ibid., fol. 5a; Morton, “The Date and Attribution of the Ross Anonymous,” 202. On the Aḥsan al-tawārīkh, cf. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:306-8Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 2:859-62.Google Scholar

78. BL Add MS 7,655, fols. 7a, 32a, 89a. On the Tārīkh-i cālam-ārā-yi cAbbāsī, cf. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:309-313Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 2:873-81.Google Scholar

79. BL Add MS 7,655, fols. 86b, 89a. On the cAbbāsnāmah, cf. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:314-16Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 2:890-92.Google Scholar

80. BL Add MS 7,655, fols. 58a and, above all, 89a. On the Khulāṣat al-siyar, cf. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:313-14Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 2:886-88.Google Scholar

81. Ibid., 2:882-83.

82. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:317Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 2:894.Google Scholar

83. Mir Muhammad Sacid Mashizi Bardsiri Taẕkirah-i ṣafaviyah-i Kirmān, ed. Bastani Parizi, Muhammad Ibrahim (Tehran: cIlm, 1369/1990), 359-60 ff.Google Scholar

84. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:130Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 1:436-37.Google Scholar

85. Storey, Persian literature, vol. 1, pt. 1:130-31Google Scholar; Stori, Persidskaia literatura, 1:438-40.Google Scholar

86. Morton, “The Date and Attribution of the Ross Anonymous,” 202.

87. Quinn, “Historical Writing,” 120, 222.

88. Cf. above, n. 19.

89. BL Add MS 7,655, fols. 58a-58b; Isfahani, Khulāṣat al-siyar, 223.

90. BL Add MS 7,655, fols. 85b (the meeting between Murtaza Quli Khan Bijarlu and the exile Uzbek ruler, Imam Quli Khan) and 85b-86a (the magnificent reception given to Imam Quli Khan at the Safavid court).

91. Ibid., fols. 68b-70b; Shamlu, Wali Quli Qiṣaṣ al-khāqānī, 1:241-53.Google Scholar

92. Ibid., 1: davāzdah.

93. Morton, “The Date and Attribution of the Ross Anonymous,” 202.

94. Voyages du chevalier Chardin, en Perse, et autres lieux de l'Orient, 10 vols. and atlas, ed. Langlès, L. (Paris: Le Normant, 1811), 5:135Google Scholar; Careri, Francesco Gemelli Giro del Mondo, 6 vols. (Venice: Sebastiano Coleti, 1728), 2:102.Google Scholar

95. Relation du voyage d'Adam Olearius, 1:401. A Mir Ashub Hamadani, who had been in the service of the qūrchī bāshī Murtaza Quli Khan as qiṣṣahkhwān, is mentioned by Nasrabadi, Taẕkirah, 325, and a mullā-yi qiṣṣahkhwān in the service of Dawud Khan, the beglarbegī of Qarabagh in 1632, is mentioned by Iskandar Beg/Muhammad Yusuf, Ẕayl, 113. Shāhnāmahkhwāns and qiṣṣahkhwān are mentioned together by Malik Shah Husayn b. Malik Ghiyas al-Din Muhammad b. Shah Mahmud Sistani, Iḥyāᵓ al-Mulūk, ed. Situdah, Manuchihr (Tehran: Bungah-i tarjumah wa nashr-i kitab, 1344/1965), 250, 254.Google Scholar

96. Nizam, Siyaqi Futūḥāt-i humāyūn, 1:125-44.Google Scholar