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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2009
It has often been said that the desertion of disproportionately large numbers of Irish and German voters from the Democratic party in 1920 was a major factor in producing the Republican landslide of that year. Warren G. Harding certainly had a German-American father-in-law, had had pro-German sympathies before 1917, and as early as 1916 had been spoken of as a man whom the German-American community could support for the Presidency. The Democratic candidate was undoubtedly identified with Woodrow Wilson, who through his unwillingness to press for self-determination for Ireland could be said to have ‘alienated nearly all of Irish America’. But it is difficult, lacking knowledge as we do of the precise numbers of Irish and German voters who swung away from the Democrats, to feel that a final statement on the matter has been made, while those statements which have been made have not been finally convincing, even where based on statistical evidence.
1 See, for instance, Bagby, Wesley M., The Road to Normalcy: The Presidential Campaign and Election of 1920 (Baltimore, 1962), pp. 153–5Google Scholar; Bailey, Thomas A., Wilson and the Peacemakers (New York, 1947), p. 342Google ScholarBlum, John M. et al. , The National Experience (2nd edn., New York, 1968), p. 622Google Scholar; Link, Arthur S., American Epoch: A History of the United States since the 1890s (New York, 1955), pp. 248–9Google Scholar; Lubell, Samuel, The Future of American Politics (New York, 1952), pp. 135–8Google Scholar; Sinclair, Andrew, The Available Man: The Life Behind the Masks of Warren Gamaliel Harding (New York, 1965), p. 163Google Scholar; Sullivan, Mark, Our Times: The United States 1900–1925, VI, The Twenties (New York, 1935), pp. 117–18Google Scholar; Wittke, Carl, German-Americans and the World War (with Special Emphasis on Ohio's German-Language Press) (Columbus, Ohio, 1936), p. 209Google Scholar; Wittke, , The Irish in America (Baton Rouge, 1956), p. 291Google Scholar; Wittke, , ‘Ohio's German Language Press in the Campaign of 1920’, Procs. of M.V.H.A., 10, Pt. III (1920–1921), 468–80.Google Scholar
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4 Huthmacher, J. Joseph, Massachusetts People and Politics 1919–1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. 42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 Loc. cit.
6 Ibid., p. 43.
7 Burner, David, ‘The Breakup of the Wilson Coalition of 1916’, Mid-Am., 45 (1963), 28–9, 32.Google Scholar
8 Ibid., p. 33.
9 Robinson, Edgar E., The Presidential Vote 1896–1932 (Stanford, 1934), p. 275Google Scholar
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11 New York Times, 4 November 1920.
12 Freidel, Frank, Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Ordeal (Boston, 1954), p. 88 and noteGoogle Scholar. No figures are given to support this statement.
13 Karson, Marc, American Labour Unions and Politics, 1900–1918 (Carbondale, Ill., 1958), p. 88Google Scholar; Esslinger, Dean R., ‘American German and Irish Attitudes Toward Neutrality, 1914–1917; A Study of Catholic Minorities’, Cath.H.R. 53 (07 1967), 201, 207, 210–11, 212.Google Scholar
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17 Ibid., 12 November 1916; Link, , Campaigns for Progressivism and Peace, p. 161 and n. 137Google Scholar; Kerr, Thomas J. IV, ‘German-Americans and Neutrality in the 1916 Election’, Mid-Am., 43 (1961), 103–4.Google Scholar
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20 New York Times Magazine, 19 November 1916, p. 3. It would not be accurate to say that the question of what happened to the Irish and German vote in 1916 has been finally solved. Little statistical work seems to have been done on the matter, though Leary has investigated the first-generation Irish vote in vital areas. His figures, however, suffer from failing to take the second-generation into account, although there is no reason to suppose that in doing so he would need to alter his conclusions. But to be quite fair to the authorities whose statistical work on the 1920 election has been rejected, it is a little unfortunate that it is necessary to take as correct the largely statistically unsupported assertions of what was the case in 1916. It is clearly possible to argue that two standards of judgement are being used here, one for the 1916 election and another for the 1920 election. But against this it can be said that Leary's figures seem incontrovertible, and also, though it may not be totally wise to admit it, it is necessary for the argument of this article that there be no swing from the Democrats among the Irish and Germans in 1916.
21 The method used to establish these figures is described in the Appendix.
22 Robinson, , Presidential Vote, p. 21.Google Scholar
23 See also Slossom, Preston W., The Great Crusade and After 1914–1928 (New York, 1931), p. 91Google Scholar, which speaks of 1920 as showing a ‘nadir of interest in American politics’, and Huthmacher, , Massachusetts People and Politics, p. 44.Google Scholar
24 New York Times, 3 November 1920.
25 Burner, , ‘Breakup of the Wilson Coalition…’, p. 27.Google Scholar
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27 Livermore, S., ‘The Sectional Issue in the 1918 Congressional Election’, M.V.H.R. (1948). 29–60.Google Scholar
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31 The swing can be turned into a percentage from figures in Robinson, , Presidential Vote, pp. 145–50, 177–85, 226–7, 247–56 275–80, 292–9, 308–13.Google Scholar
32 Figures available in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census…1920 (Washington, 1922), iii, pp. 123, 270–2, 455–6, 565–6, 701, 793–4, 883Google Scholar. There were too few Irish- and German-born in Cumberland, Gallatin, Hamilton, Hardin, Johnson and Pope counties, Illinois, and in Fulton, Juniata, Snyder and Union counties, Pennsylvania, to be included in the census figures and so these counties have had to be left out of further calculations.
33 Figures in Fourteenth Census…, ii, pp. 194, 210, 226, 234, 248, 254, 260.
34 Fourteenth Census…, ii, pp. 812, 813, 817.
35 Fourteenth Census…, ii, p. 891.
36 Ibid., ii, pp. 711, 712, 713, 715, 762, 902–3; iii, pp. 123, 270–2, 455–6, 565–6, 701, 793–4, 883, 902–3.
37 Ibid., iii, p. 123; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census of the United States…1900 (Washington, 1901), i, p. 739.Google Scholar
38 Ibid., i, p. 759; Fourteenth Census…, iii, p. 456.
39 Fourteenth Census…, ii, pp. 194, 210, 226, 234, 248, 254, 260.
40 Calculations about registered electorates would have to take into account the complicating factor that states like Illinois, California, Ohio and New York had different registration systems for differing densities of population. See Harris, Joseph P., Registration of Voters in the United States (Washington, 1929), especially pp. 93–8.Google Scholar
41 Figures in Fourteenth Census…, iii, pp. 112–17, 251–60, 443–4, 551–61, 684–9, 776–83, 859–65.
